Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-7
M. Z. Fauzanafi
The expansion of digital technologies and social media in Indonesia shifts practices of citizenship from a formal institutional level toward a more informal digital space. This paper presents the emerging results of research on digital citizenship in Banten, Indonesia, focusing on how new forms of citizenship are brought into being through digital acts that are defined as speech acts uttered through the use of social media. The paper follows digital acts of citizens in anti-corruption campaigns against the patrimonial and clientelistic regime of Banten’s political dynasty that are predominantly staged on Facebook and other online platforms. These digital acts produce and intensify affective publics through which forms of digital citizenship are enacted in opposition to the corrupt dynasty.
{"title":"Searching for Digital Citizenship: Fighting Corruption in Banten, Indonesia","authors":"M. Z. Fauzanafi","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-7","url":null,"abstract":"The expansion of digital technologies and social media in Indonesia shifts practices of citizenship from a formal institutional level toward a more informal digital space. This paper presents the emerging results of research on digital citizenship in Banten, Indonesia, focusing on how new forms of citizenship are brought into being through digital acts that are defined as speech acts uttered through the use of social media. The paper follows digital acts of citizens in anti-corruption campaigns against the patrimonial and clientelistic regime of Banten’s political dynasty that are predominantly staged on Facebook and other online platforms. These digital acts produce and intensify affective publics through which forms of digital citizenship are enacted in opposition to the corrupt dynasty.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80315193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-9
Rainer Einzenberger
Myanmar ICT for Development Organization (MIDO) is a non-governmental organization in Myanmar focusing on Internet and Communication Technologies (ICTs). Established in 2012, MIDO focuses on ICTs for development, Internet freedom, and Internet policy advocacy. In 2013, it organized the first Myanmar Internet Freedom Forum in Myanmar, supported by Freedom House . Phyu Phyu Thi is both co-founder and research and development manager of MIDO. She holds a master’s degree in sustainable development from Chiang Mai University, Faculty of Social Sciences in Thailand, and a bachelor’s degree in science from Yangon University. Her interests include technology and development, social media, diffusion of information, and behavior. Htaike Htaike Aung is co-founder and executive director of MIDO. She is working as a digital security and privacy consultant. She is also co-founder of the Myanmar Blogger Society and co-organizer of BarCamp Yangon – a user-generated conference primarily focusing on technology and the Internet which is part of a larger international network.
{"title":"\"If It's on the Internet It Must Be Right\": An Interview With Myanmar ICT for Development Organisation on the Use of the Internet and Social Media in Myanmar","authors":"Rainer Einzenberger","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-9","url":null,"abstract":"Myanmar ICT for Development Organization (MIDO) is a non-governmental organization in Myanmar focusing on Internet and Communication Technologies (ICTs). Established in 2012, MIDO focuses on ICTs for development, Internet freedom, and Internet policy advocacy. In 2013, it organized the first Myanmar Internet Freedom Forum in Myanmar, supported by Freedom House . Phyu Phyu Thi is both co-founder and research and development manager of MIDO. She holds a master’s degree in sustainable development from Chiang Mai University, Faculty of Social Sciences in Thailand, and a bachelor’s degree in science from Yangon University. Her interests include technology and development, social media, diffusion of information, and behavior. Htaike Htaike Aung is co-founder and executive director of MIDO. She is working as a digital security and privacy consultant. She is also co-founder of the Myanmar Blogger Society and co-organizer of BarCamp Yangon – a user-generated conference primarily focusing on technology and the Internet which is part of a larger international network.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75257419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-6
J. Reyes
This study explores the relationships of subjective happiness and self-perceived health with leisure time activities and sociodemographic variables among Filipinos. It uses data from the International Social Survey Programme 2007: Leisure Time and Sports (ISSP 2007), and is the first paper that specifically investigates the case of the Philippines. Ordinary least square and multinomial logistic regression analyses were conducted in this study. Age was found to have significant negative relationships with leisure time activity engagement, subjective happiness, and self-perceived health. Body Mass Index was found to significantly predict a better self-perceived health. Cultural, TV/music, and social leisure activities were found to be significant predictors only in some of the outcome categories of happiness and health, whereas physical leisure activities were not found to be significant. Notably, subjective happiness and self-perceived health were significantly predicted by subjective socio-economic status, but not by actual family income. Implications of the results are discussed in terms of the Philippines’ context as a ‘developing country’ together with possibilities for an improved perception of quality of life among Filipinos.
{"title":"Exploring Leisure Time Activities and Sociodemographic Indicators of Subjective Happiness and Self-Perceived Health Among Filipinos","authors":"J. Reyes","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-6","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores the relationships of subjective happiness and self-perceived health with leisure time activities and sociodemographic variables among Filipinos. It uses data from the International Social Survey Programme 2007: Leisure Time and Sports (ISSP 2007), and is the first paper that specifically investigates the case of the Philippines. Ordinary least square and multinomial logistic regression analyses were conducted in this study. Age was found to have significant negative relationships with leisure time activity engagement, subjective happiness, and self-perceived health. Body Mass Index was found to significantly predict a better self-perceived health. Cultural, TV/music, and social leisure activities were found to be significant predictors only in some of the outcome categories of happiness and health, whereas physical leisure activities were not found to be significant. Notably, subjective happiness and self-perceived health were significantly predicted by subjective socio-economic status, but not by actual family income. Implications of the results are discussed in terms of the Philippines’ context as a ‘developing country’ together with possibilities for an improved perception of quality of life among Filipinos.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80387001","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-3
W. Schaffar
Since 2010, Facebook has become a battleground between competing political camps in Thailand. Facebook groups like the Social Sanction group, tellingly abbreviated as SS, and the Rubbish Collector Organization, which was founded in 2014 and has attracted more than 200,000 members, have played a crucial role in the process of political radicalization. The aim of these groups is to expose political opponents by accusing them of lese-majeste, which can result in a prison sentence of 15 years or more. The groups also serve as fora for hate speech and are increasingly used as a tool of mobilization for state-sponsored mass events by the authoritarian regime that came to power with the coup d’etat of May 2014. Contrary to its popular perception as a tool for democratization, Facebook has been successfully used by political groups reminiscent of fascist vigilante groups. This paper analyses the genesis of these groups and discusses the phenomenon in a broader political and historical context.
{"title":"New Social Media and Politics in Thailand: The Emergence of Fascist Vigilante Groups on Facebook","authors":"W. Schaffar","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-3","url":null,"abstract":"Since 2010, Facebook has become a battleground between competing political camps in Thailand. Facebook groups like the Social Sanction group, tellingly abbreviated as SS, and the Rubbish Collector Organization, which was founded in 2014 and has attracted more than 200,000 members, have played a crucial role in the process of political radicalization. The aim of these groups is to expose political opponents by accusing them of lese-majeste, which can result in a prison sentence of 15 years or more. The groups also serve as fora for hate speech and are increasingly used as a tool of mobilization for state-sponsored mass events by the authoritarian regime that came to power with the coup d’etat of May 2014. Contrary to its popular perception as a tool for democratization, Facebook has been successfully used by political groups reminiscent of fascist vigilante groups. This paper analyses the genesis of these groups and discusses the phenomenon in a broader political and historical context.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89322012","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-4
O. Guntarik, V. Trott
Traditionally marginalized groups now have more access to new and unconventional means to participate in politics, transforming the media ecologies of existing political environments. Contemporary feminist scholarship has centered on how women use new media technologies to serve political agendas. However, this literature focuses predominately on women in the West, while women in developing countries, or Asia more generally, have been largely excluded from analysis. This article aims to fill in this gap by examining Thai women’s online activities during the 2013/2014 Bangkok political protests. Specifically, we ask how the rise of social and digital media has altered what it means to participate politically in the context of Thai women’s present-day political experience. To answer this question we looked at how women resorted to various digital and social media to discuss women’s rights and political issues, including Yingluck Shinawatra’s political leadership as Thailand’s first female prime minister (2011-2014). Moving beyond traditional notions of participation, we argue that there is a need to recognize the emerging dynamics of women’s online engagement in the political landscape of Thailand. In the context of a totalitarian state, speaking out against the ruling authority online embodies an additional layer of citizen resistance, a feature of digital life that is often taken for granted in Western democracies.
{"title":"Changing media ecologies in Thailand: Women's online participation in the 2013/2014 Bangkok protests","authors":"O. Guntarik, V. Trott","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-4","url":null,"abstract":"Traditionally marginalized groups now have more access to new and unconventional means to participate in politics, transforming the media ecologies of existing political environments. Contemporary feminist scholarship has centered on how women use new media technologies to serve political agendas. However, this literature focuses predominately on women in the West, while women in developing countries, or Asia more generally, have been largely excluded from analysis. This article aims to fill in this gap by examining Thai women’s online activities during the 2013/2014 Bangkok political protests. Specifically, we ask how the rise of social and digital media has altered what it means to participate politically in the context of Thai women’s present-day political experience. To answer this question we looked at how women resorted to various digital and social media to discuss women’s rights and political issues, including Yingluck Shinawatra’s political leadership as Thailand’s first female prime minister (2011-2014). Moving beyond traditional notions of participation, we argue that there is a need to recognize the emerging dynamics of women’s online engagement in the political landscape of Thailand. In the context of a totalitarian state, speaking out against the ruling authority online embodies an additional layer of citizen resistance, a feature of digital life that is often taken for granted in Western democracies.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79968977","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-5
Saskia Schäfer
This article discusses the online activism of Indonesian atheists. While most of the little existent scholarship on atheism in Indonesia views the controversial cases in the light of the violation of Western-style rights to free speech and religious liberty, a closer look at the public discourses both online and offline reveals a more complex picture. The article embeds atheist activism and the well-known case of Alexander An in the changing landscape of religion and state in post-Suharto Indonesia. It points at the intricate relationship between atheism and blasphemy and shows how activists not only carve a space for themselves online, but also seek to counter the negative and anti-religious image that decades-long campaigning has created for atheists. Activists use Facebook, Twitter, messaging systems, and forums such as Quora, both to become visible and yet allow for anonymity. Their online communication and activism is often coupled with offline meetings. In this way, atheists allow for a thriving ‘community’, and also present atheism positively in public. However, to defend atheism this way also has its downsides, as it aligns Indonesian atheists with an international network of mainly Western-funded human rights activists and thus runs the risk of further alienating them from a nation that strongly defines itself along religious identity.
{"title":"Forming 'Forbidden' Identities Online: Atheism in Indonesia","authors":"Saskia Schäfer","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-5","url":null,"abstract":"This article discusses the online activism of Indonesian atheists. While most of the little existent scholarship on atheism in Indonesia views the controversial cases in the light of the violation of Western-style rights to free speech and religious liberty, a closer look at the public discourses both online and offline reveals a more complex picture. The article embeds atheist activism and the well-known case of Alexander An in the changing landscape of religion and state in post-Suharto Indonesia. It points at the intricate relationship between atheism and blasphemy and shows how activists not only carve a space for themselves online, but also seek to counter the negative and anti-religious image that decades-long campaigning has created for atheists. Activists use Facebook, Twitter, messaging systems, and forums such as Quora, both to become visible and yet allow for anonymity. Their online communication and activism is often coupled with offline meetings. In this way, atheists allow for a thriving ‘community’, and also present atheism positively in public. However, to defend atheism this way also has its downsides, as it aligns Indonesian atheists with an international network of mainly Western-funded human rights activists and thus runs the risk of further alienating them from a nation that strongly defines itself along religious identity.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80911481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-1
Dayana Lengauer
"New media technologies [have] altered the infrastructures and rhythms of everyday life" (Horst, 2012, p. 62) - this is true not only for technology-driven metropolitan areas in Eeast Asia or the USA, but also, and particularly, for those Southeast Asian countries that hold some of the largest numbers of social media users in the world. Yet, contrary to popular expectations of an interconnected global network society (Castells, 1996), a number of ethnographic studies have exposed the rather unorthodox ways in which digital technologies have become part of the daily dynamics of social, cultural, and political life that depend largely on particular regional settings, infrastructures, offline relationships, and other aspects of locality (Hine, 2000, p. 27; Horst, 2013, pp. 149-151; Horst & Miller, 2006; Madianou & Miller, 2012; Miller, 2011; Miller & Slater, 2000; Postill, 2011; ,h Servaes, 2014; Slater, 2013). Focusing on New Media in Southeast Asia, this issue contributes to this project of "provincializing" (Coleman, 2010, p. 489) digital media, particularly social media, by following the ways in which people go about organizing their social, cultural, and political lives in largely institutionalized and conflict-laden environments.Directing their focus toward the political participation of urban middle classes ses in authoritarian and post-authoritarian regimes, the authors of this special issue explore the ways in which different actors set the parameters for participation in digital space, and seize digital media for their socio-political and cultural agendas. This approach allows them to avoid media-centric generalizations and various forms of technological determinism associated with the early work of media theorist Marshall McLuhan and others (Baym, 2015, pp. 27-44). Without disregarding the importance of external forces, such as political centralization, bureaucratization, and urbanization, as well as their regional particularities, contributions place a strong emphasis on the agency of Internet users. Hence, digital media feed into, reflect, and shape "symbolic struggles over the perception of the social world" (Bourdieu, 1989, p. 20) by allowing for new types of exchange and socialities to emerge "across the gap between the virtual and the ® actual" (Boellstorff, 2012, p.While contributions to this issue deploy the terms digital and social media by addressing concrete, non-analog technologies and applications, such as the Internet or Facebook, the term new media is rarely discussed in detail. Inquiring what makes new media new, llana Gershon (2010, p. 10) goes well beyond the factual innovations introduced by what we know today as Web 2.0 (O'Reilly, 2007; see also Ellison & boyd, 2013). Rather than the technologies she argues, it is people's perceptions of and experiences with social media (e.g., Facebook or Instagram) that define them as new. Internet users, as Hine (2000) poses in her book Virtual Ethnography, are involved in the const
{"title":"New Media in Southeast Asia: Concepts and Research Implications","authors":"Dayana Lengauer","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-1","url":null,"abstract":"\"New media technologies [have] altered the infrastructures and rhythms of everyday life\" (Horst, 2012, p. 62) - this is true not only for technology-driven metropolitan areas in Eeast Asia or the USA, but also, and particularly, for those Southeast Asian countries that hold some of the largest numbers of social media users in the world. Yet, contrary to popular expectations of an interconnected global network society (Castells, 1996), a number of ethnographic studies have exposed the rather unorthodox ways in which digital technologies have become part of the daily dynamics of social, cultural, and political life that depend largely on particular regional settings, infrastructures, offline relationships, and other aspects of locality (Hine, 2000, p. 27; Horst, 2013, pp. 149-151; Horst & Miller, 2006; Madianou & Miller, 2012; Miller, 2011; Miller & Slater, 2000; Postill, 2011; ,h Servaes, 2014; Slater, 2013). Focusing on New Media in Southeast Asia, this issue contributes to this project of \"provincializing\" (Coleman, 2010, p. 489) digital media, particularly social media, by following the ways in which people go about organizing their social, cultural, and political lives in largely institutionalized and conflict-laden environments.Directing their focus toward the political participation of urban middle classes ses in authoritarian and post-authoritarian regimes, the authors of this special issue explore the ways in which different actors set the parameters for participation in digital space, and seize digital media for their socio-political and cultural agendas. This approach allows them to avoid media-centric generalizations and various forms of technological determinism associated with the early work of media theorist Marshall McLuhan and others (Baym, 2015, pp. 27-44). Without disregarding the importance of external forces, such as political centralization, bureaucratization, and urbanization, as well as their regional particularities, contributions place a strong emphasis on the agency of Internet users. Hence, digital media feed into, reflect, and shape \"symbolic struggles over the perception of the social world\" (Bourdieu, 1989, p. 20) by allowing for new types of exchange and socialities to emerge \"across the gap between the virtual and the ® actual\" (Boellstorff, 2012, p.While contributions to this issue deploy the terms digital and social media by addressing concrete, non-analog technologies and applications, such as the Internet or Facebook, the term new media is rarely discussed in detail. Inquiring what makes new media new, llana Gershon (2010, p. 10) goes well beyond the factual innovations introduced by what we know today as Web 2.0 (O'Reilly, 2007; see also Ellison & boyd, 2013). Rather than the technologies she argues, it is people's perceptions of and experiences with social media (e.g., Facebook or Instagram) that define them as new. Internet users, as Hine (2000) poses in her book Virtual Ethnography, are involved in the const","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89934538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-8
Sirima Thongsawang
This paper examines the role of mobile technology in the lives of Thai immigrants in Berlin. By using qualitative research methods, this research investigates how new digital and social media applications have affected the organization of Thai immigrants on both individual and institutional levels, with a particular focus on the Royal Thai Embassy in Berlin. Mobile technologies today are widely used in the diaspora, by both individuals and social institutions, to maintain relationships with the homeland and to promote national affairs. Both individual Thai immigrants and official staff of the embassy rely significantly on Internet sites, particularly on social networking sites such as Facebook, to gain information on Thailand and to expand their networks. This paper explores changes in communication and their implications for Thais and their respective institutions in Germany.
{"title":"Mobile Technology in the Lives of Thai Immigrants in Germany","authors":"Sirima Thongsawang","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-8","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the role of mobile technology in the lives of Thai immigrants in Berlin. By using qualitative research methods, this research investigates how new digital and social media applications have affected the organization of Thai immigrants on both individual and institutional levels, with a particular focus on the Royal Thai Embassy in Berlin. Mobile technologies today are widely used in the diaspora, by both individuals and social institutions, to maintain relationships with the homeland and to promote national affairs. Both individual Thai immigrants and official staff of the embassy rely significantly on Internet sites, particularly on social networking sites such as Facebook, to gain information on Thailand and to expand their networks. This paper explores changes in communication and their implications for Thais and their respective institutions in Germany.","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87358611","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-12-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-10
Dayana Lengauer
Above the rooftops of Vienna's old city center and on the top floor of the building of one of the world's leading technology companies, a selected number of international scholars working on new media and religion in Indonesia gathered early this year to discuss their current research.1 They were invited by the Austrian Science Fund (Fonds zur Forderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung, or FWF) project "Islamic (lnter)Faces of the Internet: Emerging Socialities and Forms of Piety in Indonesia" led by Martin Slama, a researcher at the Institute for Social Anthropology at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. The workshop, which was comprised of 12 presentations in the span of two days, focused on social media and digital technologies uses and Islamic practices of Muslims in different parts of Southeast Asia. The central question that informed this workshop was how the rising use of new communication technologies affects Islamic practices and forms of piety in the Muslim majority countries of Southeast Asia. The presentations touched upon a number of related issues including Islamic finances, fashion, music, and youth culture. They discussed changes in the perception and representation of religious authority or the revival of lslamic concepts in the light of social media uses. Apart from popular Islamic expressions of piety, some presenters addressed issues of religious sectarianism and sentiments of hate spread through the online presence of particular religious groups.What remained uncontested throughout those two days was the fact that social media have become an indispensable part of the daily practices and socialities of Muslims throughout Southeast Asia (Barendregt, 2012; Slama, 2016). For example, followers connect to their lslamic leader, be it the local preacher or the country's most influential Sufi scholar, by simply opening Facebook. Islamic leaders, on their part, use social media as means of self-representation in yet unprecedented ways. These online presences trigger new perceptions and articulations of authority and preacher-followers relationships which do not remain uncontested. This is the case when, for example, self-representations on the Internet intersect with the Islamic concept of riya, roughly translated as "showing off". Yet, social media and other online platforms, such as forums or blogs, offer ample space for users to discuss and eventually find agreement upon such activities. This is only one example of how 'new' media prompt the renegotiation of traditional practices, forms of communication, and self-representation (Gershon, 2010).The infusion of digital media in everyday expressions of Islamic piety affect not only the construction of Islamic authority but also popular understandings of Islamic gender roles. Selfies, popular among social media users across Southeast Asia, expose those behind the camera to exhibitionist narratives and other forms of criticism framed in the discourse of Muslim femininity and virtue. Notab
{"title":"Workshop Report: Social Media and Islamic Practice in Southeast Asia, 14-15 April 2016, Institute for Social Anthropology, Austrian Academy of Sciences","authors":"Dayana Lengauer","doi":"10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.2-10","url":null,"abstract":"Above the rooftops of Vienna's old city center and on the top floor of the building of one of the world's leading technology companies, a selected number of international scholars working on new media and religion in Indonesia gathered early this year to discuss their current research.1 They were invited by the Austrian Science Fund (Fonds zur Forderung der wissenschaftlichen Forschung, or FWF) project \"Islamic (lnter)Faces of the Internet: Emerging Socialities and Forms of Piety in Indonesia\" led by Martin Slama, a researcher at the Institute for Social Anthropology at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. The workshop, which was comprised of 12 presentations in the span of two days, focused on social media and digital technologies uses and Islamic practices of Muslims in different parts of Southeast Asia. The central question that informed this workshop was how the rising use of new communication technologies affects Islamic practices and forms of piety in the Muslim majority countries of Southeast Asia. The presentations touched upon a number of related issues including Islamic finances, fashion, music, and youth culture. They discussed changes in the perception and representation of religious authority or the revival of lslamic concepts in the light of social media uses. Apart from popular Islamic expressions of piety, some presenters addressed issues of religious sectarianism and sentiments of hate spread through the online presence of particular religious groups.What remained uncontested throughout those two days was the fact that social media have become an indispensable part of the daily practices and socialities of Muslims throughout Southeast Asia (Barendregt, 2012; Slama, 2016). For example, followers connect to their lslamic leader, be it the local preacher or the country's most influential Sufi scholar, by simply opening Facebook. Islamic leaders, on their part, use social media as means of self-representation in yet unprecedented ways. These online presences trigger new perceptions and articulations of authority and preacher-followers relationships which do not remain uncontested. This is the case when, for example, self-representations on the Internet intersect with the Islamic concept of riya, roughly translated as \"showing off\". Yet, social media and other online platforms, such as forums or blogs, offer ample space for users to discuss and eventually find agreement upon such activities. This is only one example of how 'new' media prompt the renegotiation of traditional practices, forms of communication, and self-representation (Gershon, 2010).The infusion of digital media in everyday expressions of Islamic piety affect not only the construction of Islamic authority but also popular understandings of Islamic gender roles. Selfies, popular among social media users across Southeast Asia, expose those behind the camera to exhibitionist narratives and other forms of criticism framed in the discourse of Muslim femininity and virtue. Notab","PeriodicalId":37990,"journal":{"name":"Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88381088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2016-06-30DOI: 10.14764/10.ASEAS-2016.1-1
M. Pichler, A. Brad
INTRODUCTIONFrom July 2015 onwards, forest and peat fires raged once again in Indonesia, mainly on the remaining forests in Sumatra and Kalimantan. By the end of the year, acrid haze extended to the neighboring countries of Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand, releasing CO2 emissions equivalent to the annual emissions in Germany and driving a public health emergency across the region. Under the Haze Wave, everyday life in Indonesia was brought to a standstill, thousands of people were evacuated, and offices and schools were closed. Land clearance through slash and burn practices for industrial plantations that feed a massive global demand for palm oil and pulpwood were reported as the root cause of the fires (Balch, 2015; Osborn, Torpey, Franklin, & Howard, 2015).The appropriation and control of land for these patterns of resource-based development - along with selective industrialization processes and rapid urbanization - have significantly contributed to economic growth in Southeast Asia. At the same time, the region - and especially marginalized groups - face the environmental and social costs of centuries of resource extraction (e.g., deforestation, water pollution, flooding, biodiversity loss, eviction of indigenous people or ethnic minorities, surge in urban poor) that give rise to resistance and conflicts against these forms of economic development. This special issue features a focus on such socio-ecological conflicts from a political ecology perspective. It brings together an interdisciplinary collection of expressions of conflict over land, forests, water, mining, and environmental assets, and discusses the power relations underlying these forms of contestation as well as the strategies of different actors to deal with the unequal outcomes of environmental and resource politics.POLITICAL ECOLOGY, POWER RELATIONS, AND SOCIO-ECOLOGICAL CONFLICTSIn contrast to debates about natural scarcities, political ecology highlights the societal and political character of resource extraction and environmental impacts (Robbins, 2012). The interdisciplinary research agenda analyzes the appropriation of nature and the distribution and consumption of natural resources as an explicitly political process that is linked to social relations of ownership and control (Bryant & Bailey, 1997; Neumann, 2005; Robbins, 2012). Society-nature relations hence evolve in historically and geographically embedded constellations that are linked to power, domination, and inequalities. Based on a political economy understanding, Bryant and Bailey (1997) conceptualize power as the "ability of an actor to control" (p. 39) the access to nature and natural resources as well as the access of other actors to these resources. Power is, then, the control that one person, social group, or state has over the access to and the distribution of natural resources of another person, social group, or state, both in material (e.g., control of access to land, natural resources, and environmenta
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