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Religious Faith in the Unjust Meantime: The Spiritual Violence of Clergy Sexual Abuse 非正义时期的宗教信仰:神职人员性侵的精神暴力
Pub Date : 2019-07-25 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2019.2.7290
T. Tobin
Clergy sexual abuse is both sexual and psychological violence, but it is also a paradigmatic case of spiritual violence that rises to the level of religious trauma. In this paper I argue that the spiritual violence of clergy sexual abuse diminishes, and in some cases may even destroy, a survivor’s capacities for religious faith or other forms of spiritual engagement. I use and illustrate the value of feminist methodology, as developed and advanced by Alison Jaggar, for generating and pursuing philosophical questions about religious experience. Feminist methodology’s sensitivity to theorizing situated subjects who stand to each other in relations of racialized male dominance helps us see the ways in which clergy sexual abuse is gender-based violence in both its causes and effects. It also helps us both ask and answer questions about religious faith in the unjust meantime from the perspective of those who endure spiritually violent faith communities.
神职人员的性侵犯既是性暴力,也是心理暴力,但它也是一个典型的精神暴力案例,上升到宗教创伤的程度。在本文中,我认为神职人员性侵的精神暴力会削弱,在某些情况下甚至会摧毁幸存者的宗教信仰或其他形式的精神参与能力。我使用并说明了女权主义方法论的价值,它是由艾莉森·贾格尔(Alison Jaggar)发展和推进的,用于产生和追求有关宗教经验的哲学问题。女权主义方法论对于将处于种族化的男性主导关系中的对象理论化的敏感性,帮助我们看到神职人员性虐待在其原因和结果上都是基于性别的暴力。它还帮助我们在不公正的同时,从那些忍受精神暴力的信仰团体的角度,提出和回答有关宗教信仰的问题。
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引用次数: 6
Global Gender Justice and Epistemic Oppression: A Response to an Epistemic Dilemma 全球性别正义与认知压迫:对认知困境的回应
Pub Date : 2019-07-25 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2019.2.7294
Corwin Aragon
Critiques of Western feminists’ attempts to extend claims about gender injustice to the global context highlighted a dilemma facing Western feminists, what I call the global gender justice dilemma. In response to this dilemma, Alison M. Jaggar argues that Western feminists should turn our attention away from trying to resolve it and, instead, toward examination of our own complicity in the processes that produce injustice. I suggest that this kind of approach is helpful in responding to an additional dilemma that confronts the Western feminist, namely the epistemic dilemma. Western feminists can speak for women of the global South and run the risk of distorting those women’s experience and further silencing their voices, or we can refuse to speak and abdicate our responsibilities to address injustice. I argue that we should address this dilemma not by trying to resolve it but by examining our role in the reproduction of epistemically unjust practices. To explain this response, I offer a preliminary account of epistemic injustice as epistemic oppression. I conclude by claiming that our own epistemic complicity in epistemically oppressive social practices is a weighty reason for us to work to transform those practices.
对西方女权主义者试图将性别不公正的主张扩展到全球背景的批评,突显了西方女权主义者面临的一个困境,我称之为全球性别正义困境。针对这一困境,艾莉森·m·贾格尔(Alison M. Jaggar)认为,西方女权主义者应该把我们的注意力从试图解决这个问题上转移开,转而审视我们自己在产生不公正的过程中的同谋。我认为这种方法有助于回应西方女权主义者面临的另一个困境,即认知困境。西方女权主义者可以为全球南方的女性发声,冒着扭曲这些女性经历并进一步压制她们声音的风险,或者我们可以拒绝发声,放弃我们解决不公正问题的责任。我认为,我们不应该试图解决这个困境,而是应该审视我们在再生产认知上不公正的实践中的角色。为了解释这种反应,我将认识论上的不公正作为认识论上的压迫进行了初步阐述。我的结论是,我们在知识压迫性社会实践中的认知同谋是我们努力改变这些实践的重要原因。
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引用次数: 2
Global Gender Justice and The Feminization of Responsibility 全球性别正义与责任女性化
Pub Date : 2019-07-25 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2019.2.7282
Serene J. Khader
This paper morally evaluates the phenomenon Sylvia Chant calls "the feminization of responsibility," wherein women's unrecognized labor subsidizes international development while men retain or increase their power over women. I argue that development policies that feminize responsibility are incompatible with justice in two ways. First, such policies involve Northerners extracting unpaid labor from women in the global South. Northerners are obligated to provide development assistance, but they are transferring the labor of providing it onto women in the global South and expecting them to do it for free. Second, development policies that feminize responsibility increase women's exposure to sexist domination. These two problems are present irrespective of whether policies that feminize responsibility improve women's basic well-being.  
本文从道德上评价了西尔维娅·钱特所称的“责任的女性化”现象,即女性未被承认的劳动补贴了国际发展,而男性保留或增加了对女性的权力。我认为,将责任女性化的发展政策在两个方面与正义不相容。首先,这些政策涉及北方人从全球南方的妇女那里榨取无偿劳动。北方国家有义务提供发展援助,但他们却把提供援助的劳动转移给南方国家的妇女,并希望她们免费提供援助。第二,女性化责任的发展政策增加了女性受到性别歧视统治的风险。不论使责任女性化的政策是否改善了妇女的基本福利,这两个问题都是存在的。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction to the Special Issue: In the Unjust Meantime 特刊导言:在不公正的时期
Pub Date : 2019-07-25 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2019.2.8184
B. Emerick, Scott Wisor
This introduction by guest-editors Barrett Emerick and Scott Wisor to the special issue reflecting on the work of Alison Jaggar includes summaries of the six anonymously peer-reviewed articles and three invited articles.
特邀编辑巴雷特·埃默里克和斯科特·威索尔对本期特刊的介绍反映了艾莉森·贾格尔的工作,其中包括六篇匿名同行评议文章和三篇受邀文章的摘要。
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引用次数: 0
The Construction of a Consumable Body 可消耗身体的构造
Pub Date : 2019-03-30 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2019.1.7311
A. Suen
In this essay, I analyze various ways in which pregnant bodies are rendered consumable. Tracing our preoccupation with pregnancy diets, I argue that a pregnant woman is made responsible for producing a consumable body. Indeed, producing and maintaining a consumable, fetus-friendly body is a responsibility that women carry before, during, and even after pregnancy. The sphere of this responsibility is also ever-expanding: it goes from detoxing the body to disinfecting the household, and even to protecting the environment at large. I examine two conditions that help construct the maternal body as consumable: 1) the invisibility of the consumed body, and 2) the appeal to “nature” as a justification for consumption. As I will show, the default position of women as consumable is reinforced both by erasing the maternal body and by appealing to the “naturalness” of breastfeeding.
在这篇文章中,我分析了怀孕的身体被渲染成可消费的各种方式。追溯我们对孕期饮食的关注,我认为孕妇有责任生产一个可消费的身体。事实上,生产和维持一个可消费的、对胎儿友好的身体是女性在怀孕前、怀孕期间甚至怀孕后都要承担的责任。这一责任的范围也在不断扩大:从为身体排毒到为家庭消毒,甚至到保护整个环境。我考察了有助于将母亲的身体构建为可消费的两个条件:1)被消费身体的不可见性,以及2)将“自然”作为消费的理由。正如我将展示的那样,女性作为消耗品的默认地位通过消除母亲的身体和呼吁母乳喂养的“自然性”而得到加强。
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引用次数: 2
Feminist Aims and a Trans-Inclusive Definition of “Woman” 女权主义目标与跨包容性的“女性”定义
Pub Date : 2019-03-30 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2019.1.7313
Katie Kirkland
In “Amelioration and Inclusion: Gender Identity and the Concept of Woman,” Katharine Jenkins argues that Sally Haslanger’s focal analysis of gender problematically excludes nonpassing trans women from the category “woman.” However, Jenkins does not explain why this exclusion contradicts the feminist aims of Haslanger’s account. In this paper, I advance two arguments that suggest that a trans-inclusive account of “woman” is crucial to the aims of feminism. I claim that the aims of feminism are to understand and combat women’s oppression. First, I argue that denial of trans identities reinforces cultural ideas that perpetuate both transphobic violence and sexual violence against women. Consequently, a feminist account of “woman” that fails to respect trans identities indirectly contributes to the oppression of women. Second, I prove that nonpassing trans women are oppressed as women through the internalization of sexual objectification. I then conclude that an account of “woman” that excludes nonpassing trans women cannot successfully advance a complete understanding of women’s oppression.
在《改善与包容:性别认同与女性概念》一书中,凯瑟琳·詹金斯(Katharine Jenkins)认为,萨利·哈斯兰格(Sally Haslanger)对性别的重点分析有问题地将不合格的变性女性排除在“女性”的范畴之外。然而,詹金斯并没有解释为什么这种排斥与哈斯兰格描述的女权主义目标相矛盾。在本文中,我提出了两个论点,表明对“女性”的跨性别包容性描述对女权主义的目标至关重要。我认为女权主义的目标是理解和反对女性所受的压迫。首先,我认为,否认跨性别身份强化了文化观念,使对跨性别者的暴力和对女性的性暴力永久化。因此,不尊重跨性别身份的女权主义对“女性”的描述间接地导致了对女性的压迫。其次,通过性物化的内化,我证明了不合格的跨性别女性作为女性受到了压迫。然后,我得出结论,对“女人”的描述不包括不合格的变性女性,不能成功地促进对女性压迫的全面理解。
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引用次数: 7
Anatomy of the Thigh Gap 大腿间隙解剖
Pub Date : 2019-03-30 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2019.1.7312
C. Leboeuf
This article explores the ongoing obsession with the thigh gap ideal in certain pockets of Western societies. A thigh gap is the space some women have between their inner thighs when they stand with their feet together. The thigh gap ideal is flaunted on “thinspo” websites, which compile diet and exercise tips and display pictures of fashion models and “real women” in their efforts to inspire women to become thinner.  I aim to identify what is wrong with the thigh gap obsession and to suggest a way to overcome it. I begin by describing the genesis of the obsession. I then argue that the relation women in the grip of this preoccupation have to their bodies is an instance of what I call bodily alienation. Next, I consider responses to the thigh gap phenomenon. I claim that a viable response, besides broadening standards of beauty, lies in pursuing bodily activities for their own sake. I call the view I articulate “sensualism.” I conclude by discussing the merits of an individual response of the type I advocate, in light of the structural character of women’s oppression through standards of beauty.
这篇文章探讨了西方社会对理想大腿间隙的持续痴迷。大腿间隙是指一些女性双脚并拢站立时大腿内侧的空隙。理想的大腿间距在“thinspo”网站上大肆宣扬,这些网站汇集了饮食和锻炼建议,并展示了时尚模特和“真实女性”的照片,以激励女性变得更瘦。我的目标是找出对大腿间隙的痴迷到底有什么问题,并提出一种克服它的方法。我首先描述了这种痴迷的起源。然后我认为,被这种专注所控制的女性与她们身体的关系是我所说的身体异化的一个例子。接下来,我考虑对大腿间隙现象的反应。我认为,除了扩大美的标准之外,一个可行的回应是为了身体活动本身而追求身体活动。我把我所表达的观点称为“感官主义”。最后,我讨论了我所提倡的这种类型的个人反应的优点,鉴于女性通过美的标准受到压迫的结构性特征。
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引用次数: 5
Introduction: Epistemic Injustice and Recognition Theory 导论:认知不公与认知理论
Pub Date : 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2018.4.6227
P. Giladi, N. McMillan
Introduction to the special issue 
特刊简介
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引用次数: 5
Offending White Men: Racial Vilification, Misrecognition, and Epistemic Injustice 冒犯白人男性:种族诋毁、误认和认知不公
Pub Date : 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2018.4.6234
Louise Richardson‑Self
In this article I analyse two complaints of white vilification, which are increasingly occurring in Australia. I argue that, though the complainants (and white people generally) are not harmed by such racialized speech, the complainants in fact harm Australians of colour through these utterances. These complaints can both cause and constitute at least two forms of epistemic injustice (willful hermeneutical ignorance and comparative credibility excess). Further, I argue that the complaints are grounded in a dual misrecognition: the complainants misrecognize themselves in their own privileged racial specificity, and they misrecognize others in their own marginal racial specificity. Such misrecognition preserves the cultural imperialism of Australia’s dominant social imaginary—a means of oppression that perpetuates epistemic insensitivity. Bringing this dual misrecognition to light best captures the indignity that is suffered by the victims of the aforementioned epistemic injustices. I argue that it is only when we truly recognize difference in its own terms, shifting the dominant social imaginary, that “mainstream Australians” can do their part in bringing about a just society.
在这篇文章中,我分析了两种对白人诽谤的抱怨,这在澳大利亚越来越多地发生。我认为,尽管投诉人(以及一般白人)并没有受到这种种族化言论的伤害,但投诉人实际上通过这些言论伤害了澳大利亚的有色人种。这些抱怨可能导致并构成至少两种形式的认知不公正(故意的解释学无知和相对可信度过剩)。此外,我认为这些抱怨是基于双重误解:投诉人在自己享有特权的种族特殊性方面错误地认识了自己,他们在自己的边缘种族特殊性方面错误地认识了他人。这种误解保留了澳大利亚占主导地位的社会想象的文化帝国主义——一种压迫手段,使认知上的麻木不仁永久化。揭露这种双重误解,最能反映出上述认知不公正的受害者所遭受的侮辱。我认为,只有当我们真正认识到差异本身,改变占主导地位的社会想象时,“主流澳大利亚人”才能为建立一个公正的社会尽自己的一份力量。
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引用次数: 6
Resisting Structural Epistemic Injustice 抵制结构性认知不公
Pub Date : 2018-12-17 DOI: 10.5206/FPQ/2018.4.6230
Michael D. Doan
What form must a theory of epistemic injustice take in order to successfully illuminate the epistemic dimensions of struggles that are primarily political? How can such struggles be understood as involving collective struggles for epistemic recognition and self-determination that seek to improve practices of knowledge production and make lives more liveable? In this paper, I argue that currently dominant, Fricker-inspired approaches to theorizing epistemic wrongs and remedies make it difficult, if not impossible, to understand the epistemic dimensions of historic and ongoing political struggles. Recent work in the theory of recognition—particularly the work of critical, feminist, and decolonial theorists—can help to identify and correct the shortcomings of these approaches. I offer a critical appraisal of recent conversation concerning epistemic injustice, focusing on three characteristics of Frickerian frameworks that obscure the epistemic dimensions of political struggles. I propose that a theory of epistemic injustice can better illuminate the epistemic dimensions of such struggles by acknowledging and centering the agency of victims in abusive epistemic relations, by conceptualizing the harms and wrongs of epistemic injustice relationally, and by explaining epistemic injustice as rooted in the oppressive and dysfunctional epistemic norms undergirding actual communities and institutions.
为了成功地阐明主要是政治性的斗争的认识维度,一个认识不公正的理论必须采取什么形式?这样的斗争如何被理解为涉及到寻求知识生产实践改进和使生活更宜居的认识认识和自决的集体斗争?在本文中,我认为,目前占主导地位的、受弗里克启发的对认识论错误和补救进行理论化的方法,即使不是不可能,也很难理解历史上和正在进行的政治斗争的认识论维度。最近在承认理论方面的工作——特别是批判、女权主义和非殖民理论家的工作——可以帮助识别和纠正这些方法的缺点。我对最近关于认识不公正的对话进行了批判性评价,重点关注了模糊政治斗争的认识维度的弗里德里克框架的三个特征。我认为,认识论不公正的理论可以更好地阐明这种斗争的认识论维度,通过承认受害者在滥用认识论关系中的作用,通过概念化认识论不公正的危害和错误的关系,通过将认识论不公正解释为植根于压制性和功能失调的认识论规范,从而巩固实际社区和机构。
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引用次数: 13
期刊
Feminist Philosophy Quarterly
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