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Shrinking Civic Space for Human Rights Defenders in Afghanistan Following the U.S. Military Drawdown in 2014 2014年美军撤军后,阿富汗人权捍卫者的公民空间不断缩小
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.3.1941
Abdul Rahman Yasa
Civic space, an imperative to a democratic society where citizens can exercise their basic rights, is now under attack in Afghanistan. The fall of the Islamic Emirate in 2001 by a coalition of the U.S.-led military intervention grounded the rise of a vibrant environment for civil society and human rights defenders (HRDs). Promoting and safeguarding democratic values, mainly freedom of speech, assembly, and association, enshrined within a progressive constitutional framework, had turned to the topic of the day. The heavy presence of foreign troops with the money influx put strong support behind the nascent Afghan CSOs, HRDs, and democracy advocates to speak up for the many repressed Afghans. However, the drawdown of foreign troops proceeded by protracted political infighting between Afghan leaders over power-sharing, shaped a grim milestone for civic space and human rights in 2014. The Afghan security forces had learned but not enough to take full security responsibility. Meanwhile, the Afghan leaders were wrestling over power in Kabul while an emboldened Taliban was threatening civic space by making more territorial gains in provinces. Consequently, the security situation deteriorated dramatically, triggering widespread public protests. To respond, the government resorted to the use of force against protesters, and democratic advocates and introduced legal restrictions to prevent any prospective unrest. Finally, the U.S. military withdrawal has doubled concerns over the loss of the rights under civic space. Therefore, the United States should stay, not forever, but until the Afghan peace negotiations succeed.
公民空间是公民可以行使基本权利的民主社会的必要条件,现在在阿富汗受到攻击。2001年,美国领导的军事干预联盟推翻了伊斯兰酋长国,为民间社会和人权维护者创造了一个充满活力的环境。促进和维护民主价值观,主要是体现在进步宪法框架内的言论、集会和结社自由,已成为当时的话题。外国军队的大量存在和资金的涌入为新生的阿富汗民间社会组织、人权捍卫者和民主倡导者提供了强有力的支持,为许多被压迫的阿富汗人发声。然而,外国军队的缩编是由于阿富汗领导人之间在权力分享问题上旷日持久的政治内讧而进行的,这在2014年为公民空间和人权树立了一个严峻的里程碑。阿富汗安全部队已经吸取了教训,但还不足以承担全部安全责任。与此同时,阿富汗领导人正在喀布尔争夺权力,而胆子更大的塔利班则通过在各省获得更多领土来威胁公民空间。因此,安全局势急剧恶化,引发了广泛的公众抗议。作为回应,政府对抗议者和民主倡导者使用了武力,并引入了法律限制,以防止任何潜在的骚乱。最后,美国的撤军使人们对失去公民空间权利的担忧加倍。因此,美国应该留下来,而不是永远留下来,直到阿富汗和平谈判取得成功。
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引用次数: 1
Insurgent Women: Female Combatants in Civil Wars. By Jessica Trisko Darden, Alexis Henshaw and Ora Szekely. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2019. 反叛妇女:内战中的女性战士。作者:Jessica Trisko Darden, Alexis Henshaw和Ora Szekely。华盛顿特区:乔治城大学出版社,2019。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.3.1977
D. Sibila
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引用次数: 0
Networks of Threats: Interconnection, Interaction, Intermediation 威胁网络:互联、互动、中介
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.3.1942
Julien Theron
The rapidly changing global security environment requires to constantly adapt our understanding of threats. The findings of this paper confirm that threats interact with each other on three levels. Security, conflict, war, and strategic studies converge to build a new qualitative theoretical framework for threat analysis. Shaping the global security environment, threats communicate on three levels. Firstly, the interconnection of agents with similar ideological and/or strategic motivations connects threats. Secondly, interaction exacerbates incidental threats through cooperation, competition, and convergence. Thirdly, intermediation occurs between antagonistic threats trying to achieve common intermediary objectives. These networks are driven by agents maximizing their impact and reveals the autonomization and socialization of threats. Tackling these networks requires a global approach and the mobilization of collective security.
快速变化的全球安全环境要求我们不断调整对威胁的理解。本文的研究结果证实,威胁在三个层面上相互作用。安全、冲突、战争和战略研究汇集在一起,为威胁分析建立了一个新的定性理论框架。在塑造全球安全环境的过程中,威胁有三个层面。首先,具有相似意识形态和/或战略动机的代理人之间的相互联系将威胁联系在一起。其次,互动通过合作、竞争和融合加剧了附带的威胁。第三,在敌对威胁之间进行调解,以实现共同的调解目标。这些网络是由代理人最大限度地发挥其影响所驱动的,并揭示了威胁的自治化和社会化。对付这些网络需要采取全球办法和动员集体安全。
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引用次数: 3
Urban Security and Counterterrorism: An Approach to Proportionality 城市安全与反恐:一种相称性的方法
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.3.1924
Tegg Westbrook, T. Schive
As cities and crowded areas increasingly become targets of terrorist plots and attacks, there is ample demand for risk assessment tools that consider proportional measures that reduce the threat, vulnerability, and possible impacts, whilst providing ‘security returns’ for those investments. There is a risk in this process of over- or under-fortifying places based on practitioners’ subjective biases, experiences, dead reckoning and conflicting agendas. Currently, risk assessments rely on qualitative tools that do not consider proportionality that removes these inherent biases. Critiquing well-known urban design strategies and national risk assessments, this article therefore seeks to develop a supplementary assessment tool – an equation for proportionality – that is more objective and is created to help practitioners make good choices, in particular on: (1) reducing the threat, (2) vulnerability, (3) impact, (4) accepting risk, and (5) measuring a security measure’s ability to deter, delay or stop an attack. It concludes that while no assessment is truly objective, the equation works to remove as much subjectivity as possible when assessing proportional urban security.
随着城市和人口密集地区越来越多地成为恐怖阴谋和袭击的目标,人们对风险评估工具有着充足的需求,这些工具考虑了减少威胁、脆弱性和可能影响的比例措施,同时为这些投资提供“安全回报”。在这个过程中,基于从业者的主观偏见、经验、死亡清算和相互冲突的议程,存在着过度或不足强化场所的风险。目前,风险评估依赖于不考虑消除这些固有偏见的相称性的定性工具。因此,本文批评了著名的城市设计战略和国家风险评估,试图开发一种更客观的补充评估工具——比例方程,旨在帮助从业者做出正确的选择,特别是在以下方面:(1)减少威胁,(2)脆弱性,(3)影响,(4)接受风险,以及(5)衡量安全措施威慑、延迟或阻止攻击的能力。它得出的结论是,虽然没有任何评估是真正客观的,但在评估比例城市安全时,该等式可以尽可能多地消除主观性。
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引用次数: 1
Past Attacks, Future Risks: Where Are We 20-years After 9/11? 过去的袭击,未来的风险:9/11事件后的20年我们在哪里?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.3.1964
Fox, Sarah Jane
his year, 2021, marks the 20th anniversary since 9/11, recorded as the ‘day that changed the world.’ Security remains an area where governments and airlines are continuously struggling to stay ahead, but since 9/11 there have been other challenges to the air transport industry – not least Covid-19. This research primarily critically reviews the actions taken in the aftermath of 9/11 from the US and EU perspective, before consideration is given to the current/present situation, the new, and emerging challenges being faced. The research is undertaken through a legal/policy perspective. The findings are that internationally and regionally, society is not prepared for another attack and that there remain a number of challenges that stand to impact aviation; ultimately, more collective action is needed to mitigate for such risks going forward.
他所在的2021年是911事件20周年,911事件被称为“改变世界的一天”。“安全仍然是政府和航空公司一直在努力保持领先的领域,但自9/11以来,航空运输业还面临着其他挑战,尤其是新冠疫情。本研究主要从美国和欧盟的角度批判性地回顾了9/11事件后采取的行动,然后考虑到当前/当前的情况,面临的新的和正在出现的挑战。这项研究是从法律/政策角度进行的。调查结果显示,在国际和地区范围内,社会还没有为另一场袭击做好准备,仍有许多挑战将影响航空业;最终,需要更多的集体行动来减轻未来的此类风险。
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引用次数: 0
Involuntary Celibates’ Experiences of and Grievance over Sexual Exclusion and the Potential Threat of Violence Among Those Active in an Online Incel Forum 非自愿独身者的经验和不满的性排斥和潜在的暴力威胁在那些活跃的在线猥亵论坛
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1910
A. Speckhard, Molly Ellenberg, Jesse Morton, Alexander Ash
This article represents the largest ever primary data-based study of involuntary celibates (incels), previously studied nearly exclusively through analysis of online postings. The incel movement has been characterized by some as a radical ideology, with mass murderers such as Elliot Rodger, Alek Minassian, and Chris Harper Mercer being portrayed as prototypical of the movement. However, there is a dearth of research through direct questioning of incels and therefore very little nuanced understanding of the community, its shared grievances, and its opinions regarding violence in its name. The present study of over 250 self-identified incels demonstrates that although the majority of incels are non-violent and do not approve of violence, those who consider themselves to be staunch misogynists are likely to endorse a desire to commit violence and are also likely to become more misogynistic through participation on incel web forums, which validate their views. The study also finds that while many incels report experiencing a variety of psychological symptoms, they are loath to seek help from mental health professionals. This implies that the threat of violence from a subset of incels should not be ignored, but promotion of compassionate and understanding psychological may be more broadly beneficial to the community.
这篇文章代表了有史以来最大的基于非自愿独身者(incels)的原始数据研究,以前几乎完全通过分析在线帖子进行研究。乱伦运动被一些人描述为一种激进的意识形态,Elliot Rodger、Alek Minassian和Chris Harper Mercer等大屠杀凶手被描绘成该运动的典型。然而,缺乏通过直接质疑乱伦进行的研究,因此对社区、其共同的不满以及其对以其名义实施暴力的看法几乎没有细致入微的了解。目前对250多名自称乱伦的人进行的研究表明,尽管大多数乱伦都是非暴力的,不赞成暴力,但那些认为自己是坚定的厌女主义者的人很可能会支持实施暴力的愿望,而且通过参加乱伦网络论坛,也可能变得更加厌女,这证实了他们的观点。研究还发现,尽管许多乱伦者报告称经历了各种心理症状,但他们不愿意向心理健康专业人员寻求帮助。这意味着不应忽视来自乱伦子集的暴力威胁,但促进同情和理解心理可能对社区更广泛有益。
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引用次数: 29
Border Policing: A History of Enforcement and Evasion in North America, Edited by Holly M. Karibo and George T. Díaz. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, 2020. ISBN 978-1-4773-2067-9. 288 pages, $42.75 (Kindle e-book) $45.00 (hardback). 《边境治安:北美执法和逃亡史》,Holly M.Karibo和George T.Díaz主编。得克萨斯州奥斯汀:得克萨斯大学出版社,2020年。是978-1-4773-2067-9。288页,42.75美元(Kindle电子书)45.00美元(精装本)。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1959
Campbell, Howard
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引用次数: 0
Suboptimal Selective Service: An Analysis of the Obstacles to Selective Service Reform in American Political Institutions 次优兵役制度:美国政治制度中兵役制度改革障碍分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1903
Max Z. Margulies, Leah Foodman
Expanding mandatory selective service registration in the United States to include women would seem to be good public policy that increases national security and reduces gender bias. Despite the recent recommendation of a congressionally-mandated commission, recent efforts to implement this important reform have repeatedly stalled. Why? In this article, we explain the failure of selective service reform through the lens of American political institutions. Neither the composition of the Supreme Court, nor the institutional incentives facing legislators, are conducive to movement on this issue. Building on the legislative entrepreneurship literature, we argue that recent trends in congressional representation and the adoption of new issue framings are the most likely factors that will increase the probability of selective service reform. The absence of selective service reform in the United States reveals important facts about agenda-setting in defense policy and how political institutions shape the relationship between the public and the military.
在美国将强制性选择性服务登记扩大到包括妇女似乎是一项良好的公共政策,可以加强国家安全,减少性别偏见。尽管国会授权的委员会最近提出了建议,但最近实施这一重要改革的努力一再停滞不前。为什么?在这篇文章中,我们通过美国政治制度的视角来解释选择性服务改革的失败。无论是最高法院的组成,还是立法者面临的体制激励,都不利于在这个问题上采取行动。在立法创业文献的基础上,我们认为,国会代表权的最近趋势和新议题框架的采用是最有可能增加选择性服务改革可能性的因素。美国没有进行选择性服务改革,这揭示了国防政策议程设置以及政治机构如何塑造公众和军队之间关系的重要事实。
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引用次数: 1
Energy’s Digital Future: Harvesting Innovation for American Resilience and National Security by Ann Myer Jaffe, Columbia University Press, 2021. ISBN 9780231196826, Photographs. Notes. Sources cited. Index. Pp., 246. $35.00 《能源的数字未来:为美国的韧性和国家安全收获创新》,Ann Myer Jaffe著,哥伦比亚大学出版社,2021年。ISBN 9780231196826,照片。注意事项。引用的消息来源。指数第246页$35
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1956
Peters, Mark
Recommended Citation Peters, Mark , PhD. "Energy’s Digital Future: Harvesting Innovation for American Resilience and National Security by Ann Myer Jaffe, Columbia University Press, 2021. ISBN 9780231196826, Photographs. Notes. Sources cited. Index. Pp., 246. $35.00." Journal of Strategic Security 14, no. 2 (2020) : 126-129. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1956 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol14/iss2/7
推荐引文Peters,Mark,PhD。《能源的数字未来:为美国的韧性和国家安全收获创新》,Ann Myer Jaffe著,哥伦比亚大学出版社,2021年。ISBN 9780231196826,照片。注意事项。引用的消息来源。指数第246页$35.00.《战略安全杂志》14,第2期(2020):126-129。DOI:https://doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1956网址:https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/jss/vol14/iss2/7
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引用次数: 0
The Magnitude of Warfare Revisited – System Polarity and War Duration 重新审视战争的规模——系统极性和战争持续时间
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1885
Marco Nilsson
One of the intractable debates in the study of international conflict is the linkage between polarity and magnitude of interstate warfare. Speculations about the effects of the structure of the international system can be traced back to the Treaty of Westphalia. This article revisits this debate with a focus on war duration, which has received little attention in the literature, and presents the first theoretical discussion of the connection between polarity and war duration. It also uses a hazards model to statistically test whether five different measures of polarity are associated with war duration (1816-1992). The results provide initial support for the hypothesis that an increase in the number of poles in the state system is associated with longer wars on average. The empirical analysis and the theoretical discussion are important for understanding the consequences of the declining U.S. hegemony.
在国际冲突的研究中,一个棘手的争论是国家间战争的极性和规模之间的联系。关于国际体系结构的影响的各种猜测可以追溯到《威斯特伐利亚条约》。本文以文献中很少关注的战争持续时间为重点,重新审视了这一争论,并首次从理论上讨论了极性与战争持续时间之间的联系。它还使用了一个危险模型来统计测试五种不同的极性测量是否与战争持续时间(1816-1992)有关。研究结果初步支持了一种假设,即国家体系中两极数量的增加与平均战争时间的延长有关。实证分析和理论讨论对于理解美国霸权衰落的后果非常重要。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Strategic Security
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