O presente artigo tem como objetivo participar da discussão acerca das multifacetadas relações entre futebol e manifestações políticas no Brasil. Constatamos que existem três interpretações correntes a respeito dessas relações no debate público, nas quais: 1) o futeboldistancia os sujeitos da busca por seus interesses políticos; 2) futebol e política deveriam ser duas esferas totalmente separadas da vida social; 3) a experiência como torcedores de futebol é uma má influência para os cidadãos em seus comportamentos políticos. Para argumentar contra essas interpretações, observamos três momentos de manifestaçõespolíticas entre 2013 e 2020 que se relacionam de maneiras distintas com o futebol: os atos públicos contra a Copa do Mundo de 2014 da FIFA; as manifestações antipetistas e bolsonaristas; os protestos de torcedores contra Bolsonaro em meio à pandemia de COVID-19. Concluímos que o contexto do futebol pode oferecer múltiplas formas de cidadania e politização frequentemente insuficientes em outros espaços da vida social do país.
{"title":"ópio do povo? O futebol e as manifestações políticas no Brasil entre 2013 e 2020","authors":"Eric Monné Fraga de Oliveira","doi":"10.5216/sec.v24.65892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/sec.v24.65892","url":null,"abstract":"O presente artigo tem como objetivo participar da discussão acerca das multifacetadas relações entre futebol e manifestações políticas no Brasil. Constatamos que existem três interpretações correntes a respeito dessas relações no debate público, nas quais: 1) o futeboldistancia os sujeitos da busca por seus interesses políticos; 2) futebol e política deveriam ser duas esferas totalmente separadas da vida social; 3) a experiência como torcedores de futebol é uma má influência para os cidadãos em seus comportamentos políticos. Para argumentar contra essas interpretações, observamos três momentos de manifestaçõespolíticas entre 2013 e 2020 que se relacionam de maneiras distintas com o futebol: os atos públicos contra a Copa do Mundo de 2014 da FIFA; as manifestações antipetistas e bolsonaristas; os protestos de torcedores contra Bolsonaro em meio à pandemia de COVID-19. Concluímos que o contexto do futebol pode oferecer múltiplas formas de cidadania e politização frequentemente insuficientes em outros espaços da vida social do país.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"76 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87291416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article appropriates both anthropological discussions and those coming from other disciplinary fields such as art history and philosophy to reflect on politics and poetics related to gender performances, having as analysis material some works by artists Marcel Duchamp and, especially, Michel Journiac. To do so, I first resume a series of theoretical elaborations on costume and clothing in relation to thebody. Subsequently, I discuss issues related to practices of cross-dressingand to experiences that address gender issues in the artistic field. Finally, I analyze inextricable relations between clothes, body and possibilities of life and transition/transmutation in order to propose politics and poeticsthat do not operate by the determinations of the psi sciences, generally triggered to erect concepts about the practice of cross-dressing.
{"title":"Performances de gênero e gêneros em performance: reflexões sobre a arte e os corpos de Michel Journiac","authors":"Vitor Grunvald","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V24.62516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V24.62516","url":null,"abstract":"The article appropriates both anthropological discussions and those coming from other disciplinary fields such as art history and philosophy to reflect on politics and poetics related to gender performances, having as analysis material some works by artists Marcel Duchamp and, especially, Michel Journiac. To do so, I first resume a series of theoretical elaborations on costume and clothing in relation to thebody. Subsequently, I discuss issues related to practices of cross-dressingand to experiences that address gender issues in the artistic field. Finally, I analyze inextricable relations between clothes, body and possibilities of life and transition/transmutation in order to propose politics and poeticsthat do not operate by the determinations of the psi sciences, generally triggered to erect concepts about the practice of cross-dressing.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88504860","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Luis Antonio González Tule, C. Guzmán, Ángel Tuirán
Much of the political science literature regards clientelism as harmful to democracies. To a lesser extent, other approaches estimate that clientelism is a mechanism that meets the needs of vulnerable populations. This article aims to contribute to knowledge built on this theme through a case study. It seeks to: 1) show how clientelism works, taking the municipality of Barranquilla, Colombia, as a reference; 2) propose explanations to grasp the clientelist rationale; and 3) investigate its effects on the democratic regime. From a historical-institutional perspective, we argue that clientelism in Barranquilla has a personalistic rather than a partisan nature, as a result of political arrangements and institutional changes that have taken place in Colombia since the mid-20 century. Evidence allows us to claim that clientelist politics has allowed the local economic-political elites to perpetuate in power and that the asymmetries between rulers and ruled persist.
{"title":"Clientelismo personalizado en Colombia: una aproximación histórico-institucional a un estudio de caso","authors":"Luis Antonio González Tule, C. Guzmán, Ángel Tuirán","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V24.57225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V24.57225","url":null,"abstract":"Much of the political science literature regards clientelism as harmful to democracies. To a lesser extent, other approaches estimate that clientelism is a mechanism that meets the needs of vulnerable populations. This article aims to contribute to knowledge built on this theme through a case study. It seeks to: 1) show how clientelism works, taking the municipality of Barranquilla, Colombia, as a reference; 2) propose explanations to grasp the clientelist rationale; and 3) investigate its effects on the democratic regime. From a historical-institutional perspective, we argue that clientelism in Barranquilla has a personalistic rather than a partisan nature, as a result of political arrangements and institutional changes that have taken place in Colombia since the mid-20 century. Evidence allows us to claim that clientelist politics has allowed the local economic-political elites to perpetuate in power and that the asymmetries between rulers and ruled persist.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"76 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79968641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Leticia Magalí Muñiz Terra, M. E. Ambort, M. Iucci
This article presents results of an ongoing research project in which we analyze social inequality in Argentina for the period 2003-2019. As a starting point, we propose to address social inequalities as a relational, multidimensional, procedural, and multiscale phenomenon. To grasp how the various forms of inequality between social classes are built in a specific territory and over time, we take the dynamic perspective of social trajectories: a) career; and b) education. We see that educational trajectory analysis and the consequent labor insertion makes visible the way in which structural circumstances (economic models and their relation to the existing possibilities in the labor market) are articulated/tensioned in the face of institutional policies (relations and public and private policies for labor insertion) and individual action (subjective strategies for insertion and permanence in the labor market). In this article, we focus our attention on the latter dimension, with an analysis that focuses on representations and actions of individuals regarding their trajectories. Among the main conclusions we may highlight that, while the upper middle class has relatively homogeneous educational and career trajectories, reaching the highest educational levels and hierarchical positions, in addition to good hiring conditions, stability, and social security, the middle class active in the labor market and the working class have heterogeneous educational and career trajectories. The former conclude High School and enter Higher Education at undergraduate and graduate levels, and the creation of career trajectories associated with formal public or private administrative positions or with self-employment, which entail poor hiring conditions. Finally, the informal working class follows educational trajectories with poor credentials and it has very long informal career lengths, beginning in childhood.
{"title":"Desigualdades sociales a contraluz: un análisis a partir de trayectorias de clase en Argentina","authors":"Leticia Magalí Muñiz Terra, M. E. Ambort, M. Iucci","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V24.63396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V24.63396","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents results of an ongoing research project in which we analyze social inequality in Argentina for the period 2003-2019. As a starting point, we propose to address social inequalities as a relational, multidimensional, procedural, and multiscale phenomenon. To grasp how the various forms of inequality between social classes are built in a specific territory and over time, we take the dynamic perspective of social trajectories: a) career; and b) education. We see that educational trajectory analysis and the consequent labor insertion makes visible the way in which structural circumstances (economic models and their relation to the existing possibilities in the labor market) are articulated/tensioned in the face of institutional policies (relations and public and private policies for labor insertion) and individual action (subjective strategies for insertion and permanence in the labor market). In this article, we focus our attention on the latter dimension, with an analysis that focuses on representations and actions of individuals regarding their trajectories. Among the main conclusions we may highlight that, while the upper middle class has relatively homogeneous educational and career trajectories, reaching the highest educational levels and hierarchical positions, in addition to good hiring conditions, stability, and social security, the middle class active in the labor market and the working class have heterogeneous educational and career trajectories. The former conclude High School and enter Higher Education at undergraduate and graduate levels, and the creation of career trajectories associated with formal public or private administrative positions or with self-employment, which entail poor hiring conditions. Finally, the informal working class follows educational trajectories with poor credentials and it has very long informal career lengths, beginning in childhood.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89551732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Matheus Mazzilli Pereira, Brenda Espíndula, Camila Ricioli da Silva, E. Fernandes
In the past recent years, polarized political protests have become visible and recurring phenomena in Brazil. Given this scenario, what are the potentialities and limits presented by the Brazilian Sociology textbooks for reflecting on these episodes of confrontation and collective mobilization? To answer this problem, we analysed secondary school Sociology textbooks approved by PNLD 2018 with the purpose of subsidizing the production of an activity book aimed at secondary school teachers. We adopted the methodology of content analysis of books andthen we identified how this content relates to contemporary academicapproaches on social movements. The results of this analysis indicate,on the one hand, that their potentialities are related to the historical contextualization and the thematic articulation present in them. On the other hand, they indicate the presence of limits related to thereproduction of theoretical assumptions questioned by contemporary approaches on this topic.
{"title":"Os movimentos sociais em livros didáticos de Sociologia para o ensino médio","authors":"Matheus Mazzilli Pereira, Brenda Espíndula, Camila Ricioli da Silva, E. Fernandes","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V24.63753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V24.63753","url":null,"abstract":"In the past recent years, polarized political protests have become visible and recurring phenomena in Brazil. Given this scenario, what are the potentialities and limits presented by the Brazilian Sociology textbooks for reflecting on these episodes of confrontation and collective mobilization? To answer this problem, we analysed secondary school Sociology textbooks approved by PNLD 2018 with the purpose of subsidizing the production of an activity book aimed at secondary school teachers. We adopted the methodology of content analysis of books andthen we identified how this content relates to contemporary academicapproaches on social movements. The results of this analysis indicate,on the one hand, that their potentialities are related to the historical contextualization and the thematic articulation present in them. On the other hand, they indicate the presence of limits related to thereproduction of theoretical assumptions questioned by contemporary approaches on this topic.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86971914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article asks how the presence of antipersonnel mines (APMs) changes the relationship between rural communities and their territory. We argue that the presence of APMs produces social effects that shape a sinister or inhospitable territory-becoming, i.e. its transformation into something that is both familiar and uncanny. This phenomenon supports the domination dynamics on the part of armed groups responsible for the installation of those artifacts. This article introduces the historical memory study carried out in three Colombian municipalities with members of associations of victims of APMs. The text concludes that the installation of these weapons, as a strategy of the armed groups to continue the underground war, does not only affect people victimized by such explosive traps, but profoundly changes the social sense of home that a given territory has for a local community.
{"title":"Devenir inhóspito del hogar: transformaciones territoriales por la presencia de minas antipersonal en Colombia","authors":"Gabriel Ruiz Romero, Daniel Castaño Zapata","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V24.63185","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V24.63185","url":null,"abstract":"This article asks how the presence of antipersonnel mines (APMs) changes the relationship between rural communities and their territory. We argue that the presence of APMs produces social effects that shape a sinister or inhospitable territory-becoming, i.e. its transformation into something that is both familiar and uncanny. This phenomenon supports the domination dynamics on the part of armed groups responsible for the installation of those artifacts. This article introduces the historical memory study carried out in three Colombian municipalities with members of associations of victims of APMs. The text concludes that the installation of these weapons, as a strategy of the armed groups to continue the underground war, does not only affect people victimized by such explosive traps, but profoundly changes the social sense of home that a given territory has for a local community.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91012707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article proposes a reflection, systematization, and orientation of a broad international literature on neoliberalism, aimed at working on its political concept and making its use more rigorous, delimited, andregulated in Political Science. With this objective in view, the article inscribes the concept in the historical tradition of liberalism, through an approach grounded in political philosophy. It follows a historical and contextual approach to structure a narrative of the political expansion process of neoliberalism, identifies the rise of neoliberalism as a legitimizing principle of the States and, finally, summarizes the relationship between the predominance of neoliberalism and the legal and constitutional changes in the liberal State. In conclusion, some theoretical contributions that this political concept of neoliberalism can offer for contemporary reflection on the deadlocks of democracy are introduced.
{"title":"Neoliberalismo e Ciência Política: contribuições teóricas sobre a crise da democracia","authors":"J. Guimarães, C. Cruz","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V24.60911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V24.60911","url":null,"abstract":"This article proposes a reflection, systematization, and orientation of a broad international literature on neoliberalism, aimed at working on its political concept and making its use more rigorous, delimited, andregulated in Political Science. With this objective in view, the article inscribes the concept in the historical tradition of liberalism, through an approach grounded in political philosophy. It follows a historical and contextual approach to structure a narrative of the political expansion process of neoliberalism, identifies the rise of neoliberalism as a legitimizing principle of the States and, finally, summarizes the relationship between the predominance of neoliberalism and the legal and constitutional changes in the liberal State. In conclusion, some theoretical contributions that this political concept of neoliberalism can offer for contemporary reflection on the deadlocks of democracy are introduced.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"52 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81881661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Carlos Henrique Aguiar Serra, Luís Antônio Francisco de Souza, Raphael Guazzelli Valerio
This article explores the conceptual and theoretical convergences and divergences in some discussions of Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, emphasizing the notions of state of exception and biopolitics. It is argued that the analytical framework from the authors lets understand why, in the current Brazilian society, increasingly, democracy has become a mechanism of biopolitical management that has, inside, the adoption of typical state of exception measures and devices, such as authorizing the killing of suspects and enemies and suspension of constitutional rights and guarantees. The empirical basis for theoretical discussion is the recent experience of military intervention in the Rio de Janeiro’s public safety, with your exception measures, based on territory occupation, social militarization, access control and in the impunity in the face of violations. Thus, the intervention is a laboratory of state of exception permanent that gradually is settling in Brazilian society.
{"title":"(Des)encontros entre Giorgio Agamben e Michel Foucault: O que resta do estado de direito no Brasil","authors":"Carlos Henrique Aguiar Serra, Luís Antônio Francisco de Souza, Raphael Guazzelli Valerio","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V24.63358","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V24.63358","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the conceptual and theoretical convergences and divergences in some discussions of Michel Foucault and Giorgio Agamben, emphasizing the notions of state of exception and biopolitics. It is argued that the analytical framework from the authors lets understand why, in the current Brazilian society, increasingly, democracy has become a mechanism of biopolitical management that has, inside, the adoption of typical state of exception measures and devices, such as authorizing the killing of suspects and enemies and suspension of constitutional rights and guarantees. The empirical basis for theoretical discussion is the recent experience of military intervention in the Rio de Janeiro’s public safety, with your exception measures, based on territory occupation, social militarization, access control and in the impunity in the face of violations. Thus, the intervention is a laboratory of state of exception permanent that gradually is settling in Brazilian society.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"14 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81302074","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Faced with a social context in which instrumental births predominate, via cesarean surgery, in private hospitals and the “cascade of interventions” in vaginal deliveries in Brazilian public hospitals, the women’smovement marked the beginning of the 21st century with the name “obstetric violence”. The understanding of obstetric violence ranges from physical, psychological, verbal, symbolic, sexual aggressions to negligencein care, discrimination, excessive and inappropriate medicalization, adherence to obstetric practices that are not recommended, painful, harmful and not based on scientific evidence which are experienced at the time of pregnancy, childbirth, birth and postpartum. Aspects of this violence - with imposition of pain, suffering and preventable deaths - are legitimized by obstetric science and authorized by the State as assistanceto sexual and reproductive health. We argue that obstetric violence is a misogynistic act of punishment for women, the result of centuries of denial of their sexuality and the ability to decide. The purpose of the article is to reflect on how this political authorization was given to violate the bodies of women, as well as their naturalization and invisibility justified by science and certain obstetric practices. Being part of a broader research, historical analyzes of feminist nature were privileged, whose collection of knowledge allowed to track the process of elaboration of the concept and show how the intrinsic relations between childbirth and State policies, through the different assistance - public and private - coordinate the discipline over theexpropriated bodies of women.
{"title":"\"Parirás com Dor\": a violência obstétrica revisitada","authors":"Maíra Soares Ferreira, Eliane Gonçalves","doi":"10.5216/SEC.V23.60230","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/SEC.V23.60230","url":null,"abstract":"Faced with a social context in which instrumental births predominate, via cesarean surgery, in private hospitals and the “cascade of interventions” in vaginal deliveries in Brazilian public hospitals, the women’smovement marked the beginning of the 21st century with the name “obstetric violence”. The understanding of obstetric violence ranges from physical, psychological, verbal, symbolic, sexual aggressions to negligencein care, discrimination, excessive and inappropriate medicalization, adherence to obstetric practices that are not recommended, painful, harmful and not based on scientific evidence which are experienced at the time of pregnancy, childbirth, birth and postpartum. Aspects of this violence - with imposition of pain, suffering and preventable deaths - are legitimized by obstetric science and authorized by the State as assistanceto sexual and reproductive health. We argue that obstetric violence is a misogynistic act of punishment for women, the result of centuries of denial of their sexuality and the ability to decide. The purpose of the article is to reflect on how this political authorization was given to violate the bodies of women, as well as their naturalization and invisibility justified by science and certain obstetric practices. Being part of a broader research, historical analyzes of feminist nature were privileged, whose collection of knowledge allowed to track the process of elaboration of the concept and show how the intrinsic relations between childbirth and State policies, through the different assistance - public and private - coordinate the discipline over theexpropriated bodies of women.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82081220","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A partir de um resgate histórico-cultural, este artigo discute uma sociogênese possível do termo e da prática dos saraus literários em São Paulo, instâncias que funcionam, hoje, como catalisadores de vivências artísticas nas periferias brasileiras. Partindo de duas “narrativas de origem” dos poetas Binho e Sérgio Vaz – pioneiros do movimento da literatura marginal no contexto paulistano –, retomo a ideia e parte da história desse tipo de atividade nos salões europeus, verificando como ocorreu a sua transposição para a rotina artística nacional, processo que esteve intermediado por mecenas e membros da elite cafeeira. Esses salões/saraus fomentaram um dos mais relevantes movimentos da história cultural do Brasil: o modernismo paulista. Meu argumento é que houve uma correlação entre o apogeu de salões artísticos na cidade de São Paulo, entre o fim do século XIX e o início do XX, a prosperidade de palacetes de uma burguesia agrário-industrial interessada nos benefícios da vida urbana, a eclosão de vanguardas no campo artístico nacional e o ciclo de industrialização por que passava o estado de São Paulo. Nesse contexto, os saraus acabaram constituindo espaços capazes de fundir a absorção de novas ideias oriundas da Europa com a defesa das artes nacionais, processo que ratificou desejos de mudanças no campo artístico e social da época.
{"title":"Sociogênese possível dos saraus: uma história de rupturas na cultura brasileira","authors":"Lucas Amaral de Oliveira","doi":"10.5216/sec.v23i.62830","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5216/sec.v23i.62830","url":null,"abstract":"A partir de um resgate histórico-cultural, este artigo discute uma sociogênese possível do termo e da prática dos saraus literários em São Paulo, instâncias que funcionam, hoje, como catalisadores de vivências artísticas nas periferias brasileiras. Partindo de duas “narrativas de origem” dos poetas Binho e Sérgio Vaz – pioneiros do movimento da literatura marginal no contexto paulistano –, retomo a ideia e parte da história desse tipo de atividade nos salões europeus, verificando como ocorreu a sua transposição para a rotina artística nacional, processo que esteve intermediado por mecenas e membros da elite cafeeira. Esses salões/saraus fomentaram um dos mais relevantes movimentos da história cultural do Brasil: o modernismo paulista. Meu argumento é que houve uma correlação entre o apogeu de salões artísticos na cidade de São Paulo, entre o fim do século XIX e o início do XX, a prosperidade de palacetes de uma burguesia agrário-industrial interessada nos benefícios da vida urbana, a eclosão de vanguardas no campo artístico nacional e o ciclo de industrialização por que passava o estado de São Paulo. Nesse contexto, os saraus acabaram constituindo espaços capazes de fundir a absorção de novas ideias oriundas da Europa com a defesa das artes nacionais, processo que ratificou desejos de mudanças no campo artístico e social da época.","PeriodicalId":38915,"journal":{"name":"Sociedade e Cultura","volume":"431 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83664732","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：