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Web Documentary Participation as a Basis for Intercultural and Social Engagement and Second Language Acquisition 网络纪录片参与:跨文化和社会参与以及第二语言习得的基础
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/jemms.2021.130206
I. Rivero-Vilá
Foreign language documentary films offer limitless possibilities for language teaching and are an ideal medium for the integration of the target culture and for the promotion of serious and committed discussions about human rights, diversity, global issues, and sustainability. Language learning is based on current cultural contexts so that students become more engaged with the world. In order to integrate this world into my class, I became a documentary filmmaker and filmed everyday life while I was living in Nantes, France. In my interactive documentary (i-doc), students can explore the different opportunities that Nantes has to offer, from street art to socially engaged activities and student demonstrations. The learner watches and listens to interviews in the i-doc at their own pace and engages with the francophone community.
外语纪录片为语言教学提供了无限的可能性,是融合目标文化和促进关于人权、多样性、全球问题和可持续性的严肃和坚定讨论的理想媒介。语言学习以当前的文化背景为基础,这样学生就能更多地融入世界。为了将这个世界融入我的课堂,我成为了一名纪录片导演,在法国南特生活期间拍摄日常生活。在我的互动纪录片(i-doc)中,学生们可以探索南特提供的不同机会,从街头艺术到社会参与活动和学生示威。学习者按照自己的节奏观看和收听i-doc中的访谈,并与法语社区进行交流。
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引用次数: 0
Empowering Critical Memory Consciousness in Education 在教育中增强批判性记忆意识
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/jemms.2021.130205
Alexandre Dessingué, Ketil Knutsen
This article addresses memory studies from an educational perspective. In order to encourage pupils and students as independent agents in memory cultures they are part of, it is not enough to (as history education prescribes) learn history as a narrative about the past based on official sources or via the analyses of different uses of history. Rather, today history should also be considered as one of many different dynamic memory acts that define and redefine the past and the societies we live in. We therefore develop the concept of critical memory consciousness and argue for a memory pedagogy that gives learners the possibility to analyze memories that arise out of collective, cultural, and dialogic processes.
这篇文章从教育的角度讨论记忆研究。为了鼓励学生在他们所处的记忆文化中成为独立的主体,(正如历史教育所规定的那样)将历史作为一种基于官方资料或通过对历史不同用途的分析而对过去的叙述来学习是不够的。相反,今天的历史也应该被视为许多不同的动态记忆行为之一,这些行为定义和重新定义了过去和我们所生活的社会。因此,我们提出了批判性记忆意识的概念,并主张一种记忆教学法,使学习者有可能分析来自集体、文化和对话过程的记忆。
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引用次数: 0
From Temporary Migrants to National Inclusion? 从临时移民到国家融合?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/jemms.2021.130201
Lina Spjut
This article explores ways in which textbook content can reflect national identity over time via a case study of Swedish textbooks. To this end, it analyzes and contextualizes descriptions of Finnish labor migrants in Sweden in seventy-four compulsory school textbooks. The Finnish labor group emigrated from Finland to Sweden mainly from the 1950s to the 1980s. Initially, the Swedish authorities saw them as temporary laborers, but as time went by, the authorities had to realize that they had become permanent residents. In 2000, Finns were defined as an official national minority, “Sweden-Finns,” and their status changed. This article examines representations of Finnish labor migrants in Swedish history, geography and social science textbooks published between 1954 and 2016, tracing their journey from temporary laborers to a permanent national minority.
本文通过对瑞典教科书的案例研究,探讨了教科书内容随时间变化反映民族认同的方式。为此,本文分析了74本义务教育教科书中对芬兰劳工移民在瑞典的描述,并将其置于语境中。芬兰劳工群体主要在20世纪50年代至80年代从芬兰移民到瑞典。起初,瑞典当局认为他们是临时工,但随着时间的推移,当局不得不意识到他们已经成为永久居民。2000年,芬兰人被官方定义为少数民族,“瑞典芬兰人”,他们的地位发生了变化。本文考察了芬兰劳工移民在1954年至2016年间出版的瑞典历史、地理和社会科学教科书中的表现,追溯了他们从临时工到永久少数民族的历程。
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引用次数: 0
Ein Opfernarrativ macht Schule? 奥古斯特?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/jemms.2021.130202
Nils Jochum
Mit dem krisenhaften Übergang von der “Ersten” zur “Zweiten” Republik in den 1990er Jahren hat sich in Italien ein “Erinnerungsboom” um die vormals marginalisierten foibe-Massaker entwickelt. Aus den begrenzten, aber komplexen Gewalt-Ereignissen an der italienischen Ostgrenze am Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges wird ein nationales Opfernarrativ konstruiert, welches die faschistischen Verbrechen verblassen lässt. Das Gesetz zur Einführung des Gedenktages aus dem Jahr 2004 erhebt die foibe zum Bildungsauftrag der Schulen. Wie werden die foibe seitdem in italienischen Geschichtsschulbüchern, die keiner staatlichen Kontrolle unterliegen, gedeutet? Die Analyse der Schulbücher offenbart ein sehr breites Deutungsspektrum der foibe. Die Darstellungen oszillieren zwischen der nationalen Opfererzählung und den historischen Erkenntnissen zur italienischen Tätergeschichte im Zweiten Weltkrieg.
随着20世纪90年代从“第一”共和国向“第二”共和国的充满危机的过渡,意大利出现了一场“记忆繁荣”,而这一此前被边缘化的foibe大屠杀。在二战结束时围绕着意大利东部边境发生的有限而复杂的暴力事件中,一个国家的电影院英雄主义正在酝酿,从而战胜了法西斯的罪行。2004年纪念碑的实施法规定学校的教育目标。自那以后,意大利的历史课本中对福伊拜的意义又如何解释呢?根据对学校书籍的分析它生动地描绘了国家受害者故事和二战中的意大利犯罪历史。
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引用次数: 0
German Colonial Rule in Present-day Namibia 德国在今纳米比亚的殖民统治
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/jemms.2021.130203
Patrick Mielke
This article traces discursive shifts in the ways in which imperialism and European colonialism have been dealt with in the classroom in relation to the German history textbook Time for History (Zeit für Geschichte), which was published in 2010. It explores how the textbook’s representation of German colonial rule in present-day Namibia both raises awareness of and reproduces common colonialist-racist images of the “other” by demonstrating how its content is negotiated in year-nine history lessons, as observed over the course of an ethnographic study carried out in a German secondary school. The author assesses the complex interplay between discursive practices of negotiation, everyday educational practices and deeply rooted, colonialist-racist images of the “other” and, on the basis of this interplay, analyses how difficult it is to bring about content-based and discursive shifts in the classroom.
本文以2010年出版的德国历史教科书《历史时代》(Zeit f r Geschichte)为参照,追溯了帝国主义和欧洲殖民主义在课堂上被处理的方式的话语转变。通过在德国一所中学开展的民族志研究中观察到的九年级历史课的内容,探讨了教科书中对德国在当今纳米比亚殖民统治的描述如何提高了人们对“他者”的认识,并再现了常见的殖民主义-种族主义形象。作者评估了谈判的话语实践、日常教育实践和根深蒂固的殖民主义-种族主义“他者”形象之间复杂的相互作用,并在这种相互作用的基础上,分析了在课堂上实现基于内容和话语的转变是多么困难。
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引用次数: 0
The “Imagined Other” “想象中的他者”
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.3167/jemms.2021.130204
Deepa Nair
In 2014, the National Democratic Alliance, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), won the general election with the highest number of seats won by any party since 1984 and went on to win a second term victory in 2019. Since the rise of the BJP, Hindu nationalist interventions into education have increased. Their agenda has been to “indigenise, nationalise and spiritualise” education in India. To this end, textbooks were written to promote a Hindu majoritarian idea of India that sees Hindus as the primary citizens of India and categorizes Muslims as the “other”. This article outlines the political context in which Hindu nationalists have recently attempted to rewrite Indian history by focusing on the period of Muslim rule in India. It looks at textbooks published by the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and media reports about regional history rewriting in India.
2014年,由印度人民党(BJP)领导的全国民主联盟(National Democratic Alliance)赢得了自1984年以来任何政党赢得的最多席位,并在2019年赢得了第二个任期的胜利。自从印度人民党崛起以来,印度教民族主义对教育的干预有所增加。他们的议程是将印度的教育“本土化、国有化和精神化”。为此,教科书的编写是为了宣传印度教占多数的印度思想,将印度教徒视为印度的主要公民,并将穆斯林归类为“他者”。本文概述了印度民族主义者最近试图通过关注印度穆斯林统治时期来重写印度历史的政治背景。它着眼于国家教育研究与培训委员会(NCERT)出版的教科书和媒体关于印度改写地区历史的报道。
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引用次数: 1
Memory Makers of the Great Patriotic War 卫国战争的记忆制造者
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/JEMMS.2021.130102
Anne E. Hasselmann
In the wake of the German invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941, Soviet museum curators began to establish a museal depiction of the war. This article analyzes these early beginnings of Soviet war commemoration and the curtailing of its surprising heterogeneity in late Stalinism. Historical research has largely ignored the impact of Soviet museum workers (muzeishchiki) on the evolution of Russian war memory. Archival material from the Red Army Museum, now renamed the Central Museum of the Armed Forces, in Moscow and the Belarus Museum of the History of the Great Patriotic War in Minsk documents the unfolding of locally specific war exhibitions which stand in stark contrast to the later homogenized official Soviet war narrative. Yet war memory was not created unilaterally by the curators. Visitors also participated in its making, as the museum guestbooks demonstrate. As “sites of commemoration and learning,” early Soviet war exhibitions reveal the agency of the muzeishchiki and the involvement of the visitors in the “small events” of memory creation.
在1941年6月德国入侵苏联之后,苏联博物馆馆长开始建立对战争的博物馆描述。本文分析了苏联战争纪念活动的这些早期开端,以及斯大林主义晚期对其令人惊讶的异质性的限制。历史研究在很大程度上忽视了苏联博物馆工作人员(muzeishchiki)对俄罗斯战争记忆演变的影响。位于莫斯科的红军博物馆(现更名为中央武装部队博物馆)和位于明斯克的白俄罗斯卫国战争历史博物馆的档案材料记录了当地特定战争展览的展开,这些展览与后来同质化的苏联官方战争叙事形成鲜明对比。然而,战争记忆并不是策展人单方面创造的。从博物馆的留言簿上可以看到,游客们也参与了它的制作。作为“纪念和学习的场所”,早期的苏联战争展览揭示了muzeishchiki的机构和参观者参与记忆创造的“小事件”。
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引用次数: 0
De-Orientalizing the Western Gaze on Eastern Europe 西方对东欧的目光去东方化
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/JEMMS.2021.130107
B. Christophe
Comparing narratives of the Soviet occupation in 1940 in current textbooks by two leading Lithuanian publishing houses, I claim that Lithuanian textbooks offer diverging accounts, which mirror to a large extent the opposing mnemonic frames supported by two rival political camps. I also show that the same textbooks tame those differences by transcending the politically charged frames they have chosen in the first place, presenting, for example, the USSR as both villain and victim of the war. Considering the relevance of these findings for our understanding of dynamics of remembering in general and in the Lithuanian culture of memory in particular, I point out that embracing the political inherent in all acts of recalling the past does not necessarily lead to politicized, i.e. narrow-minded memories, and I reflect on what these mnemonic practices mean for reevaluating the traditional role of Eastern Europe as the backward other of Western Europe.
通过比较立陶宛两家主要出版社现行教科书中关于1940年苏联占领的叙述,我认为立陶宛教科书提供了不同的叙述,这些叙述在很大程度上反映了两个敌对政治阵营所支持的相反的记忆法框架。我还表明,同样的教科书通过超越他们最初选择的充满政治色彩的框架来驯服这些差异,例如,将苏联呈现为战争的恶棍和受害者。考虑到这些发现与我们对记忆动力学的理解的相关性,特别是在立陶宛的记忆文化中,我指出,在回忆过去的所有行为中接受政治固有并不一定会导致政治化,即狭隘的记忆,我反思了这些记忆实践对于重新评估东欧作为西欧落后的他者的传统角色意味着什么。
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引用次数: 1
“Russia My History” 《俄罗斯我的历史》
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/JEMMS.2021.130103
Olga Konkka
This article analyzes the presentation of the Second World War in the multimedia “history parks” of the Russian educational project “Russia My History.” In these exhibition complexes, modern digital technologies offer visitors a “revolutionary” way to discover Russian history. The article first explores the history and conception of the Russia My History project, as a pedagogical tool, a digital museum, a historical narrative, and a response to current memory policies. Next, I focus on the exhibition dedicated to the Second World War (specifically, on its technical, visual, structural, lexical, and historical aspects) and assess the impact of the digitalization and commodification of history on the traditionally rigid official Russian memory of the war. I attempt to show that instead of exploiting digital technologies to develop new approaches to the history of the war, the exhibition neglects the potential of multimedia and provides a narrative close to the one used in Soviet and post-Soviet textbooks.
本文分析了第二次世界大战在俄罗斯教育项目“俄罗斯我的历史”的多媒体“历史公园”中的表现。在这些展览综合体中,现代数字技术为游客提供了一种“革命性”的方式来探索俄罗斯历史。本文首先探讨了“俄罗斯我的历史”计划的历史和概念,作为教学工具、数字博物馆、历史叙述,以及对当前记忆政策的回应。接下来,我将重点关注第二次世界大战的展览(特别是在技术、视觉、结构、词汇和历史方面),并评估历史的数字化和商品化对传统上僵化的俄罗斯官方战争记忆的影响。我试图表明,这次展览没有利用数字技术来开发研究战争史的新方法,而是忽视了多媒体的潜力,提供了一种接近苏联和后苏联教科书中使用的叙事方式。
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引用次数: 1
“Historical Falsification” as a Master Trope in the Official Discourse on History Education in Putin’s Russia “篡改历史”是普京时代俄罗斯官方历史教育话语中的主修辞
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-01 DOI: 10.3167/JEMMS.2021.130106
Julie Fedor
This article explores a key claim underpinning Russian official memory politics, namely, the notion that Russia’s past (and especially the role it played in the Second World War) is the object of a campaign of “historical falsification” aimed at, among other things, undermining Russian sovereignty, especially by distorting young people’s historical consciousness. Although “historical falsification” is an important keyword in the Kremlin’s discourse, it has received little scholarly attention. Via an analysis of official rhetoric and methodological literature aimed at history teachers, I investigate the ideological functions performed by the concept of “historical falsification.” I show how it serves to reinforce a conspiratorial vision of Russia as a nation under siege, while simultaneously justifying the drive toward greater state control over history education.
本文探讨了支撑俄罗斯官方记忆政治的一个关键主张,即俄罗斯的过去(尤其是它在第二次世界大战中扮演的角色)是一场“历史伪造”运动的目标,其目的之一是破坏俄罗斯的主权,尤其是通过扭曲年轻人的历史意识。虽然“历史伪造”是克里姆林宫话语中的一个重要关键词,但它很少受到学术界的关注。通过对官方修辞和针对历史教师的方法论文献的分析,我考察了“历史伪造”这一概念所发挥的意识形态功能。我展示了它如何强化了俄罗斯是一个被围困的国家的阴谋论观点,同时也为加强国家对历史教育的控制提供了理由。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society
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