Pub Date : 2021-04-22DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1913820
Kutluer Karademir, Mahmut Cengiz
Abstract This study argues that terrorism is a political communication process that starts with the connotations made by the keywords terrorist organizations purposefully use in their names to appeal to their first-order audience and show themselves as the vanguards of the values represented by those words. Data analyses conducted based on the names of 2,939 terrorist organizations revealed that terrorist groups name their organizations following similar patterns. Moreover, the study found local and temporal patterns in line with the political trends of the respective era.
{"title":"Names Are Never Only Names: A Nominal Analysis of Terrorist Organizations","authors":"Kutluer Karademir, Mahmut Cengiz","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1913820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1913820","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This study argues that terrorism is a political communication process that starts with the connotations made by the keywords terrorist organizations purposefully use in their names to appeal to their first-order audience and show themselves as the vanguards of the values represented by those words. Data analyses conducted based on the names of 2,939 terrorist organizations revealed that terrorist groups name their organizations following similar patterns. Moreover, the study found local and temporal patterns in line with the political trends of the respective era.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90937485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-22DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1913819
Nicole Satherley, K. Yogeeswaran, D. Osborne, Sadi Shanaah, C. Sibley
Abstract We examine political attitude change using data from a large national probability sample collected over the months leading up to, and following, the 2019 March 15 terror attacks against a Muslim minority community in Christchurch, New Zealand. Satisfaction with the government declined in the months prior to the attack, rose sharply immediately following the attack, and returned to pre-attack levels roughly 3 months after the attack. Support for the ruling centre-left Labour party followed a similar trend, whereas centre-right National party support was unchanged. These results provide valuable comparison to studies focusing on the effects of Islamist attacks, and insight into the time-course of attitude change by examining the effects of far right terrorism toward a minority community.
{"title":"Investigating the Effects of Right-Wing Terrorism on Government Satisfaction: A Time Course Analysis of the 2019 Christchurch Terror Attack","authors":"Nicole Satherley, K. Yogeeswaran, D. Osborne, Sadi Shanaah, C. Sibley","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1913819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1913819","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We examine political attitude change using data from a large national probability sample collected over the months leading up to, and following, the 2019 March 15 terror attacks against a Muslim minority community in Christchurch, New Zealand. Satisfaction with the government declined in the months prior to the attack, rose sharply immediately following the attack, and returned to pre-attack levels roughly 3 months after the attack. Support for the ruling centre-left Labour party followed a similar trend, whereas centre-right National party support was unchanged. These results provide valuable comparison to studies focusing on the effects of Islamist attacks, and insight into the time-course of attitude change by examining the effects of far right terrorism toward a minority community.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77837476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-22DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1915930
G. Ilardi
Abstract Shame avoidance or repair can serve as a powerful source of motivation, a view shared by violent Islamist (VI) organizations such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and al-Qaeda, whose respective propaganda activities seek to shame sympathizers into action by dislodging them from positions of inactivity or indecisiveness. Utilizing concepts contained in Benford and Snow’s notion of experiential commensurability, this article will examine how VI organizations seek to induce shame among their targets of mobilization by facilitating comparison and instilling a sense of accountability.
{"title":"Violent Islamism and Shame-Inducing Narratives","authors":"G. Ilardi","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1915930","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1915930","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Shame avoidance or repair can serve as a powerful source of motivation, a view shared by violent Islamist (VI) organizations such as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) and al-Qaeda, whose respective propaganda activities seek to shame sympathizers into action by dislodging them from positions of inactivity or indecisiveness. Utilizing concepts contained in Benford and Snow’s notion of experiential commensurability, this article will examine how VI organizations seek to induce shame among their targets of mobilization by facilitating comparison and instilling a sense of accountability.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83900010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-21DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1914361
M. Lakomy
Abstract This article aims to map the online propaganda presence and activities of the Turkestan Islamic Party’s media arm—Islam Awazi (“Voice of Islam”). It also discusses its capabilities in terms of producing new releases and attracting online audiences. In order to reach these objectives, this study exploited a methodology which is a combination of open source intelligence techniques (OSINT) with limited content analysis. It argues that the Uyghur-oriented Islam Awazi’s (IA) propaganda strategy was primarily based on one standalone website, which constituted a central repository of its new productions. It was supported by several Telegram channels. However, open source intelligence investigation allowed other domains proliferating the IA’s productions, which were still accessible but abandoned at the time when this study was carried out, to be discovered. It also proved that the organization was capable of producing more than 160 propaganda releases between January and September 2020. Their viewership on the surface web was, however, quite limited. Finally, this study also outlines a peculiar connection between Islam Awazi’s websites and two networks of domains exploited by the cyber-criminal underground to distribute pornography and malware. This may be considered as a sign of an existing—and widely discussed by the academia—terror-crime nexus.
{"title":"Listening to the “Voice of Islam”: The Turkestan Islamic Party’s Online Propaganda Strategy","authors":"M. Lakomy","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1914361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1914361","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article aims to map the online propaganda presence and activities of the Turkestan Islamic Party’s media arm—Islam Awazi (“Voice of Islam”). It also discusses its capabilities in terms of producing new releases and attracting online audiences. In order to reach these objectives, this study exploited a methodology which is a combination of open source intelligence techniques (OSINT) with limited content analysis. It argues that the Uyghur-oriented Islam Awazi’s (IA) propaganda strategy was primarily based on one standalone website, which constituted a central repository of its new productions. It was supported by several Telegram channels. However, open source intelligence investigation allowed other domains proliferating the IA’s productions, which were still accessible but abandoned at the time when this study was carried out, to be discovered. It also proved that the organization was capable of producing more than 160 propaganda releases between January and September 2020. Their viewership on the surface web was, however, quite limited. Finally, this study also outlines a peculiar connection between Islam Awazi’s websites and two networks of domains exploited by the cyber-criminal underground to distribute pornography and malware. This may be considered as a sign of an existing—and widely discussed by the academia—terror-crime nexus.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76688486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-15DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1905141
Natalie Anastasio, A. Perliger, N. Shortland
Abstract The current study aims to assess the emotional processes that foster support for political violence. A survey of 1202 respondents was used to identify the association between emotional traits, support for extremist groups, and willingness to engage in political violence. Additionally, we tested how attitudinal traits’ interaction with emotional factors may impact radicalization. Our findings indicate that aspects of anger and anxiety, as well as emotional triggers related to social interactions, are associated with increased support for political violence and extremism. Moreover, we identified important pathways in which attitudinal and emotional traits interact to facilitate radicalization further.
{"title":"How Emotional Traits and Practices Lead to Support in Acts of Political Violence","authors":"Natalie Anastasio, A. Perliger, N. Shortland","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1905141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1905141","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The current study aims to assess the emotional processes that foster support for political violence. A survey of 1202 respondents was used to identify the association between emotional traits, support for extremist groups, and willingness to engage in political violence. Additionally, we tested how attitudinal traits’ interaction with emotional factors may impact radicalization. Our findings indicate that aspects of anger and anxiety, as well as emotional triggers related to social interactions, are associated with increased support for political violence and extremism. Moreover, we identified important pathways in which attitudinal and emotional traits interact to facilitate radicalization further.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75525580","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-04-05DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1907897
Jacob Aasland Ravndal
Abstract This article begins by outlining four post-WWII strategies of right-wing revolutionary resistance: vanguardism; the cell system; leaderless resistance; and metapolitics. Next, the article argues that metapolitics became a preferred strategy for many right-wing revolutionaries during the 2000s and early 2010s, and proposes three conditions that may help explain this metapolitical turn: limited opportunities for armed resistance; a subcultural style shift; and new opportunities for promoting alternative worldviews online. Finally, the article theorizes about the types of threats that may emerge in the wake of this metapolitical turn, and speculates about the likelihood of a new and more violent turn in the near future.
{"title":"From Bombs to Books, and Back Again? Mapping Strategies of Right-Wing Revolutionary Resistance","authors":"Jacob Aasland Ravndal","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1907897","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1907897","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article begins by outlining four post-WWII strategies of right-wing revolutionary resistance: vanguardism; the cell system; leaderless resistance; and metapolitics. Next, the article argues that metapolitics became a preferred strategy for many right-wing revolutionaries during the 2000s and early 2010s, and proposes three conditions that may help explain this metapolitical turn: limited opportunities for armed resistance; a subcultural style shift; and new opportunities for promoting alternative worldviews online. Finally, the article theorizes about the types of threats that may emerge in the wake of this metapolitical turn, and speculates about the likelihood of a new and more violent turn in the near future.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-04-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86538126","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-30DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1888404
E. Saltman, F. Kooti, Karly Vockery
Abstract The counterterrorism and CVE community has long questioned the effectiveness of counterspeech in countering extremism online. While most evaluation of counterspeech rely on limited reach and engagement metrics, this paper explores two models to better measure behavioral change and sentiment analysis. Conducted via partnerships between Facebook and counter-extremism NGOs, the first model uses A/B testing to analyze the effects of counterspeech exposure on low-prevalence-high-risk audiences engaging with Islamist extremist terrorist content. The second model builds upon online safety intervention approaches and the Redirect Method through a search based “get-help” module, redirecting white-supremacy and Neo-Nazi related search-terms to disengagement NGOs.
{"title":"New Models for Deploying Counterspeech: Measuring Behavioral Change and Sentiment Analysis","authors":"E. Saltman, F. Kooti, Karly Vockery","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1888404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1888404","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The counterterrorism and CVE community has long questioned the effectiveness of counterspeech in countering extremism online. While most evaluation of counterspeech rely on limited reach and engagement metrics, this paper explores two models to better measure behavioral change and sentiment analysis. Conducted via partnerships between Facebook and counter-extremism NGOs, the first model uses A/B testing to analyze the effects of counterspeech exposure on low-prevalence-high-risk audiences engaging with Islamist extremist terrorist content. The second model builds upon online safety intervention approaches and the Redirect Method through a search based “get-help” module, redirecting white-supremacy and Neo-Nazi related search-terms to disengagement NGOs.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85898748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-25DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1902604
John Gearson, Philip A. Berry
Abstract In May 2017, Operation Temperer – the deployment of British military personnel in support of the police following a terrorist attack or the threat of such an attack – was activated for the first time. The deployment of uniformed armed personnel as a core element of the U.K.’s CT capability represents a significant and, in the authors view, welcome shift in how successive administrations have utilized aspects of state power in response to a terrorist threat or incident. Little academic work has been devoted to explaining how and why this change occurred, with the military moving from reluctant participants in domestic CT missions, to playing a central (and public) role in providing capacity for domestic security, as witnessed under Operation Temperer. This article charts the evolution of greater military involvement in domestic counter-terrorism missions after 9/11, revealing that a decade of policy paralysis was finally broken by the combination of terrorist events in Paris in January 2015, and the intervention of a forward leaning prime minister overcoming institutional reluctance on the part of the Ministry of Defence and other government departments to put British troops on British streets.
{"title":"British Troops on British Streets: Defence’s Counter-Terrorism Journey from 9/11 to Operation Temperer","authors":"John Gearson, Philip A. Berry","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1902604","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1902604","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In May 2017, Operation Temperer – the deployment of British military personnel in support of the police following a terrorist attack or the threat of such an attack – was activated for the first time. The deployment of uniformed armed personnel as a core element of the U.K.’s CT capability represents a significant and, in the authors view, welcome shift in how successive administrations have utilized aspects of state power in response to a terrorist threat or incident. Little academic work has been devoted to explaining how and why this change occurred, with the military moving from reluctant participants in domestic CT missions, to playing a central (and public) role in providing capacity for domestic security, as witnessed under Operation Temperer. This article charts the evolution of greater military involvement in domestic counter-terrorism missions after 9/11, revealing that a decade of policy paralysis was finally broken by the combination of terrorist events in Paris in January 2015, and the intervention of a forward leaning prime minister overcoming institutional reluctance on the part of the Ministry of Defence and other government departments to put British troops on British streets.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80241353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-23DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1903669
Michael Smith
Abstract In theory, the idea of strategy is easy to comprehend but in practice it is a hard taskmaster because it often involves calculations of political values that are rarely amenable to the kind of rationalistic application of “expert” opinion to which Western nations invariably default when considering overseas interventions. Based on remarks to the Oxford Changing Character of War Centre, this research note argues that foreign policy experts frequently find themselves out of touch with the sentiments of their own populations, which in part is responsible for the poor strategic outcomes that Western foreign policies have incurred in recent years. A number of remedies are suggested, based principally on returning Western policy making to a tradition of prudential realism.
从理论上讲，战略的概念很容易理解，但在实践中，它是一项艰巨的任务，因为它经常涉及对政治价值的计算，这些价值很少适用于西方国家在考虑海外干预时总是默认的“专家”意见的理性应用。这份研究报告基于对牛津战争变化特征中心(Oxford Changing Character of War Centre)的评论，认为外交政策专家经常发现自己与本国民众的情绪脱节，这在一定程度上是近年来西方外交政策战略结果不佳的原因。提出了一些补救措施，主要是基于西方政策制定回归到审慎现实主义的传统。
{"title":"Setting the Strategic Cat among the Policy Pigeons: The Problems and Paradoxes of Western Intervention Strategy","authors":"Michael Smith","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1903669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1903669","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In theory, the idea of strategy is easy to comprehend but in practice it is a hard taskmaster because it often involves calculations of political values that are rarely amenable to the kind of rationalistic application of “expert” opinion to which Western nations invariably default when considering overseas interventions. Based on remarks to the Oxford Changing Character of War Centre, this research note argues that foreign policy experts frequently find themselves out of touch with the sentiments of their own populations, which in part is responsible for the poor strategic outcomes that Western foreign policies have incurred in recent years. A number of remedies are suggested, based principally on returning Western policy making to a tradition of prudential realism.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76289910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-03-17DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1892604
Reyhan Topal
Abstract Why does China view its Turkic Muslims as a security threat? Although scholars have written a good deal on China’s repression of minorities, the number of empirical studies about China’s ever-expanding incarceration and surveillance of Turkic Muslims is rather limited. To identify the reasons for China’s repressive policies, this article draws evidence from Xinjiang Victims Database that presents video testimonies of 8973 people whose family members and friends are in China’s prisons and detention camps. The evidence shows that China’s policies stem from a constructivist securitization approach where religion, culture and identity play central roles although the country frames its policies through a realist discourse on terrorism and security.
{"title":"An Empirical Assessment of China’s Counterterrorism Efforts and Securitization of Turkic Muslims","authors":"Reyhan Topal","doi":"10.1080/1057610X.2021.1892604","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2021.1892604","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Why does China view its Turkic Muslims as a security threat? Although scholars have written a good deal on China’s repression of minorities, the number of empirical studies about China’s ever-expanding incarceration and surveillance of Turkic Muslims is rather limited. To identify the reasons for China’s repressive policies, this article draws evidence from Xinjiang Victims Database that presents video testimonies of 8973 people whose family members and friends are in China’s prisons and detention camps. The evidence shows that China’s policies stem from a constructivist securitization approach where religion, culture and identity play central roles although the country frames its policies through a realist discourse on terrorism and security.","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":2.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90117173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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