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The Ambivalent Effect of Autocratization on Domestic Terrorism 专制对国内恐怖主义的矛盾效应
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2023.2270479
Lars Lott, Aurel Croissant, Christoph Trinn
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引用次数: 0
The Islamic State’s Visions of Political Community and Statehood and Their Articulation Vis-à-Vis Nationalism 伊斯兰国对政治共同体和国家地位的看法及其对-à-Vis民族主义的表达
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2023.2257011
Mohammed A. Salih
AbstractThis article explores the Islamic State (IS)’s discursive construction of ideal forms of political community and statehood, i.e. the umma and caliphate, and their articulation in relation to the dominant forms of political community and statehood in the modern world, i.e. the nation and nation-state. Studying a large corpus of data from IS primary sources in multiple languages and mediums, I propose that IS’s discourse espouses a vision of umma-caliphalism that entails a thorough process of, what I call, de-nationization. On the material level, de-nationization results in dismantling the nation-state and its apparatus of sovereignty. At the symbolic level, de-nationization mandates derecognizing the political community of the nation and treating it as no more than a form of ethnic cultural unit, or ethnie, whereby ethnic symbols are not allowed to become the basis of political mobilization and demands. This expansionist umma-caliphalist vision centered on highly exclusionary notions of communal membership and solidarity is important to making sense of IS’s violent tendencies. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 Shiraz Maher, Salafi-Jihadism: The History of an Idea (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).2 Mohammad-Mahmoud Ould Mohamedou, A Theory of ISIS: Political Violence and the Transformation of the Global Order (London: Pluto Press, 2018).3 William McCants, The ISIS Apocalypse: The History, Strategy, and Doomsday Vision of the Islamic State (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2015); Masaki Nagata, “The Radical Nation-State and Contemporary Extremism,” Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 3 (2019): 319–45; David J. Wasserstein, Black Banners of ISIS: The Roots of the New Caliphate (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2017).4 Nadia Kaneva and Andrea Stanton, “An Alternative Vision of Statehood: Islamic State’s Ideological Challenge to the Nation-State,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism (2020): 1–19; Ben Caló, David Malet, Luke Howie, and Pete Lentini. “Islamic Caliphate or Nation State? Investigating the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant’s Imagined Community,” Nations and Nationalism 26 no. 3 (2020): 727–42.5 Amaryllis Maria Georges, “ISIS Rhetoric for the Creation of the Ummah,” in Religion and Theology: Breakthroughs in Research and Practice (IGI Global, 2020), 429–49; James Piscatori and Amin Saikal, Islam Beyond Borders: The Umma in World Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019).6 Ibid.7 Kaneva and Stanton, “An Alternative”; Caló et al., “Islamic Caliphate”; Masaki Nagata (2019); Piscatori and Saikal, “Islam Beyond”; L. Carl Brown, Religion and State: The Muslim Approach to Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000); Souran Mardini, “Fundamental Religio-Political Concepts in the Sources of Islam” (PhD diss., University of Edinburgh, 1984). https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/12813523.pdf8 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and S
“为了上帝而不是为了祖国”Al-Naba ' 5(2015年11月):8.50同上,8.51“Murtadd塔利班运动:在伊拉克和Shami Sahawat的足迹上”Rumiyah 10(2017年6月):42-3;“对好战基督徒的裁决”,《鲁米耶》9(2017年5月):4-11;“瓦拉和巴拉与美国种族主义”,达比克11(2015年9月):18-21.52;“瓦拉和巴拉”,2015年3月;“基地组织在沙姆的盟友”,达比克8(2015年3月):7-11;伊本·赫勒敦:《穆卡迪玛:历史导论》,n.j.达伍德主编,2015年4月译。弗朗茨·罗森塔尔(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2015).55伊本·赫勒敦,Muqadimah;Manzooruddin Ahmed,“乌玛:一个普世共同体的理念”,《伊斯兰研究》第14期,第2期。1 (1975): 27-54.56 Sayyid Abul A 'la Maududi, Nasyonalisme Eslami(伊斯兰民族主义),译。O. Asad (Qalam Library, 2017).57Jahiliyya是一个内涵丰富的词汇,在语义上意味着无知,指的是阿拉伯的前伊斯兰时代,那里多神论是常态。伊斯兰思想家和意识形态家赛义德·库特布(Sayyid Qutb)将jahiliyya定义为“蔑视神的指引”,即一个人统治其他人。参见:Sayyid Qutb, milestone, ed. a.b. al-Mehri (Maktaba Booksellers and Publishers, 2006), 79.58“For God”,第8页;Qawmi民族主义或qawmiyya指的是基于种族的民族主义,watani民族主义或wataniyya指的是基于国家的民族主义。在意识形态上,卡米族和瓦塔尼族的民族认同都强调了阿拉伯身份、语言和文化在其多民族、多语言和多元文化领土上的至高无上地位。watani民族主义者主要致力于现存的一战后民族国家,而qawmi民族主义者提倡一种泛阿拉伯主义的愿景,即将所有阿拉伯人占多数的国家统一在一个阿拉伯超级国家内。有关这方面的更多内容,请参阅Adeed Dawisha,《二十世纪的阿拉伯民族主义:从胜利到绝望》(普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2016);阿尔伯特·胡拉尼,《自由时代的阿拉伯思想1798-1939》(剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2013).59“Jahiliyya的党派之争”,Rumiyah 5(2017年1月):11;“我们不相信你”,Al-Naba ' 173(2019年3月):3;前言,《Dabiq》8(2015年3月):3-6.60“Wala ' and Bara '”,20;穆罕默德,《论。61》《前言》2015年第3期;穆罕默德杜,《论。62》“Irja:最危险的竞标”,Dabiq 8(2015年3月):39-56;《耐心》,2017;Maher Salafi-Jihadism.63“Rafidah:从ibn Saba到Dajjal”,Dabiq 13(2016年1月):34;“前言”,2015;“杀死西方库夫尔的伊玛目”,Dabiq 14(2016年4月):12;“我们与拉菲迪的战斗:这样就不会有叛乱”,Al-Naba ' 28(2016年4月):3;Jahiliyya的党派性,《鲁米耶》5(2017年1月):11;“是真主的法律还是人的法律:对Khilāfah叛教的战争”,Dabiq 10(2015年7月):55。IS对乌玛成员的理想形式的复杂概念不应被解释为意味着该组织在物理上排除任何不属于其狭隘的社区成员和团结概念的逊尼派。64 .虽然伊斯兰国对那些在战斗中被俘的人毫不留情,但它通常试图在乌玛的行列中容纳大量逊尼派穆斯林,并重新改变他们的宗教信仰和实践形式Ahm Ershad Uddin:《伊斯兰教法视角下的狂热ISIS》,《国际伊斯兰思想杂志》2017年第12期,第1 - 14页;迈克尔·克劳福德:《伊本·阿卜杜勒·瓦哈比:穆斯林世界的缔造者》(伦敦:寰世一家出版社,2014年);纳米拉·纳胡扎:《瓦哈比主义与新萨拉菲斯特的崛起:神学、权力与逊尼派伊斯兰教》(伦敦:i.b. Tauris, 2018);马赫,Salafi-Jihadism;<什叶派作为内部他人:萨拉菲派对“拒绝者”的拒绝>,《伊斯兰教与基督教-穆斯林关系》,28期。邓文辉,“伊斯兰教在麦地那的地位”,《中东研究》,2017年第4期。1 (1977): 39-47;66毛拉·侯赛因·艾哈迈德·马达尼:《复合民族主义与伊斯兰教》,译。穆罕默德·安瓦尔·侯赛因和哈桑·伊玛目(新德里:Manohar Publishers & Distributors);拉菲亚·尼萨尔,毛拉·侯赛因·艾哈迈德·马达尼与复合民族主义,《透视伊斯兰》2012年第12期,第67页David H. Warren,《海湾的竞争对手:优素福·卡拉达维、阿卜杜拉·本·巴耶和卡塔尔-阿联酋关于阿拉伯之春和海湾危机的竞赛》(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2021),第32页;Usaama A al-Azmi,《Abdulla¯h bin Bayyah与阿拉伯革命:反革命的新传统主义与伊斯兰主义的意识形态斗争》,《穆斯林世界》109期。3(2019) .68点休·肯尼迪,《哈里发:一种思想的历史》(纽约:Basic Books出版社,2016),第69页Jens Bartelson,主权作为象征形式(伦敦:Routledge出版社,2014),2.70参见Anderson, Imagined;Bartelson、主权;拉夫林,《防御》(In Defense);J。 106《圣战在孟加拉的复兴:随着Khilāfah之光的传播》,《达比克》12(2015年11月):41.107;《库尔德人之间》(Kurds between), 2016年;《致库尔德斯坦人民的信》,Al-Hayat媒体中心,2015年3月,https://jihadology.net/2015/03/23/al-%E1%B8%A5ayat-media-center-presents-a-new-video-message-from-the-islamic-state-message-to-our-people-in-kurdistan/;“伊斯兰教的宗教”,Rumiyah 1(2016年9月):4-8;“土耳其和”,2015.108我在这里使用“去国有化”,而不是像“去国有化”这样的术语,因为后者主要用于将行业的所有权从公共转移到私人手中;或者剥夺公民身份;或者作为全球化进程结果的跨国或后国家的公民身份和归属形式。但去民族化的重点在于拆解国家,将其转变为另一种形式的政治共同体。关于非国家化,见Linda Bosniak,“公民非国家化”,《印第安纳全球法律研究杂志》第7期。2 (2000): 447-509;Saskia Sassen,“走向后国家和非国家化的公民身份”,载于《公民研究手册》,Engin F. Isin和Bryan S. Turner主编(伦敦:Sage, 2002), 2
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引用次数: 0
Artificial Intelligence as a Terrorism Enabler? Understanding the Potential Impact of Chatbots and Image Generators on Online Terrorist Activities 人工智能是恐怖主义的推动者?了解聊天机器人和图像生成器对在线恐怖活动的潜在影响
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2023.2259195
Miron Lakomy
AbstractThis paper is based on an experiment-based study carried out in the first half of 2023, which aimed to understand how terrorist organizations can potentially exploit artificial intelligence. It discusses the risks of using AI to produce and disseminate propaganda, as well as verifies whether it can be used to facilitate access to terrorist content. It also explores if AI-based platforms can be used to access terrorism-related know-how. This paper also focuses on understanding the specificity of content moderation procedures introduced by these services to mitigate their use by violent extremists and provides recommendations for increasing their efficiency. Disclosure statementThe author report there are no competing interests to declare.Notes1 Corneliu Bjola, “AI for Development: Implications for Theory and Practice,” Oxford Development Studies 50, no. 1 (2021).2 Spyros Makridakis, “The Forthcoming Artificial Intelligence (AI) Revolution: Its Impact on Society and Firms,” Futures 90 (2017): 46–60.3 “About,” Midjourney, https://www.midjourney.com/home/?callbackUrl=/app/ (accessed April 20, 2023).4 Pascal Kaufmann, Thilo Stadel-mann, Benjamin Grewe, “ChatGPT Heralds Tech Revolution,” Meinung, last modified February 15, 2023, https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5e71f505e224b656715c1753/63f327e649b46c9017ccf2b3_20230215_FuW_EN_ChatGPT%20heralds%20tech%20revolution.pdf.5 Krystal Hu, “ChatGPT Sets Record for Fastest-Growing User Base – Analyst Note,” Reuters, last modified February 02, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/technology/chatgpt-sets-record-fastest-growing-user-base-analyst-note-2023-02-01/.6 “Artificial Intelligence: Potential Benefits and Ethical Considerations,” European Parliament Briefing, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2016/571380/IPOL_BRI (2016)571380_EN.pdf (accessed April 25, 2023).7 Jianyang Deng and Yijia Lin, “The Benefits and Challenges of ChatGPT: An Overview,” Frontiers in Computing and Intelligent Systems 2, no. 2 (2022).8 Glorin Sebastian, „Do ChatGPT and Other AI Chatbots Pose a Cybersecurity Risk? An Exploratory Study,” International Journal of Security and Privacy in Pervasive Computing 15, no. 1 (2023).9 Joe McKendrick, „Who Ultimately Owns Content Generated By ChatGPT And Other AI Platforms?,” Forbes, last modified December 21, 2022, https://www.forbes.com/sites/joemckendrick/2022/12/21/who-ultimately-owns-content-generated-by-chatgpt-and-other-ai-platforms/?sh=7cd11c7c5423.10 Matt Burgess, “ChatGPT Has a Big Privacy Problem,” Wired, last modified April 4, 2023, https://www.wired.com/story/italy-ban-chatgpt-privacy-gdpr/.11 Tiffany Hsu and Stuart A. Thompson, “Disinformation Researchers Raise Alarms About A.I. Chatbots,” The New York Times, last modified February 8, 2023, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/08/technology/ai-chatbots-disinformation.html.12 Rudy Guyonneau and Arnaud Le Dez, “Artificial Intelligence in Digital Warfare: Introducing the Concept of the Cyberteammate,” The Cyber Defense Review 4,
摘要本文基于2023年上半年开展的一项实验研究,旨在了解恐怖组织如何潜在地利用人工智能。它讨论了使用人工智能制作和传播宣传的风险,并验证了它是否可以用来促进获取恐怖主义内容。它还探讨了基于人工智能的平台是否可以用来获取与恐怖主义相关的知识。本文还侧重于了解这些服务引入的内容审核程序的特殊性,以减少暴力极端分子对其的使用,并提供提高其效率的建议。披露声明作者报告无利益冲突需要申报。注1:Corneliu Bjola,《人工智能促进发展:理论与实践的启示》,《牛津发展研究》第50期。1(2021)。2Spyros Makridakis,“即将到来的人工智能(AI)革命:对社会和企业的影响”,Futures 90(2017): 46-60.3。“About”,Midjourney, https://www.midjourney.com/home/?callbackUrl=/app/(2023年4月20日访问)Pascal Kaufmann, Thilo stadelmann, Benjamin Grewe,“ChatGPT预示着技术革命”,Meinung,最后修改于2023年2月15日,https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5e71f505e224b656715c1753/63f327e649b46c9017ccf2b3_20230215_FuW_EN_ChatGPT%20heralds%20tech%20revolution.pdf.5 crystal Hu,“ChatGPT创下增长最快的用户群记录-分析师报告,”6 .路透社,最后一次修改于2023年2月2日,https://www.reuters.com/technology/chatgpt-sets-record-fastest-growing-user-base-analyst-note-2023-02-01/.6“人工智能:潜在利益和伦理考虑”,欧洲议会简报,https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2016/571380/IPOL_BRI (2016)571380_EN.pdf(访问于2023年4月25日)邓建阳,林毅佳,“ChatGPT的优势与挑战:综述”,《计算与智能系统前沿》第2期。2(2022)。8《ChatGPT和其他人工智能聊天机器人会带来网络安全风险吗?》“一项探索性研究”,《普适计算中的安全与隐私国际期刊》,第15期。1(2023)。9Joe McKendrick,“谁最终拥有ChatGPT和其他人工智能平台生成的内容?”,《福布斯》,最后修改于2022年12月21日,https://www.forbes.com/sites/joemckendrick/2022/12/21/who-ultimately-owns-content-generated-by-chatgpt-and-other-ai-platforms/?sh=7cd11c7c5423.10马特·伯吉斯,《ChatGPT存在严重的隐私问题》,《连线》,最后修改于2023年4月4日,https://www.wired.com/story/italy-ban-chatgpt-privacy-gdpr/.11蒂凡尼·许和斯图尔特·a·汤普森,《虚假信息研究人员对人工智能聊天机器人发出警告》,《纽约时报》,2023年2月8日最后一次修改,https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/08/technology/ai-chatbots-disinformation.html.12 Rudy Guyonneau和Arnaud Le Dez,“数字战争中的人工智能:介绍网络队友的概念”,《网络防御评论》第4期。2 (2019);Charlie Greenbacker和Nic Acton,“如何利用人工智能快速响应俄罗斯-乌克兰冲突中的信息战”,Snorkel,最后修改于2022年2月28日,https://snorkel.ai/ai-response-to-information-warfare/.13 Andrea Bianchi和Anna Greipi,“国家预防恐怖主义和法治:挑战人工智能(AI)的“魔力”,“国际反恐中心,最后修改于2022年11月17日,https://www.icct.nl/publication/states-prevention-terrorism-and-rule-law-challenging-magic-artificial-intelligence-ai.14“人工智能定义”,斯坦福大学以人为本的人工智能,https://hai.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/2020-09/AI-Definitions-HAI.pdf(访问于2023年5月5日)菲利普·鲍彻:《人工智能:它是如何工作的,为什么重要,我们能做些什么?》(布鲁塞尔:欧洲议会研究服务,2020),III.16 Stuart C. Shapiro,“人工智能”,在人工智能百科全书中,Stuart C. Shapiro(纽约:Wiley, 1992), 54-7.17“人工智能(AI)与机器学习(ML)”,Microsoft Azure, https://azure.microsoft.com/pl-pl/resources/cloud-computing-dictionary/artificial-intelligence-vs-machine-learning/#introduction(访问于2023年5月6日)“人工智能定义”,斯坦福大学以人为中心的人工智能,https://hai.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/2020-09/AI-Definitions-HAI.pdf(2023年5月6日访问)参见刘家英等人,“21世纪的人工智能”,IEEE Access 99, no。1(2018)”Rockwell Anyoha,《人工智能的历史》,哈佛大学,2017年8月28日,https://sitn.hms.harvard.edu/flash/2017/history-artificial-intelligence/.21《大数据和人工智能:它们如何协同工作》,玛丽维尔大学,https://online.maryville。
{"title":"Artificial Intelligence as a Terrorism Enabler? Understanding the Potential Impact of Chatbots and Image Generators on Online Terrorist Activities","authors":"Miron Lakomy","doi":"10.1080/1057610x.2023.2259195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2023.2259195","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis paper is based on an experiment-based study carried out in the first half of 2023, which aimed to understand how terrorist organizations can potentially exploit artificial intelligence. It discusses the risks of using AI to produce and disseminate propaganda, as well as verifies whether it can be used to facilitate access to terrorist content. It also explores if AI-based platforms can be used to access terrorism-related know-how. This paper also focuses on understanding the specificity of content moderation procedures introduced by these services to mitigate their use by violent extremists and provides recommendations for increasing their efficiency. Disclosure statementThe author report there are no competing interests to declare.Notes1 Corneliu Bjola, “AI for Development: Implications for Theory and Practice,” Oxford Development Studies 50, no. 1 (2021).2 Spyros Makridakis, “The Forthcoming Artificial Intelligence (AI) Revolution: Its Impact on Society and Firms,” Futures 90 (2017): 46–60.3 “About,” Midjourney, https://www.midjourney.com/home/?callbackUrl=/app/ (accessed April 20, 2023).4 Pascal Kaufmann, Thilo Stadel-mann, Benjamin Grewe, “ChatGPT Heralds Tech Revolution,” Meinung, last modified February 15, 2023, https://uploads-ssl.webflow.com/5e71f505e224b656715c1753/63f327e649b46c9017ccf2b3_20230215_FuW_EN_ChatGPT%20heralds%20tech%20revolution.pdf.5 Krystal Hu, “ChatGPT Sets Record for Fastest-Growing User Base – Analyst Note,” Reuters, last modified February 02, 2023, https://www.reuters.com/technology/chatgpt-sets-record-fastest-growing-user-base-analyst-note-2023-02-01/.6 “Artificial Intelligence: Potential Benefits and Ethical Considerations,” European Parliament Briefing, https://www.europarl.europa.eu/RegData/etudes/BRIE/2016/571380/IPOL_BRI (2016)571380_EN.pdf (accessed April 25, 2023).7 Jianyang Deng and Yijia Lin, “The Benefits and Challenges of ChatGPT: An Overview,” Frontiers in Computing and Intelligent Systems 2, no. 2 (2022).8 Glorin Sebastian, „Do ChatGPT and Other AI Chatbots Pose a Cybersecurity Risk? An Exploratory Study,” International Journal of Security and Privacy in Pervasive Computing 15, no. 1 (2023).9 Joe McKendrick, „Who Ultimately Owns Content Generated By ChatGPT And Other AI Platforms?,” Forbes, last modified December 21, 2022, https://www.forbes.com/sites/joemckendrick/2022/12/21/who-ultimately-owns-content-generated-by-chatgpt-and-other-ai-platforms/?sh=7cd11c7c5423.10 Matt Burgess, “ChatGPT Has a Big Privacy Problem,” Wired, last modified April 4, 2023, https://www.wired.com/story/italy-ban-chatgpt-privacy-gdpr/.11 Tiffany Hsu and Stuart A. Thompson, “Disinformation Researchers Raise Alarms About A.I. Chatbots,” The New York Times, last modified February 8, 2023, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/02/08/technology/ai-chatbots-disinformation.html.12 Rudy Guyonneau and Arnaud Le Dez, “Artificial Intelligence in Digital Warfare: Introducing the Concept of the Cyberteammate,” The Cyber Defense Review 4,","PeriodicalId":38834,"journal":{"name":"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136136569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Truth or Dare? Exploring the Importance of Factual Accuracy in Different Deradicalization Counseling Approaches 真心话大冒险?探究事实准确性在不同去极端化咨询方法中的重要性
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2023.2256535
Daniel Koehler, Adrian Cherney, Amy Templar
Risk mitigation and recidivism reduction are typical goals of deradicalization and disengagement programs (DDPs). Arguably, identifying deception and disguised compliance by clients is key to achieve these goals. However, dissenting opinions among practitioners exist whether it should be a task for DDP counselors to detect deceit by clients. Concerns that placing such a task with DDP counselors might be counter-productive and antithetical to the overall goals and effectiveness of DDPs have been raised. This article makes a theoretical contribution to the debate around this question by exploring literature from psychotherapy, psychology, criminology and terrorism studies using a combination of meta-narrative and integrative literature review methodologies. It is argued that deception detection in the context of DDPs is not “good” or “bad” per se but depends on chronological (past, present, future) and methodological perspectives. Implications for DDP research and practice are discussed.
降低风险和减少累犯是去极端化和脱离接触方案(ddp)的典型目标。可以说,识别客户的欺骗行为和伪装的合规行为是实现这些目标的关键。然而,从业人员中存在不同意见,是否应该是DDP顾问的任务,以发现客户的欺骗。有人担心,把这样一项任务交给发展方案顾问可能会适得其反,与发展方案的总目标和效力背道而驰。本文运用元叙事和综合文献综述相结合的方法,从心理治疗、心理学、犯罪学和恐怖主义研究等方面探索文献,为围绕这一问题的争论做出了理论贡献。有人认为,ddp背景下的欺骗检测本身并不“好”或“坏”,而是取决于时间顺序(过去、现在、未来)和方法观点。讨论了对DDP研究和实践的启示。
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引用次数: 0
The Social Identity Analytical Method: Facilitating Social Science-Based Practitioner Analysis of Violent Substate Conflict 社会认同分析方法:促进基于社会科学的暴力下层冲突实践者分析
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2023.2256538
David W. Brannan, Anders Strindberg
This research note is documentation of the Social Identity Analytical Method (SIAM), an analytical framework specifically developed for, and in cooperation with, law enforcement and other homeland security (HLS) leaders engaged with countering terrorism, violent extremism, organized crime, and criminal gangs. A key requirement voiced by these practitioners has been the ability to apply one analytical framework to multiple social groups – violent and non-violent, political, and non-political – without prejudice. Rooted in Social Identity Theory and anthropological scholarship, SIAM is designed to give practitioners a method for organizing analysis of actors, events and developments that is both adaptable and repeatable. Moreover, the framework allows practitioners to integrate insights from other analytical approaches, such as those centering on organizational concerns, rationality, and psychology. SIAM is now in use by federal, state, and local practitioners across the US. This note is the third publication documenting the framework’s development.
本研究报告是社会认同分析方法(SIAM)的文档,这是一个专门为执法部门和其他国土安全(HLS)领导人开发的分析框架,并与他们合作打击恐怖主义、暴力极端主义、有组织犯罪和犯罪团伙。这些实践者提出的一项关键要求是能够不带偏见地将一种分析框架应用于多个社会群体——暴力和非暴力、政治和非政治群体。植根于社会认同理论和人类学学术,SIAM旨在为从业者提供一种组织分析演员、事件和发展的方法,这种方法既可适应又可重复。此外,该框架允许实践者整合来自其他分析方法的见解,例如那些以组织关注、理性和心理学为中心的分析方法。SIAM现在被美国的联邦、州和地方从业人员所使用。本说明是记录该框架开发的第三份出版物。
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引用次数: 0
Radical Feminist Rhetoric and Terrorism: The May 19th Communist Organization 激进女权主义修辞与恐怖主义:5·19共产主义组织
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-10 DOI: 10.1080/1057610x.2023.2256533
Cameron Crawford Berger
Scholars have historically focused on explaining terrorist groups by reference to a variety of external factors believed to prompt politically motivated acts of violence. This essay seeks to extend and sharpen these insights. First, members of the May 19th Communist Organization were alienated by contemporary social justice movements. The members developed strong affective bonds with revolutionary figures which created a sense of differential belonging. Second, their commitment to a Marxist-Leninist utopian ideal functioned as an encyclopedic myth. These two elements provided them with a specific sense of agency, and established a rationale for violence. Several implications follow from these observations.
历史上,学者们一直专注于通过各种外界因素来解释恐怖组织,这些外部因素被认为会引发出于政治动机的暴力行为。这篇文章试图扩展和锐化这些见解。首先,五十九共产主义组织的成员被当代社会正义运动所疏远。成员们与革命人物建立了强烈的情感纽带,产生了一种不同的归属感。其次,他们对马克思列宁主义乌托邦理想的承诺就像是百科全书式的神话。这两个元素为他们提供了一种特定的能动性,并为暴力行为奠定了基础。从这些观察中可以得出几点启示。
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引用次数: 0
Oil and the Islamic State: Revisiting “Resource Wars” Arguments in Light of ISIS Operations and State-Making Attempts 石油和伊斯兰国:根据ISIS的行动和建立国家的企图重新审视“资源战争”的争论
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2020.1846252
Philippe Le Billon
Abstract Debates over the relationship between natural resources and armed conflicts have flourished in the past two decades, but few studies have considered the case of oil and the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. This paper reviews key scholarly arguments concerning the relationship between natural resources and armed groups, and examines the interrelationship between oil, armed conflict and ISIS. Building on this analysis, the paper offers insights into dilemmas of oil dependence for non-state armed groups controlling proto-states: specifically, while oil enabled ISIS to consolidate its attempts at establishing a de facto state, it also created vulnerabilities. Among these, U.S.-led forces deliberately targeted oil to deny ISIS’ attempts to achieve statehood, and to politically confine its status to that of a terrorist organization ruling over an oil rich and dangerous proto-state targeted for military and political eradication. These findings point to the value of nuanced analyses of relations between resource wars arguments and terrorism studies, as well as the need to more broadly consider the various political dimensions of natural resources in the study of armed conflicts and campaigns against terrorist organizations.
在过去的二十年里,关于自然资源与武装冲突之间关系的争论非常激烈,但很少有研究考虑到石油与伊拉克和叙利亚的伊斯兰国之间的关系。本文回顾了有关自然资源与武装组织之间关系的主要学术论点,并考察了石油、武装冲突和ISIS之间的相互关系。在此分析的基础上,本文对控制原始国家的非国家武装组织对石油依赖的困境提出了见解:具体而言,虽然石油使ISIS能够巩固其建立事实上的国家的企图,但它也造成了脆弱性。其中,以美国为首的部队故意以石油为目标,以阻止ISIS建立国家的企图,并在政治上将其地位限制为一个恐怖组织,统治着一个石油丰富而危险的原始国家,目标是军事和政治上的根除。这些发现指出了对资源战争争论和恐怖主义研究之间关系进行细致分析的价值,以及在研究武装冲突和反对恐怖组织的运动时更广泛地考虑自然资源的各种政治层面的必要性。
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引用次数: 4
Iran's Security and the Islamic State through the Lenses of the Copenhagen School 哥本哈根学派视角下的伊朗安全和伊斯兰国家
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2015.1040293
Mahdieh Aghazadeh Khoei
After the Cold War, a new generation of security studies emerged that moved debates beyond traditional, narrow, state-centric definitions of security toward considering other aspects like economic, political, social, and environmental contexts. This article evaluates one such contemporary important security concern—the threat of the Islamic State (IS), mainly against Iran, in the framework of the Copenhagen School security approach. The analysis concludes that IS threatens Iran's security by increasing the possibility of Kurdish sectarianism, widening the Shi’ite–Sunni gap, creating economic threats, decreasing Iran's influence in Syria, and challenging its power in the region. Analyzing Iran's stance against IS and the ensuing security debate is important to predict the future of the Middle East.
冷战结束后,新一代的安全研究出现了,使辩论超越了传统的、狭隘的、以国家为中心的安全定义,转向考虑其他方面,如经济、政治、社会和环境背景。本文在哥本哈根学派的安全方法框架下评估了一个当代重要的安全问题——主要针对伊朗的伊斯兰国(IS)的威胁。分析认为,伊斯兰国通过增加库尔德教派主义的可能性,扩大什叶派和逊尼派的差距,制造经济威胁,减少伊朗在叙利亚的影响力,并挑战伊朗在该地区的权力,威胁伊朗的安全。分析伊朗对伊斯兰国的立场以及随之而来的安全辩论对于预测中东的未来非常重要。
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引用次数: 0
Do Vigilante Groups Reduce Cartel-Related Violence? An Empirical Assessment of Crime Trends in Michoacán, Mexico 治安维持团体能减少与卡特尔有关的暴力吗?墨西哥Michoacán犯罪趋势的实证评估
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2020.1816683
Juan del Río
Abstract When the Knights Templar cartel targeted the people of Michoacán, vigilantes formed for protection. This study uses a paired sample t-test to investigate the effect that the emergence and subsequent removal of the vigilantes and their confrontational approach against the Knights Templar had on cartel-related crimes. Initially, homicides increased in vigilante areas, while kidnappings and extortions decreased. After vigilantes were removed, homicides and kidnappings increased, while extortions decreased. Government removal of vigilantes allowed for a power vacuum to ensue, allowing violence to increase. Therefore, violence initially increases with vigilante presence, then decreases, while increasing again once the group is removed.
当圣殿骑士团以Michoacán的人民为目标时,义警应运而生。本研究使用配对样本t检验来调查义务警员的出现和随后的移除,以及他们对抗圣殿骑士团的方式对卡特尔相关犯罪的影响。最初,治安维持地区的凶杀案有所增加,而绑架和勒索案件有所减少。治安维持者被清除后,谋杀和绑架增加了,而敲诈勒索减少了。政府驱逐义务警员导致权力真空,暴力事件增加。因此,暴力最初会随着治安维持者的出现而增加,然后减少,而一旦治安维持者消失,暴力又会再次增加。
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引用次数: 1
Complexity, Lethality, and the Perverse Imagination: Modelling Nonstate Actors' Means of Attack. 复杂性、致命性和反常的想象力:模拟非国家行为者的攻击手段》。
IF 2 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 Epub Date: 2021-04-12 DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2021.1906483
Brandon Del Pozo

In the pursuit of security, state actors presume a linear relationship between the lethality and complexity of various means of attack. They deploy resources and research programs to overcome the inherent or "analytic" complexity of increasingly lethal means of their own (think of programs to develop nuclear weapons and other highly lethal munitions), and they impose security, legal and regulatory regimes to increase the imposed or "synthetic" complexity opponents must overcome to appropriate or adopt the means they develop. Nonstate actors such as terrorists overcome the challenges of complexity by imaginatively seeking new ways to operate in an alternative high lethality/low complexity space. The perversity of their imagination allows them to conceive of means of attack beyond the pale for state actors, leaving states initially unprepared to defend against them. Car bombs, vehicle ramming and small arms attacks on dense crowds, and iconic attacks such as 9/11 are examples of nonstate actors successfully operating in the high lethality/low complexity space. Successful attackers will continue to do so in ways that state actors fail to imagine and protect against, especially when the prevention of low-complexity attacks traditionally falls on local governments with fewer resources, and they employ means that do not have especially suspicious signatures. The deployment of weaponized drones against crowds and other soft targets may indicate one of the evolutions of this operational space. State security requires fully understanding the imagination of the nonstate actor, but good governance requires balancing the necessary thinking and preventive measures with the freedoms of a state not burdened by such a perverse outlook.

在追求安全的过程中,国家行为体假定各种攻击手段的致命性和复杂性之间存在线性关系。他们部署资源和研究计划,以克服自身日益致命的攻击手段所固有的或 "分析 "上的复杂性(想想发展核武器和其他高致命性弹药的计划),他们强制实施安全、法律和监管制度,以增加对手必须克服的外加的或 "合成 "上的复杂性,以适应或采用他们开发的手段。非国家行为者,如恐怖分子,通过富有想象力地寻求在另一个高致命性/低复杂性的空间开展行动的新方法,来克服复杂性带来的挑战。他们反常的想象力使他们能够构想出超出国家行为者能力范围的攻击手段,让国家最初毫无防备。汽车炸弹、车辆冲撞和小武器袭击密集人群,以及 9/11 等标志性袭击,都是非国家行为者在高致命性/低复杂性领域成功运作的范例。成功的攻击者将继续以国家行为者无法想象和防范的方式进行攻击,尤其是当防范低复杂性攻击的任务传统上由资源较少的地方政府承担时,他们采用的手段也不会有特别可疑的特征。针对人群和其他软目标部署武器化无人机可能是这一行动空间的演变之一。国家安全需要充分了解非国家行为者的想象力,但善治则需要在必要的思考和预防措施与国家自由之间取得平衡,而不是被这种反常的观点所累。
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引用次数: 0
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Studies in Conflict & Terrorism
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