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The Coronavirus and the Future of Liberalism 冠状病毒与自由主义的未来
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/mv-cjir.1742
Aliaksei Kazharski, A. Makarychev
The outbreak of COVID-19 has significantly reshaped debates on the global order, democratic politics and the liberal mode of governing societies. Some have compared the virus to the “ultimate empty signifier”, which allowed difficult ideological groups to fill it with their own securitizations, creating in an instant a plethora of political otherings. For IR realists, the sudden collapse of cross-border movement and other privileges of the globalized liberal elite came as a vindication of their long-cherished argument: the nation state remains the key actor in international politics, and the post-national world had largely been a utopian liberal illusion. Right-wing nationalist populists have been saying the same thing but in a different language and were apt to make COVID-19 instrumental to their purposes. Thus, Viktor Orbán quickly linked it to the agenda of migration and used the state of exception as a pretext to further limit the democratic process in Hungary. However, as students of populism have also stressed, the populist response to the pandemic has been far from uniform.  In a yet broader perspective, while some democratic governments enacted draconian measures in response to the pandemic, suspending basic individual freedoms, some dictatorships like Belarus experienced a sudden “flow of liberalism“, refusing to cut down on both economic activity and cross-border movement. This special issue focuses on comparing the liberal and illiberal reactions (both domestic and international) to the pandemic, looking into how it has affected the democratic and non-democratic forms of governance; examining where the responses have been similar or overlapping, i.e. where COVID-19 has practically blurred or erased the border between liberal and illiberal politics; looking into how different types of regimes and political groupings have borrowed new elements and styles of politics, e.g. in which circumstances populist or autocratic politicians suddenly seemed more liberal than their liberal and democratic counterparts; and investigating the ramifications of these changes for the liberal components of the globalized international order.
新冠肺炎的爆发极大地重塑了关于全球秩序、民主政治和治理社会的自由模式的辩论。一些人将病毒比作“终极的空能指”,这让困难的意识形态团体能够用自己的安全化来填补它,在瞬间创造了大量的政治另类。对于IR现实主义者来说,全球化自由主义精英的跨境运动和其他特权的突然崩溃证明了他们长期以来的论点:民族国家仍然是国际政治的关键参与者,后民族世界在很大程度上是一种乌托邦式的自由主义幻想。右翼民族主义民粹主义者一直在用不同的语言说同样的话,并倾向于使新冠肺炎有助于实现他们的目的。因此,维克托·奥尔班很快将其与移民议程联系起来,并以例外状态为借口进一步限制匈牙利的民主进程。然而,正如民粹主义学生也强调的那样,民粹主义对疫情的反应远非一致。从更广泛的角度来看,尽管一些民主政府为应对疫情制定了严厉措施,暂停了基本的个人自由,像白俄罗斯这样的一些独裁政权经历了突然的“自由主义浪潮”,拒绝削减经济活动和跨境流动。本期特刊重点比较自由主义和非自由主义的反应(国内和国际)针对新冠疫情,研究它如何影响民主和非民主形式的治理;研究在哪些情况下反应相似或重叠,即新冠肺炎实际上模糊或抹去了自由政治与非自由政治之间的边界;研究不同类型的政权和政治集团是如何借鉴新的政治元素和风格的,例如,在这种情况下,民粹主义或专制政客突然看起来比自由派和民主派更自由;以及调查这些变化对全球化国际秩序中自由主义部分的影响。
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引用次数: 1
What Makes Life Grievable? Discursive Distribution of Vulnerability in the Pandemic 是什么让生活变得悲惨?疫情中脆弱性的分布
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/mv-cjir.1737
Zuzana Maďarová, Pavol Hardoš, Alexandra Ostertágová
This article examines Judith Butler’s concepts of vulnerability and grievability in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic and biopower practices introduced in the name of the protection of the people. An analysis of the elite political discourse in Czechia, Germany, Great Britain, and Slovakia in the first three months of the pandemic explores how vulnerability was constructed and distributed among the respective populations. We identified two prevailing discursive frames – science and security. Within the first, vulnerability was constructed in terms of biological characteristics, rendering elderly, disabled, and chronically ill bodies as already lost and ungrievable. Within the security frame, Roma or migrant populations’ vulnerability to the virus has been discursively shifted into being seen as a threat, while vulnerability itself was recognized more as a feature of institutions or society. Thus, despite the claims that ‘we are all in this together’, the pandemic has exposed how our vulnerability and interdependency are embedded within existing social structures.
本文探讨了朱迪斯·巴特勒在新冠肺炎大流行背景下的脆弱性和可悲伤性概念,以及以保护人民的名义引入的生物动力实践。对疫情前三个月捷克、德国、英国和斯洛伐克精英政治话语的分析,探讨了脆弱性是如何在各自人群中构建和分布的。我们确定了两个主要的话语框架——科学和安全。在第一种情况下,脆弱性是根据生物学特征构建的,使老年人、残疾人和慢性病患者的身体变得已经失去和无法修复。在安全框架内,罗姆人或移民人口对病毒的脆弱性被随意地转变为一种威胁,而脆弱性本身更多地被认为是机构或社会的一个特征。因此,尽管有人声称“我们都在一起”,但这场疫情暴露了我们的脆弱性和相互依存性是如何嵌入现有社会结构的。
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引用次数: 8
Motivace diplomatické změny vybraných států nově uznávajících Čínu v rámci čínsko-tchajwanského soupeření 中台竞争背景下选择国承认中国的外交转变动因
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-06-18 DOI: 10.32422/mv.1671
Zdeněk Rod, Michal Himmer
The recent considerable loss of many of Taiwan’s diplomatic allies remains unchanged. The authors of the article focus on the period between 2016 and 2018, when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) established its diplomatic ties with Taiwan’s former allies such as Gambia, Burkina Faso, the Dominican Republic, Panama, São Tomé and Príncipe and El Salvador. The aim is to explore whether the diplomatic transition was the outcome of dollar diplomacy alone, or if there were further motivations influencing the recognition process. The diplomatic overturn was analysed within six case studies with a specific focus on the non-economic motivations. In conclusion, the authors found out that the examined cases are different from each other – in terms of not only the motivations themselves but also the ‘levels’ of these motivations. In most of the cases, it was possible to detect at least one significant non-economic motivation for the diplomatic switch.
台湾许多外交盟友最近的重大损失没有改变。文章作者关注的是2016年至2018年期间,中华人民共和国与台湾的前盟友建立了外交关系,如冈比亚、布基纳法索、多米尼加共和国、巴拿马、圣多美和普林西比以及萨尔瓦多。其目的是探讨外交过渡是否只是美元外交的结果,或者是否有其他动机影响承认过程。外交推翻在六个案例研究中进行了分析,特别关注非经济动机。总之,作者发现,被调查的案例彼此不同——不仅在动机本身方面,而且在这些动机的“水平”方面。在大多数情况下,至少可以发现外交转变的一个重要的非经济动机。
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引用次数: 0
Vedat Yorucu and Özay Mehmet: The Southern Energy Corridor: Turkey’s Role in European Energy Security Vedat Yorucu和Özay Mehmet:《南方能源走廊:土耳其在欧洲能源安全中的作用》
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/MV.1577
Martina Dočkalová
This book highlights the importance of Turkey in diversifying supplies in future European energy security, focusing in particular on the rapidly emerging southern energy corridor. Turkey, by its location, occupies a key role in this corridor, fed by hydrocarbon supplies from Russian, Caspian, east Mediterranean and Arab sources. The book examines Turkey's role as a transit country (in addition to its own growing domestic energy market) and it utilizes the latest evidence on the geopolitics of various pipelines which convergence on Turkey. The evidence, including maps, strongly favor Turkey as an energy hub within a regional energy model driven by rational behavior and market forces. The book recommends an increasing strategic energy cooperation between the EU and Turkey to maximize mutual interest.
这本书强调了土耳其在未来欧洲能源安全多样化供应中的重要性,特别关注迅速崛起的南部能源走廊。土耳其凭借其地理位置,在这条走廊中发挥着关键作用,从俄罗斯、里海、东地中海和阿拉伯地区获得碳氢化合物供应。这本书考察了土耳其作为一个过境国的角色(除了它自己不断增长的国内能源市场之外),并利用了土耳其汇集的各种管道的地缘政治的最新证据。包括地图在内的证据都强烈支持土耳其成为由理性行为和市场力量驱动的区域能源模式中的能源中心。该书建议加强欧盟和土耳其之间的战略能源合作,使双方利益最大化。
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引用次数: 5
State Responsibility in the Cyber Age: The Course towards Indirect Evidence 网络时代的国家责任:走向间接证据
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/MV.1585
Lucie Kadlecová
The problem of attributing responsibility for cyber-attacks is almost as old ascyberspace itself, yet it remains one of the most troublesome issues of that domain. It is oftenimpossible to uncover direct evidence that would reveal the identities of the attackers. Investigatorsmust therefore rely on other, more indirect avenues of proof. The aim of this exploratory study is todevelop a basic categorisation of indirect evidence that can be used to attribute state responsibilityfor cyber-attacks in international relations. To do so, the article works with international legalconcepts but transposes them into the analysis of international relations. The categorization ofindirect proof is based on the Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008, which provides one of the richestarrays of this kind of evidence. The analysis identifies four kinds of indirect evidence: level ofcoordination, level of preparedness, state relations with the national hacker community, and stateconception of cyber-security.
网络攻击的责任归属问题几乎与网络空间本身一样古老,但它仍然是该领域最棘手的问题之一。通常不可能找到能揭露攻击者身份的直接证据。因此,调查人员必须依靠其他更间接的证据途径。本探索性研究的目的是发展一种间接证据的基本分类,可用于在国际关系中确定国家对网络攻击的责任。为此,本文运用国际法概念,但将其转化为对国际关系的分析。间接证据的分类是基于2008年俄罗斯-格鲁吉亚冲突,它提供了这类证据最丰富的亮点之一。分析确定了四种间接证据:协调水平,准备水平,国家与国家黑客社区的关系,以及国家对网络安全的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Daniele Ganser: Nezákonné války: Jak země NATO sabotují OSN: Kronika doby od Kuby po Sýrii.
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/mv.1576
Michaela Ducháčková
Kniha se zaměřuje na aktivity NATO, které jsou zcela v rozporu s původním zaměřením Charty OSN z roku 1945, podle níž válku smí vést pouze země, která je napadena, a válka proti nějakému státu smí být vedena pouze s mandátem OSN. Již přes 70 let jsou vedeny války, které tento mandát vůbec nemají, jsou tedy nezákonné, jsou zločinem proti lidskosti, agresí prosazovanou zájmy určitých mocenských skupin. Ganser neúprosně odhaluje vlastní pozadí těchto chtěných eskalací konfliktů.
这本书关注的是与1945年《联合国宪章》最初的重点完全相反的北约活动,根据该宪章,战争只能由受到攻击的国家发动,而针对一个国家的战争只能在联合国授权的情况下发动。70多年来,战争根本没有这一授权,因此是非法的,是反人类罪,是某些权力集团利益推动的侵略。甘瑟毫不留情地揭露了他自己的背景,使冲突升级。
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引用次数: 0
Miniatura arabského jara: Revoluce, kontrarevoluce a sektářství v Bahrajnu 阿拉伯之春:巴林的革命、反革命和宗派主义
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/MV.1578
K. Černý
Mitchell Belfer: Smal State, Dangerous Region: A Strategic Assessment of Bahrain. 1. vydani. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2014, 412 stran, ISBN 978-363-164-639-7. Toby Matthiesen: Sectarian Gulf: Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the Arab Spring that wasn’t. 1. vydani. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2016, 198 stran, ISBN 978-0-8047-8573-0. Milos Mendel: Arabske jaro: Historicke a kulturni pozadi udalosti na Blizkem východě. 1. vydani. Praha: Academia, 2015, 349 stran, ISBN 978-80-200-2474-9.
Mitchell Belfer:《小国,危险地区:对巴林的战略评估》。1.已发布。法兰克福:Peter Lang,2014,412页,ISBN 978-363-164-639-7。托比·马蒂森:海湾宗派主义:巴林、沙特阿拉伯和阿拉伯之春。1.已发布。斯坦福:斯坦福大学出版社,2016,198页,ISBN 978-0-8047-8573-0。米洛斯·孟德尔:《阿拉伯之春:中东事件的历史和文化背景》。1.已发布。布拉格:Academia,2015,349页,ISBN 978-80-200-2474-9。
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引用次数: 0
Lucie Jírů: Vliv šíitského duchovenstva na politiku a společnost. Lucie Jírů:什叶派神职人员对政治和社会的影响。
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/MV.1579
K. Černý
Po svržení Saddáma Husajna v roce 2003 kontrolovaly americké a britské jednotky velkou část Iráku. Zatímco v sunnitských oblastech čelily sílícímu odporu, v regionech obývaných šíity se Američané i další zahraniční vojáci dlouho těšili když ne přízni, tak alespoň toleranci – toleranci, k níž šíity vyzval jejich duchovní vůdce ájatolláh Sístání. Zanedlouho tento klerik naopak americkým elitám překazil úmysly. Namísto jejich plánu, aby byl nový irácký parlament vybrán prověřeným sborem volitelů, prosadil Sístání skutečně demokratický princip: jeden volič – jeden hlas. Už jen tyto epizody dokládají význam často opomíjené politicko-společenské síly Blízkého východu – šíitského duchovenstva. Monografie Lucie Jírů shrnuje postavení šíitského kléru v novodobé historii regionu, a usnadňuje tak rovněž pochopení nynějšího dění.
2003年萨达姆·侯赛因被推翻后,美国和英国军队控制了伊拉克的大部分地区。尽管他们在逊尼派地区和什叶派人口稠密的地区面临着越来越大的抵抗,但美国人和其他外国士兵在很长一段时间内,如果不是赞成的话,至少享有宽容——什叶派精神领袖阿亚图拉·西廷称之为宽容。相反,这位神职人员很快就挫败了美国精英的意图。他们没有计划让伊拉克新议会由久经考验的选民选出,而是推动了一个真正的民主原则:一个选民一票。仅这些事件就表明了中东经常被忽视的政治社会力量——什叶派神职人员的重要性。Lucie Jirů的专著总结了什叶派神职人员在该地区现代史上的地位,从而有助于理解时事。
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引用次数: 0
Paul Collier: Exodus. Jak migrace mění náš svět.
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/MV.1574
Lucie Macková
Migrace je jednou z nejnaléhavějších a nejkontroverznějších otázek naší doby – vehementně diskutovaná, prodchnutá ideologií, hluboce rozdělující. Komu by mělo být dovoleno migrovat a komu ne? Jaké jsou argumenty pro a proti omezování počtu imigrantů? Paul Collier, renomovaný ekonom a autor bestseleru Miliarda nejchudších, v této knize jasně a výstižně vykládá, jaké dopady má migrace na společnost, a k čemu by vedla neomezená migrace. Na základě vlastního výzkumu i výsledků výzkumů dalších odborníků autor vysvětluje problém migrace ze tří perspektiv – z perspektivy migrantů samotných, dále těch, kteří zůstávají ve své vlasti a nakonec z perspektivy obyvatel zemí, které migranty přijímají. Imigrace je jednoduchou ekonomickou rovnicí, ale její dopady jsou složité. Exodus potvrzuje, jak zásadní bude migrační politika ve světě, a zároveň navrhuje řešení, která by pomohla zrychlující se migraci zvládnout.
移民是我们这个时代最紧迫、最具争议的问题之一——激烈的讨论、充满意识形态、严重的分裂。谁应该被允许移民,谁不应该被允许?支持和反对限制移民人数的理由是什么?著名经济学家、畅销书《十亿穷人》的作者保罗·科利尔在本书中清晰简洁地解释了移民对社会的影响以及不受限制的移民将导致什么。根据他自己的研究以及其他专家的研究结果,作者从三个角度解释了移民问题——从移民本身的角度,从留在自己祖国的人的角度,最后从接收移民的国家的居民的角度。移民是一个简单的经济等式,但其影响是复杂的。《出埃及记》证实了移民政策在世界上的重要性,同时提出了帮助管理加速移民的解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Allyson Jule: Speaking up: Understanding Language and Gender. Allyson Jule:畅所欲言:理解语言和性别。
IF 0.4 Q3 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.32422/MV.1582
Alexandra Madarászová
From slut-shaming to the allegedly shrill voices of female politicians, from vocal fry to online misogyny, the language women use (and the language used about them) is as controversial as it has ever been. Our language use and our gender have an enormous impact on the way we understand ourselves and the world around us, and the way we are treated by society. Using the latest academic research, Allyson Jule tackles some of the most pressing issues facing feminism today, including how language use and related ideas about gender play out in the home, workplace and online. It turns out that many popular ideas about gender and language are more complicated than they first appear. This book will change the way you think about language, and give you the tools to challenge the world around you.
从荡妇羞辱到女性政客的尖锐声音,从口诛笔伐到网络厌女症,女性使用的语言(以及对她们使用的语言)一如既往地具有争议性。我们的语言使用和性别对我们理解自己和周围世界的方式以及社会对待我们的方式产生了巨大影响。Allyson Jule利用最新的学术研究,解决了当今女权主义面临的一些最紧迫的问题,包括语言使用和性别相关思想如何在家庭、工作场所和网络中发挥作用。事实证明,许多关于性别和语言的流行观点比最初出现的更为复杂。这本书将改变你对语言的思考方式,并为你提供挑战周围世界的工具。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Mezinarodni Vztahy
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