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Hvem er “vi” egentlig? 谁是“我们”?
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i2.129661
Martin Friis
This article explores Paul’s use of first-person plural forms in Galatians (specifically Gal 2:15-16; 3:13-14; 3:23-29; 4:1-7 and 4:26 and 31). Proponents of the ‘Sonderweg perspective’ and of ‘the radical new perspective on Paul’ argue that Paul uses these forms as a rhetorical device. He seeks to identify himself with his non-Jewish audience without implying that he himself nor his fellow Jews share in ‘our’ (i.e., non-Jewish) experiences. In opposition to this view, this article presents a ‘new Pauline perspective’ understanding of Paul’s use of ‘we’/’our’. Instead of assuming that his ‘we’ should be construed as ‘you’, it is argued that it ought to be seen as an inclusive ‘we’. Throughout his argumentation in Galatians Paul actively alludes to experiences that he himself and his fellow Christ-believing Jews have partaken in, including the reception of the Spirit, adoption, and liberation from slavery of the flesh and from being ‘under the Law’.
这篇文章探讨了保罗在加拉太书中使用第一人称复数形式(特别是加2:15-16;3:13-14;3:23-29;4:1-7和4:26和31)。“Sonderweg视角”和“对保罗的激进新视角”的支持者认为,保罗使用这些形式作为修辞手段。他试图与非犹太观众认同自己,而不暗示他自己和他的犹太同胞都有“我们”(即非犹太人)的经历。与这种观点相反,本文对保罗使用“我们”/“我们”提出了一种“新的波林视角”的理解。与其假设他的“我们”应该被解释为“你”,不如认为它应该被视为一个包容的“我们”。在加拉太书的整个论证过程中,保罗积极地暗示了他自己和其他信奉基督的犹太人所经历的经历,包括接受圣灵、收养和从肉体奴役和“受律法约束”中解放出来。
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引用次数: 0
“Den guddommeligt skønne natur” “大自然的神圣之美”
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i1.128069
Svend Andersen
Abstract: The article offers a contribution to the understanding of K.E. Løgstrup’s metaphysics focusing on his reading of Friedrich Hölderlin’s poetry and Martin Heidegger’s interpretation thereof. Heideggerian ontology plays a crucial role in Løgstrup’s theology as a philosophical explication of the pre-understanding of Christian faith. At first, existential ontology was essential in this respect, but later Løgstrup realized the necessity of broadening the view to being in general, which equals the movement towards metaphysics. In this movement, Hölderlin as interpreted by Heidegger is pivotal, an important element being the “poetic openness” Løgstrup introduces in The Ethical Demand. In unpublished manuscripts, Løgstrup claims that poetic openness in Hölderlin has an ontological and metaphysical content, and his reading thereby anticipates central themes in his later metaphysics such as omnipresence, particularity, and the history-nature relation.
摘要:本文以Løgstrup对霍尔德林诗歌的解读和对其的解读为重点,对理解其形而上学思想作出了贡献。海德格尔本体论作为对基督教信仰预先理解的哲学解释,在Løgstrup的神学中发挥着至关重要的作用。起初,存在主义本体论在这方面是必不可少的,但后来Løgstrup意识到有必要将视野扩大到普遍存在,这等于向形而上学的运动。在这场运动中,海德格尔所解读的霍尔德林是关键,一个重要的元素是Løgstrup在《伦理需求》中引入的“诗意的开放性”。在未发表的手稿中,Løgstrup声称霍尔德林的诗歌开放性具有本体论和形而上学的内容,因此他的阅读预见了他后来形而上学的中心主题,如无所不在、特殊性和历史与自然的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Indhold 所容纳之物
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i1.128065
Redaktionen
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引用次数: 0
Evangelielæsningens placering og funktion i dansk højmesseordning 福音派阅读在丹麦高等弥撒中的地位与作用
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i1.128070
Holger Villadsen
Abstract: This article examines the place of the Gospel reading and the Creed in Danish liturgy. In the first centuries after the Reformation, the Gospel was sung from the altar followed by the Creed, normally a Danish hymn. The Gospel was read once more from the pulpit before the sermon. In the 19th century, the Gospel was often only read from the pulpit in connection with the sermon and the Creed gradually disappeared. At the end of the 19th century, a new lectionary was introduced with two years and two different Gospel readings: the first from the altar, the second from the pulpit as the text for the sermon. In the middle of the 20th century, the Creed was reinstated after the Gospel from the altar, but now as the Apostles’ Creed. In 1992, the Danish Church got a new Service Book with three biblical readings: Old Testament, Epistle and Gospel. Here the Gospel is normally read from the pulpit and the Apostles’ Creed read or sung from the altar after the Epistle.
摘要:本文探讨了读福音和信经在丹麦礼拜仪式中的地位。在宗教改革后的第一个世纪,福音是在祭坛上唱的,然后是信条,通常是丹麦的赞美诗。布道前,人们在讲坛上再次宣读了福音。在19世纪,福音书通常只在讲坛上与布道有关,信条逐渐消失。19世纪末,一种新的选集被引入,有两年的时间和两种不同的福音读物:第一种是在祭坛上,第二种是在讲坛上,作为布道的文本。在20世纪中期,《信条》在《福音书》之后从祭坛上恢复,但现在被称为《使徒信条》。1992年,丹麦教会收到了一本新的服务书,里面有三本圣经读物:《旧约》、《书信集》和《福音书》。在这里,福音通常在讲坛上宣读,使徒信条在书信之后在祭坛上宣读或演唱。
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引用次数: 1
Forord: Danske variationer
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i1.128081
B. K. Holm
Danske variationer Med dette nummer begynder en ny æra for Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift. Fra og med dette nummer udkommer tidskriftet kun digital, men til gengæld med fuld adgang fra publikationsdagen. Vi håber, at dette vil føre til endnu større udbredelse og interesse for DTT, end den der allerede er til stede.Dette nummer indeholder tre artikler, der hver især behandler vigtige aspekter af dansk teologi- og kirkehistorie. I den første artikel “‘Vom Ehebruch und weglauffen’. Skilsmissegrunde hos Bugenhagen, Hemmingsen og Frederik II” udvider Per Ingesman vores viden om efterreformatorisk dansk retshistorie. Som blandt andet den amerikanske retshistoriker John Witte Jr. har vist, var efterreformatorisk rets­historie præget af to hovedlinjer, en skriftbunden og en fortsættelse af kanonisk retstradition. Ingesman viser her, hvad det betød for dansk ægteskabslovgivning, idet han sammenligner Johannes Bugenhagens “Vom Ehebruch und weglauffen” skrevet til Christian III i 1539 med dels Niels Hemmingsens Libellus de coniugio, repudio, et divortio fra 1572, dels Frederiks IIs ægteskabsordinans fra 1582. Mens Hemmingsen er tydeligt inspireret af Melanchthons indoptagelse af romersk og kanonisk ret, ligger ægteskabsordinansen tættere på det, som Ingesman kalder en fællesprotestantisk ægteskabsret, der trods dens fokus på skriftbegrundelse også havde rødder tilbage i førreformatorisk retspraksis.I “‘Den guddommelige skønne natur’. Heideggers Hölderlintolkning og Løgstrups metafysik” leverer Svend Andersen på baggrund af fund i Løgstruparkivet et stykke grundforskning af betydning for forståelsen af Løgstrups metafysik. Med Løgstrups egne råd til en student som disposition, præsenterer Andersens først sin egen læsning af Hölderlins elegi “Heimkunft. An die Verwandten” fra 1801, inden han præsenterer Løgstrups tolkninger, som han sammenligner med Heideggers. Mellem de to sidstnævnte finder han markante forskelle, der tydeligt viser skellet mellem Heidegger og Løgstrup og lader ane grundperspektivet for Løgstrups senere skabelsesfilosofi, som Andersen samtidig ser som en udvidelse af Løgstrups oprindelige eksistensfilosofiske position.I den sidste dobbeltartikel “Evangelielæsningens placering og funktion i dansk højmesseordning” bidrager Holger Villadsen til dansk liturgihistorie med den første samlede oversigt over evangelie­læsningens placering fra reformationen til i dag. Reformationens betoning af Ordets forkyndelse førte evangelielæsningen op på prædikestolen, hvilket gav udfordringer for den samlede liturgi og blandt andet fik som konsekvens, at trosbekendelsens sammenhæng med evangelielæsningen blev brudt. Bo Kristian Holm
这一期标志着《丹麦神学杂志》进入了一个新时代。从本期起,该杂志将仅以数字方式出版,但自出版之日起可完全访问。我们希望这将导致对数字地面电视的传播和兴趣比现有的更大。本期共有三篇文章,每一篇都涉及丹麦神学和教会历史的重要方面。在第一篇文章“Vom Ehebruch und weglaufen”中,Per Ingesman扩展了我们对改革后丹麦法律史的了解。正如美国法律历史学家小约翰·维特(John Witte Jr.)所表明的那样,后改革派法律史有两条主线,一条是圣经主线,另一条是对规范法律传统的延续。英格斯曼在这里展示了它对丹麦婚姻法的意义,他将约翰内斯·布根哈根1539年写给克里斯蒂安三世的《Vom Ehebruch und weglaufen》与尼尔斯·海明森1572年的《Libellus de coniugio,repudio》和弗雷德里克二世1582年的婚姻条例进行了比较。虽然赫明森显然受到了梅拉奇通采用罗马法和规范法的启发,但婚姻条例更接近英格斯曼所说的普通原型婚姻法,尽管该法侧重于书面辩护,但也植根于形成前的判例。在海德格尔的Hölderlin解释和Løgstrup的形而上学中,Svend Andersen在Lødstrup档案中的发现的基础上,提供了一篇对理解Lønstrup形而上学具有重要意义的基础研究。在Løgstrup自己对学生的建议下,Andersen首先展示了他自己对Hölderlin 1801年的挽歌《Heimkunft.An die Verwandden》的解读,然后展示了Lødstrup的解读,他将其与海德格尔的解读进行了比较。在后两者之间,他发现了明显的差异,这些差异清楚地表明了海德格尔和勒格斯特鲁普之间的区别,并暗示了勒格斯特鲁普后期创作哲学的基本视角,安徒生也将其视为勒格斯特鲁普原始存在哲学的延伸。Holger Villadsen在上一篇双刊文章《福音派阅读在丹麦高等弥撒中的地位和作用》中,首次全面概述了从宗教改革到今天的福音派阅读的地位,为丹麦礼仪史做出了贡献。宗教改革对教义宣讲的重视将福音的阅读带到了讲坛上,这对整个礼拜仪式构成了挑战,并导致打破了信仰忏悔和阅读福音之间的联系。Bo·克里斯蒂安·霍尔姆
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引用次数: 0
Else K. Holt: Narrative and Other Readings in the Book of Esther. The Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies 712 埃尔斯·K·霍尔特:《以斯帖书》中的叙述和其他读物。希伯来圣经/旧约研究图书馆712
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i1.128073
F. Poulsen
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引用次数: 0
“Vom Ehebruch und weglauffen” 外遇与通奸
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i1.128068
Per Ingesman
Abstract: In 1539, Johann Bugenhagen wrote a book, Vom Ehebruch und weglauffen (“On adultery and desertion”), to advice King Christian III on the handling of marital cases. Based on Scripture, divorce is allowable only if a spouse commits adultery or runs away secretly. The article compares Bugenhagen’s two grounds for divorce with those found in Niels Hemmingsen’s Libellus de coniugio, repudio, et divortio from 1572 and in the Marriage Ordinance of King Frederik II of 1582. It is argued that Hemmingsen in allowing six grounds for divorce, including e.g. violence and impiety, follows Philipp Melanchthon, who not only accepted the two scriptural grounds, but also a number of additional grounds from Roman Law and Canon Law. With its three grounds for divorce – adultery, desertion, and impotence – the Marriage Ordinance of 1582 reflected legal practice developed in the law courts that had been handling marital cases since the introduction of the Reformation.
摘要:1539年,约翰·布根哈根写了一本名为《论通奸和遗弃》的书,为国王克里斯蒂安三世处理婚姻案件提供建议。根据圣经,只有当配偶通奸或偷偷逃跑时才允许离婚。本文将布根哈根的两种离婚理由与尼尔斯·海明森1572年的《同居、离婚、离婚》和1582年腓特烈二世的《婚姻条例》中的离婚理由进行了比较。有人认为,Hemmingsen允许六种离婚理由,包括暴力和不虔诚,是继Philipp Melanchthon之后,Philipp Melanchthon不仅接受了两种圣经理由,而且还接受了罗马法和教会法的一些额外理由。1582年的《婚姻条例》规定了离婚的三个理由——通奸、被遗弃和性无能——这反映了自宗教改革以来法院处理婚姻案件的法律实践。
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引用次数: 0
Heinz Schilling: Karl V. Der Kaiser dem die Welt zerbrach. Biographie. 卡尔五世,摧毁世界的皇帝。传记.
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-07-16 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v84i1.128072
Martin Schwarz Lausten
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引用次数: 0
Korsets gåde – en undersøgelse af offerbegrebets filosofiske og teologiske implikationer 十字架之谜——对牺牲概念的哲学和神学含义的考察
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-12 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v83i3-4.125880
Annette Hjort Knudsen
According to Asle Eikrem’s book “God as Sacrificial love”, the concept of the Christian God as a God of love is not coherent with the claim that Jesus was sacrificed on the cross for the redemption of human sins. Eikrem’s conclusion builds on a conceptual framework that describes the crucifixion as a self-sacrifice. His argument makes Jesus co-responsible, thus sanctioning the violent action. This way, evil becomes instrumental which is inconsistent with the notion of God as love. It is the intention of this article to show that (at least) one alternative conceptual framework makes it possible to maintain the view that the crucifixion was necessary for Jesus’ redemptive mission. The crucifixion is thus not inconsistent with, but rather a consequence of the conception of God as love. For Jesus to realize God’s incarnational intention of establishing a living fellowship with humanity is for him to realize a fellowship of experienced damnation followed by a truly redemptive resurrection.
根据Asle Eikrem的著作《上帝作为爱的牺牲》,基督教上帝作为爱之神的概念与耶稣被献祭在十字架上以救赎人类罪恶的说法并不一致。Eikrem的结论建立在一个概念框架之上,该框架将钉十字架描述为自我牺牲。他的论点使耶稣承担连带责任,从而批准了暴力行为。通过这种方式,邪恶变成了工具,这与上帝作为爱的概念不一致。这篇文章的目的是表明(至少)有一个替代的概念框架可以维持耶稣被钉十字架是救赎使命所必需的观点。因此,钉十字架并不是不一致的,而是上帝作为爱的概念的结果。对于耶稣来说,要实现上帝与人类建立生活友谊的化身意图,就意味着他要实现一种经历了诅咒的友谊,然后才是真正的救赎复活。
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引用次数: 0
Athanasios af Alexandrias 39. Påskebrev fra påsken 367 亚历山大的亚他那修39。复活节信367
Q4 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-05-07 DOI: 10.7146/dtt.v83i3-4.125883
Nils Arne Pedersen, Lasse Løvlund Toft
This is the first translation into Danish of the Coptic Sahidic version of Athanasius’ famous 39th Festal Letter from AD 367, which established the Biblical Canon and contained for the first time precisely those 27 New Testament scriptures which are still the Christian norm today. The translation is introduced, annotated, and based on the two existing Coptic manuscripts. The Greek excerpt of a part of the Festal Letter is also translated.
这是公元367年亚他那修著名的第39封节日信的科普特语萨希迪语版本第一次翻译成丹麦语,这封书信建立了圣经正典,第一次包含了27个新约经文,这些经文今天仍然是基督教的规范。翻译是介绍,注释,并基于两个现有的科普特手稿。节日书信的一部分的希腊节选也被翻译。
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引用次数: 0
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Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift
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