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Studies in Conflict & Terrorism最新文献

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Foreign Policy Orientations and U.S. Counterterrorism Support 外交政策取向和美国反恐支持
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-09 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2015820
Stephen J. Ceccoli
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引用次数: 0
Queering Terrorism 奇怪的恐怖主义
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-03 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2016514
E. Njoku
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引用次数: 2
From the PYD-YPG to the SDF: the Consolidation of Power in Kurdish-Controlled Northeast Syria 从PYD-YPG到SDF:库尔德人控制的叙利亚东北部的权力巩固
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013758
Wladimir van Wilgenburg, M. Fumerton
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引用次数: 0
Pragmatism and Purism in Jihadist Governance: The Islamic Emirate of Azawad Revisited 圣战统治中的实用主义和纯粹主义:阿扎瓦德伊斯兰酋长国的再考察
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2007562
Vidar B. Skretting
The Islamic Emirate established in northern Mali in 2012 was brought down less than a year later by a French military intervention, provoked by the Emirate’s belligerent posture. This article explains why the leaders of the Emirate appeared to govern in a way that jeopardized the state’s survival, despite AQIM’s leadership calling for a cautious approach. Based on novel primary sources, this article provides a detailed view of governance practices in the Emirate, showing that they were in fact considerably more pragmatic than hitherto assumed. Furthermore, it argues that both AQIM and the leaders of the Emirate in the end were more concerned with the long-term prospects of jihadist expansion in the region than with the survival of the Emirate itself. In 2012, jihadist1 groups overran all of northern Mali and established what became known as the Islamic Emirate of Azawad,2 the largest contingent territory ever held by groups affiliated with al-Qaida. Even though the leadership of AQIM (al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghrib) admonished the people in charge to govern pragmatically and avoid provocations, the newborn state quickly gained notoriety for harsh governance and belligerence to the outside world, provoking a French military intervention that crushed the Islamic Emirate of Azawad less than a year after it was declared. The purpose of this article is to explain why the leaders of the Islamic Emirate of Azawad (henceforth “the Emirate” for short) seemingly ignored the AQIM leadership’s calls for pragmatism and chose to govern in a way that jeopardized the state’s survival. I rely on previously unused and underused sources to provide an in-depth analysis of the internal debates on governance within AQIM and its partner group Ansar Dine, as well as an account of actual governance practices in the Emirate. In light of this material, I find that the leaders of the Emirate were considerably more pragmatist in their governance than what has hitherto been recognized in the literature. While there were important differences in policy preferences between them, I argue that a binary opposition between a pragmatist AQIM leadership and an ideologically purist Emirate is too reductive. The more hardline governance pursued by the Emirate was not primarily a matter of ideological concerns trumping the AQIM leadership’s pragmatic ones, but represented © 2022 the Author(s). Published with license by taylor & francis Group, llC. CONTACT Vidar B. Skretting vidar-benjamin.skretting@ffi.no norwegian defence research establishment (ffi), Postboks 25, Kjeller 2027, norway *university of oslo, norway https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.2007562 this is an open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution license (http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 21 June 2021 Accepted 30 Oc
2012年在马里北部建立的伊斯兰酋长国(Islamic Emirate)不到一年后就被法国的军事干预推翻了,原因是该酋长国的好战姿态。这篇文章解释了为什么尽管AQIM的领导层呼吁谨慎行事,但酋长国领导人似乎以一种危及国家生存的方式进行治理。基于新颖的原始资料,本文提供了阿联酋治理实践的详细视图,表明它们实际上比迄今为止所假设的要务实得多。此外,报告还认为,AQIM和酋长国的领导人最终都更关心圣战分子在该地区扩张的长期前景,而不是酋长国本身的生存。2012年,圣战组织占领了马里北部的所有地区,并建立了后来被称为阿扎瓦德伊斯兰酋长国的地区,这是基地组织附属组织有史以来占据的最大地盘。尽管伊斯兰马格里布基地组织(AQIM)的领导层告诫掌权的人要务实治理,避免挑衅,但这个新生的国家很快就因治理严厉和对外部世界的好战而臭名昭著,引发了法国的军事干预,在阿扎瓦德伊斯兰酋长国宣布成立不到一年的时间里就粉碎了它。本文的目的是解释为什么阿扎瓦德伊斯兰酋长国(以下简称“酋长国”)的领导人似乎无视AQIM领导层对实用主义的呼吁,选择了一种危及国家生存的治理方式。我依靠以前未使用和未充分利用的资源,对AQIM及其合作组织Ansar Dine内部关于治理的辩论进行了深入分析,并对酋长国的实际治理实践进行了描述。根据这些材料,我发现酋长国的领导人在治理方面比迄今为止在文献中所认识到的要务实得多。虽然他们之间的政策偏好存在重要差异,但我认为,实用主义的AQIM领导层与意识形态纯粹主义的酋长国之间的二元对立过于简单化。酋长国所追求的更强硬的治理主要不是意识形态问题,而不是AQIM领导层的务实问题,而是代表©2022作者。联系Vidar B. Skretting vidar-benjamin.skretting@ffi.no挪威国防研究机构(ffi), Postboks 25, Kjeller 2027, norway *挪威奥斯陆大学https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.2007562这是一篇开放获取的文章,根据知识共享署名许可(http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by- c-nd/4.0/)的条款分发,允许不受限制的使用,分发,以及在任何媒介上的复制,只要原始作品被正确引用。文章历史收到2021年6月21日接收2021年10月30日
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引用次数: 2
How the Tigers Got Their Stripes: A Case Study of the LTTE’s Rise to Power 猛虎如何得到他们的条纹:泰米尔猛虎组织崛起的案例研究
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-27 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013753
Kate Cronin-Furman, Mario Arulthas
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引用次数: 2
Beyond Healthy Skepticism: Exploring German News Media Framing of Terrorism-Affiliated Women Returnees 超越健康的怀疑:探索德国新闻媒体对与恐怖主义有关联的回国妇女的描述
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-23 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2017395
Lotta Rahlf
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引用次数: 0
Side-Switching as State-Building: the Case of Russian-Speaking Militias in Eastern Ukraine 国家建设的侧面转换:以乌克兰东部讲俄语的民兵为例
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-23 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013760
Alexandra Chinchilla, J. Driscoll
We analyze a formal model of the cooperative mode of consolidation. The model treats militia commanders as interchangeable rent-seekers competing for a divisible share of what Fearon (1999) calls “pork” goods: salaried jobs in the security sector. Goods are distributed by a civilian bureaucracy that interfaces with international donors in order to “buy” order. One interesting result is a robust partial incorporation equilibrium: jointlysustainable strategies chosen by non-ideological, completely interchangeable, rentseeking battalion commanders, all hoping to maximize their share of aid rents with no interest in policy. The potential of Ukrainian militias to form blocking coalitions and “veto” peace settlements is also discussed. A dataset of volunteer battalion incorporation, the results from an original survey of 64 Ukrainian volunteer battalion members, and a case study of the Azov Battalion are used to evaluate model predictions.
我们分析了合作整合模式的形式化模型。该模型将民兵指挥官视为可互换的寻租者,他们争夺的是Fearon(1999)所称的“猪肉”商品的可分割份额:安全部门的带薪工作。货物由民间官僚机构分发,该机构与国际捐助者互动,以“购买”订单。一个有趣的结果是一个强大的部分整合均衡:由非意识形态的、完全可互换的、寻租的营长选择共同可持续的战略,他们都希望最大化自己的援助租金份额,而对政策不感兴趣。会议还讨论了乌克兰民兵组织形成封锁联盟和“否决”和平协议的可能性。志愿者营编制数据集、对64名乌克兰志愿者营成员的原始调查结果以及亚速营的案例研究用于评估模型预测。
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引用次数: 0
Casting Shadow: Founders and the Unique Challenges of a Terrorist Group’s First Leadership Change 投下阴影:恐怖组织第一次领导层变动的创始人和独特挑战
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-21 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2018903
Barak Mendelsohn
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引用次数: 0
Bangsamoro Separatism and Classical Counterinsurgency: Reconsidering Revolutionary War in the Southern Philippines 邦萨摩洛分离主义与古典平叛:重新考虑菲律宾南部的革命战争
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2016541
Mathew L. Bukit
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引用次数: 3
Strategies of Armed Group Consolidation in the Afghan Civil War (1989–2001)* 阿富汗内战中武装集团巩固战略(1989-2001)*
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013752
Megan Erickson, M. Gabbay
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引用次数: 0
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