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Studies in Conflict & Terrorism最新文献

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Social Cleavages and Armed Group Consolidation: The Case of Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan Arab Armed Forces 社会分裂与武装团体整合:哈利法·哈夫塔尔的阿拉伯利比亚武装部队的案例
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-20 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013757
Wolfram Lacher
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引用次数: 1
State Accompli: The Political Consolidation of the Islamic State Prior to the Caliphate 既成国:哈里发之前伊斯兰国的政治巩固
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013755
Nadeem Elias Khan, Craig Whiteside
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引用次数: 1
Consolidation of Nonstate Armed Actors in Fragmented Conflicts: Introducing an Emerging Research Program 零散冲突中非国家武装行为体的整合:介绍一个新兴的研究项目
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013751
M. Hafez, M. Gabbay, E. K. Gade
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引用次数: 0
Operation Jungle Fire: The Consolidation of the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy 丛林之火行动:巩固利比里亚和解与民主联盟
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2013754
Ilmari Käihkö
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引用次数: 0
Threat Perception, Policy Diffusion, and the Logic of Terrorist Group Designation 威胁感知、政策扩散与恐怖组织认定逻辑
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-13 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2011711
Mirna El Masri, B. J. Phillips
Many governments maintain lists of terrorist groups, imposing sanctions on designated organizations. However, the logic behind designation remains unclear. Furthermore, most studies focus on Western countries. This paper develops arguments for why attack attributes, group attributes, and policy diffusion might explain proscription. Empirically, we examine hundreds of militant organizations to see which are listed by the European Union, India, Pakistan, Russia, the United Kingdom, or the United States. Generally, designation does not seem to be driven by target or attack severity. It often results from diffusion: most countries follow the United States. Islamist group motivation is also an important factor.
许多政府都有恐怖组织的名单,对指定的组织实施制裁。然而,指定背后的逻辑尚不清楚。此外,大多数研究集中在西方国家。本文提出了为什么攻击属性、组属性和策略扩散可以解释禁止的论点。根据经验,我们检查了数百个武装组织,看看哪些被欧盟、印度、巴基斯坦、俄罗斯、英国或美国列出。一般来说,指定似乎不是由目标或攻击的严重程度决定的。这通常是扩散的结果:大多数国家都效仿美国。伊斯兰组织的动机也是一个重要因素。
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引用次数: 1
The Frontlines Have Shifted: Explaining the Persistence of Pro-State Militias after Civil War 前线已经转移:解释内战后亲政府民兵的持续存在
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-29 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2009633
D. Shaw, H. Aliyev
Many ceasefire and peace agreements stipulate the disarmament and demobilization of pro-state armed groups involved in the conflict, yet few of these groups ever completely demobilize. This study seeks to explain the process of incomplete demobilization by advancing a theoretical argument that pro-state armed groups are least likely to disarm and demobilize when the monopoly on violence is frag- mented, and when there is relative balance of capabilities and interests between the government and pro-state armed groups. Under these circumstances, both governments and pro-state armed groups may favor incomplete demobilization enabling them to pursue their strategic objectives. We draw on unique interview data with pro-state paramilitaries from Ukraine to empirically illustrate our theoretical expectations. or peace accords which stipulate demobilization of pro-government armed groups. This article presents a set of theoretical expectations which seek to explain the phenomenon of incomplete demobilization, drawing on a number of empirical examples before illustrating our theoretical
许多停火与和平协定规定参与冲突的亲国家武装团体解除武装和复员,但这些团体很少完全复员。本研究试图通过提出一个理论论点来解释不完全复员的过程,即当对暴力的垄断被打破时,当政府和亲国家武装团体之间的能力和利益相对平衡时,亲国家武装团体最不可能解除武装和复员。在这种情况下,政府和亲国家的武装团体都可能倾向于不完全复员,使他们能够追求自己的战略目标。我们利用与乌克兰亲国家准军事人员的独特访谈数据来实证地说明我们的理论期望。或者和平协定,规定解散亲政府武装组织。本文提出了一套理论期望,在说明我们的理论之前,利用一些经验例子,试图解释不完全遣散的现象
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引用次数: 1
Exploring the Nexus between Armed Groups and the Trafficking and Smuggling of Human Beings in the Central Sahel and Libya 探讨萨赫勒中部和利比亚武装团体与人口贩运和走私之间的联系
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-21 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.2002687
Joëlle Rizk
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引用次数: 2
Beyond Greed: Why Armed Groups Tax 超越贪婪:武装组织为何征税
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-08 DOI: 10.19088/ictd.2021.021
Tanya Bandula-Irwin, Max Gallien, A. Jackson, Vanessa van den Boogaard, Florian Weigand
Armed groups tax. Journalistic accounts often include a tone of surprise about this fact, while policy reports tend to strike a tone of alarm, highlighting the link between armed group taxation and ongoing conflict. Policymakers often focus on targeting the mechanisms of armed group taxation as part of their conflict strategy, often described as ‘following the money’. We argue that what is instead needed is a deeper understanding of the nuanced realities of armed group taxation, the motivations behind it, and the implications it has for an armed group’s relationship with civilian and diaspora populations, as well as the broader international community. This paper builds on two distinct literatures, on armed groups and on taxation, to provide the first systematic exploration into the motivation of armed group taxation. Based on a review of the diverse practices of how armed groups tax, we highlight that a full account of their motivation needs to go beyond revenue collection, and engage with key themes around legitimacy, population control, institution building, and the performance of public authority. We problematise common approaches towards armed group taxation and state-building, and outline key questions of a new research agenda.
武装组织征税。新闻报道通常对这一事实持惊讶态度,而政策报告则倾向于发出警告,强调武装组织税收与持续冲突之间的联系。政策制定者通常把重点放在打击武装团体征税机制上,作为其冲突战略的一部分,这种战略通常被称为“追踪资金”。我们认为,相反,我们需要更深入地了解武装组织征税的微妙现实、背后的动机,以及它对武装组织与平民和散居人口以及更广泛的国际社会的关系的影响。本文以武装团体和税收两个不同的文献为基础,首次对武装团体征税的动机进行了系统的探索。基于对武装组织征税的各种做法的回顾,我们强调,对其动机的全面解释需要超越税收,并涉及合法性、人口控制、制度建设和公共权力表现等关键主题。我们对武装团体征税和国家建设的常见方法提出了问题,并概述了一项新研究议程的关键问题。
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引用次数: 5
The “War on Terror” and Public Diplomacy during the Cold War: Israeli–Turkish Relations and the 1980 Military Coup 冷战时期的“反恐战争”和公共外交:以色列-土耳其关系和1980年军事政变
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.1997134
Eldad Ben Aharon
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引用次数: 0
Refugees, Perceived Threat & Domestic Terrorism 难民,感知威胁和国内恐怖主义
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2021.1995940
Graig R. Klein
Refugees’ effect on domestic terrorism is conditioned by host-country social perception (attitude about living next-door to foreigners) and economic competition. These hypotheses are tested cross-nationally from 1995-2014 leveraging data from the World Values Survey. The results show social perception matters. When refugee flow to a country increases from the mean to 75 th percentile, it does not statistically alter domestic terrorism risk. But when a host-country’s preference to not live next-door to foreigners is accounted for and changes from the mean (20.9%) to 75 th percentile (30.3%), the change in refugee flow increases the risk of domestic terrorism by 40%.
难民对国内恐怖主义的影响取决于东道国的社会观念(对与外国人为邻的态度)和经济竞争。从1995年到2014年,利用世界价值观调查的数据对这些假设进行了跨国检验。结果表明,社会认知很重要。当一个国家的难民流量从平均值增加到第75个百分位数时,它不会在统计上改变国内的恐怖主义风险。但是,如果考虑到东道国不愿与外国人为邻的偏好,并从平均值(20.9%)变化到第75个百分位数(30.3%),难民潮的变化将使国内恐怖主义的风险增加40%。
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引用次数: 0
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Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
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