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Drug Wars and Covert Netherworlds: The Transformation of Mexico’s Narco Cartels. By James H. Creechan. Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 2021. 毒品战争和隐秘的阴间世界:墨西哥贩毒集团的转型。詹姆斯·h·克里尚著。图森:亚利桑那大学出版社,2021年。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.2029
S. Laroussi
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引用次数: 1
Rising Temperatures, Rising Tensions: Climate Change and Power Transition Theory 气温上升,紧张局势加剧:气候变化与权力转移理论
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.1969
A. Rodin
Two of the biggest issues in international politics today are climate change and the ongoing power transition between the United States and China. However, very few works examine the way these issues interact with each other. This paper attempts to resolve this by integrating climate change into power transition theory (PTT), which attempts to capture the behavior of states in the midst of transition to or from global power. This paper first analyzes the literatures on the (tenuous) links between environmental degradation and interstate conflict as well as PTT. Opportunities for integration are then examined, especially focusing on climate change's impact on the central variables of power and state satisfaction. These theoretical links are then applied to the looming US-Sino transition and highlight how climate change opens up new arenas of great power competition, exacerbates tensions and impacts relative power in unpredictable ways.
当今国际政治中最大的两个问题是气候变化和美中之间正在进行的权力交接。然而,很少有作品研究这些问题相互作用的方式。本文试图通过将气候变化纳入权力过渡理论(PTT)来解决这一问题,该理论试图捕捉国家在向全球权力过渡或从全球权力过渡过程中的行为。本文首先分析了有关环境退化与州际冲突以及PTT之间(脆弱)联系的文献。然后审查整合的机会,特别是关注气候变化对权力和国家满意度中心变量的影响。这些理论联系随后被应用于即将到来的美中过渡,并突显出气候变化如何开辟大国竞争的新舞台,加剧紧张局势,并以不可预测的方式影响相对实力。
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引用次数: 0
Strategy in an Uncertain Domain: Threat and Response in Cyberspace 不确定领域的战略:网络空间中的威胁与反应
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.1954
J. Devanny, L. Goldoni, B. Medeiros
Over the last decade, "cyber power" has become an increasingly prominent concept and instrument of national strategy. This article explores the nature of contemporary cyber power, focusing on how states should respond to "cyber uncertainty." Cases of cyber operations against Estonia, Georgia, and Ukraine, as well as cyber operations conducted (and suffered) by the United States, highlight the evolving role of cyber operations as an instrument of statecraft. Given the complexity of cyber forensics and the polluted information environment of the global public sphere, the public diplomacy of coordinated attribution statements cannot be expected to cut through conclusively or uniformly. States must therefore organise themselves effectively to produce and implement coherent cyber strategy, improving their relational cyber power. This should focus on cyber security and resilience, but also including effective cyber diplomacy, and assessment of what sovereign offensive capabilities are desirable and feasible.
在过去的十年里,“网络力量”已经成为一个日益突出的概念和国家战略工具。这篇文章探讨了当代网络力量的本质,重点关注各国应如何应对“网络不确定性”。针对爱沙尼亚、格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的网络行动,以及美国进行的(和遭受的)网络行动,突显了网络行动作为治国手段的不断演变的作用。鉴于网络取证的复杂性和全球公共领域被污染的信息环境,不能指望协调一致的归因声明的公共外交最终或一致地通过。因此,各国必须有效组织起来,制定和实施连贯的网络战略,提高其关系网络力量。这应该侧重于网络安全和复原力,但也包括有效的网络外交,以及对主权进攻能力的可取性和可行性的评估。
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引用次数: 4
On Income, Democracy, Political Stability, and Internal Armed Conflicts 论收入、民主、政治稳定与国内武装冲突
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.1982
M. Shiva, H. Molana
Whether or not a country is likely to encounter an internal armed conflict is considered in the literature to depend, among other things, on its extent of economic and political development. Using a dataset covering 139 countries over the 1961-2011 period, we find that a country’s per capita income has an unambiguously negative effect on the probability that it encounters an armed conflict as long as it does not suffer from a severe political instability. In contrast, countries that experience severe political instability are more likely to encounter an armed conflict the higher is their per capita income. The policy implication of our result is clear: safeguarding political stability during hard times is essential – and should take precedence over enhancing democracy and economic growth – for reducing the risk of internal armed conflicts. Our findings do not undermine the importance of protecting democratic institution or accountability, but underscore the importance of collaboration across opposing parties to progress while preserving the political stability.
文献认为,一个国家是否可能遭遇内部武装冲突,除其他外,取决于其经济和政治发展的程度。使用涵盖1961-2011年期间139个国家的数据集,我们发现,一个国家的人均收入对其遭遇武装冲突的可能性有着明确的负面影响,只要它没有遭受严重的政治不稳定。相比之下,经历严重政治不稳定的国家的人均收入越高,就越容易发生武装冲突。我们的结果的政策含义是明确的:在困难时期维护政治稳定对于降低内部武装冲突的风险至关重要,而且应该优先于加强民主和经济增长。我们的调查结果并没有削弱保护民主制度或问责制的重要性,但强调了反对党之间合作对在保持政治稳定的同时取得进展的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Terrorism, Gender, and Women: Toward an Integrated Research Agenda. Edited by Alexandra Phelan. New York: Routledge, 2021. 恐怖主义、性别和妇女:迈向综合研究议程。亚历山德拉·费伦编辑。纽约:劳特利奇出版社,2021。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.2.2031
D. Sibila
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting Domestic Intelligence 重新审视国内情报
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.1976
John Sullivan, G. Lester
This article looks at the evolution of US domestic intelligence prior to and since 9/11 in light of the Capitol attacks. It also reviews the literature and practice of intelligence reform in the context of foreign comparative experience (France, UK, Canada, Australia). It looks at the promise of fusion centers, cocontemporay domestic intelligence models, and the continuing need for domestic intelligence reform.Additional Keywords: Domestic Intelligence, Intelligence Reform, Intelligence Fusion
本文着眼于9/11前后美国国内情报在国会大厦袭击事件中的演变。它还回顾了外国比较经验背景下的情报改革文献和实践(法国、英国、加拿大、澳大利亚)。它着眼于融合中心的前景、同期的国内情报模式,以及国内情报改革的持续需求。附加关键词:国内情报、情报改革、情报融合
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引用次数: 0
Never Mind Betrayal: America's Indifference to the Kurds is a Strategic Blunder 别介意背叛:美国对库尔德人的冷漠是一个战略失误
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.1973
J. Honigman
Although they have proven themselves to be loyal and capable U.S. partners, America has refused to endorse either independence for Iraqi Kurds or autonomy for Syrian Kurds. That policy has been academically underscored by several Realism-based concepts including an offshore balancing approach to the Middle East. This paper argues that America can adjust to new realities in the region without having to forsake its worthwhile Kurdish partnerships. I first compare and contrast the costs of American support for Kurds and then refute the notion that Kurdish independence in Iraq or autonomy in Syria would cause instability or be nonviable. I then recount recent Kurdish actions that have benefited America and argue that the subsequent U.S. capitulations to Baghdad and Ankara were unnecessary and strategically short-sighted. Lastly, I examine America's relationship with Turkey to discern if it merits impeding U.S. Kurdish policy. This paper concludes that America's endorsement of independence in Iraqi Kurdistan and perpetual autonomy in Northeast Syria would not be merely altruistic, but primarily a realpolitik reassertion of U.S. geopolitical strategy.
尽管他们已经证明自己是忠诚而有能力的美国伙伴,但美国拒绝支持伊拉克库尔德人独立或叙利亚库尔德人自治。这一政策在学术上得到了几个基于现实主义的概念的强调,其中包括对中东采取离岸平衡策略。本文认为,美国可以适应该地区的新现实,而不必放弃其有价值的库尔德伙伴关系。我首先比较和对比了美国支持库尔德人的成本,然后驳斥了伊拉克库尔德人独立或叙利亚库尔德人自治会导致不稳定或不可持续的观点。然后,我叙述了最近库尔德人的行动,这些行动使美国受益,并认为美国随后向巴格达和安卡拉投降是不必要的,而且在战略上目光短浅。最后,我考察了美国与土耳其的关系,以判断它是否值得阻碍美国的库尔德政策。本文的结论是,美国支持伊拉克库尔德斯坦的独立和叙利亚东北部的永久自治不仅仅是出于利他主义,而主要是对美国地缘政治战略的现实政治重申。
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引用次数: 0
China's Energy Security and Relations with Petrostates by Anna Kuteleva, Routledge Publishing, Taylor and Francis Group, 2021. 《中国能源安全和与产油国的关系》,安娜·库特列娃著,劳特利奇出版社,泰勒和弗朗西斯集团,2021年。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.2018
Mark Peters II
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引用次数: 0
A Comparative Analysis of the "Mexican Drug Violence: Hybrid Warfare, Predatory Capitalism and the Logic of Cruelty" and "The Rise of the Narcostate (Mafia States) “墨西哥毒品暴力:混合战争、掠夺性资本主义和残酷逻辑”与“毒品国家(黑手党国家)的兴起”的比较分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.2020
Daniel Argomedo Weisz
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引用次数: 0
Emotional and Rational Decision-Making in Strategic Studies: Moving Beyond the False Dichotomy 战略研究中的感性与理性决策:超越错误的二分法
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-04-01 DOI: 10.5038/1944-0472.15.1.1974
Samuel Žilinčík
It is common, though erroneous, to think of rational and emotional decision-making as being opposed to each other. The binary distinction originated in Western philosophy and subsequently spread to other fields, including strategic studies. Strategic studies scholarship has nurtured this binary in two mainstream traditions, classical strategic theory and the coercion school. The distinction is fallacious because all strategically relevant decisions are emotional, and many of these decisions can be rational. Abandoning the false dichotomy is necessary for the field to remain relevant and for strategists to better understand their choices and the decisions made by their adversaries. Accordingly, this article proposes a new way of thinking about the role of emotions in strategic decision-making, one that starts from the appreciation that all strategically relevant choices are emotional.
认为理性决策和感性决策是相互对立的,这虽然是错误的,但却很常见。这种二元区分起源于西方哲学,随后传播到包括战略研究在内的其他领域。战略研究学术界在古典战略理论和强制学派两大主流传统中培育了这种二元对立。这种区别是错误的,因为所有与战略相关的决策都是情绪化的,而其中许多决策可能是理性的。放弃错误的二分法对于该领域保持相关性和战略家更好地理解他们的选择和他们的对手做出的决定是必要的。因此,本文提出了一种思考情绪在战略决策中的作用的新方法,这种方法从认识到所有与战略相关的选择都是情绪化的开始。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of Strategic Security
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