The United States' approach to China since the Communist regime in Beijing began the period of reform and opening in the 1980s was based on a promise that trade and engagement with China would result in a peaceful, democratic state. Forty years later the hope of producing a benign People's Republic of China utterly failed. The Communist Party of China deceived the West into believing that the its system and the Party-ruled People's Liberation Army were peaceful and posed no threat. In fact, these misguided policies produced the emergence of a 21st Century Evil Empire even more dangerous than a Cold War version in the Soviet Union. Successive American presidential administrations were fooled by ill-advised pro-China policymakers, intelligence analysts and business leaders who facilitated the rise not of a peaceful China but a threatening and expansionist nuclear-armed communist dictatorship not focused on a single overriding strategic objective: Weakening and destroying the United States of America. Defeating the United States is the first step for China's current rulers in achieving global supremacy under a new world order based an ideology of Communism with Chinese characteristics. The process included technology theft of American companies that took place on a massive scale through cyber theft and unfair trade practices. The losses directly supported in the largest and most significant buildup of the Chinese military that now directly threatens American and allied interests around the world. The military threat is only half the danger as China aggressively pursues regional and international control using a variety of non-military forces, including economic, cyber and space warfare and large-scale influence operations.
{"title":"Bill Gertz: Deceiving The Sky: Inside Communist Chinaʼs Drive for Global Supremacy.","authors":"John D. Zelezny","doi":"10.32422/mv-cjir.1762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1762","url":null,"abstract":"The United States' approach to China since the Communist regime in Beijing began the period of reform and opening in the 1980s was based on a promise that trade and engagement with China would result in a peaceful, democratic state. Forty years later the hope of producing a benign People's Republic of China utterly failed. The Communist Party of China deceived the West into believing that the its system and the Party-ruled People's Liberation Army were peaceful and posed no threat. In fact, these misguided policies produced the emergence of a 21st Century Evil Empire even more dangerous than a Cold War version in the Soviet Union. Successive American presidential administrations were fooled by ill-advised pro-China policymakers, intelligence analysts and business leaders who facilitated the rise not of a peaceful China but a threatening and expansionist nuclear-armed communist dictatorship not focused on a single overriding strategic objective: Weakening and destroying the United States of America. Defeating the United States is the first step for China's current rulers in achieving global supremacy under a new world order based an ideology of Communism with Chinese characteristics. The process included technology theft of American companies that took place on a massive scale through cyber theft and unfair trade practices. The losses directly supported in the largest and most significant buildup of the Chinese military that now directly threatens American and allied interests around the world. The military threat is only half the danger as China aggressively pursues regional and international control using a variety of non-military forces, including economic, cyber and space warfare and large-scale influence operations.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41421609","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Po celou historii se mezinárodní společenství snaží posílit globální měnovou a finanční stabilitu. Předkládaná publikace ukazuje, jakým způsobem se Česká republika podílela a podílí na tomto mezinárodním úsilí v oblasti globální governance, mezinárodního dohledu MMF, kurzů a kurzových režimů, řízení kapitálových toků a globální sítě finanční záchrany. V oblasti mezinárodních měn je pozornost věnována především problematice přijetí eura. Autor též ukazuje naši participaci při posilování důvěryhodnosti a stability finančního systému, včetně našeho zapojení do mezinárodní spolupráce. Autor je bývalým členem ČNB, kde se zabýval problematikou MMF a SB. Participoval v rámci EU jako alternát zástupce ČNB na jednáních podvýboru EFC pro otázky MMF (SCIMF) a působil též řadu let v expertní komisi podvýboru pro zahraniční záležitosti ECB. Publikace je určená nejen studentům vysokých škol, pracovníkům státní správy a představitelům finančního sektoru, ale také všem, kteří hledají souvislosti mezinárodních reformních opatření a přístupu ČR.
{"title":"Petr Sedláček: Zapojení České republiky do mezinárodního úsilí o posílení globální měnové a finanční stability.","authors":"S. Šaroch","doi":"10.32422/mv-cjir.1760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1760","url":null,"abstract":"Po celou historii se mezinárodní společenství snaží posílit globální měnovou a finanční stabilitu. Předkládaná publikace ukazuje, jakým způsobem se Česká republika podílela a podílí na tomto mezinárodním úsilí v oblasti globální governance, mezinárodního dohledu MMF, kurzů a kurzových režimů, řízení kapitálových toků a globální sítě finanční záchrany. V oblasti mezinárodních měn je pozornost věnována především problematice přijetí eura. Autor též ukazuje naši participaci při posilování důvěryhodnosti a stability finančního systému, včetně našeho zapojení do mezinárodní spolupráce. Autor je bývalým členem ČNB, kde se zabýval problematikou MMF a SB. Participoval v rámci EU jako alternát zástupce ČNB na jednáních podvýboru EFC pro otázky MMF (SCIMF) a působil též řadu let v expertní komisi podvýboru pro zahraniční záležitosti ECB. Publikace je určená nejen studentům vysokých škol, pracovníkům státní správy a představitelům finančního sektoru, ale také všem, kteří hledají souvislosti mezinárodních reformních opatření a přístupu ČR. ","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45990682","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The purpose of this article is to outline some of the key changes and advancements in social theory and research methodology that were triggered during the period of scientific self-reflection after the events of the so-called Arab Spring. The ongoing turn towards decidedly micropolitical and anthropological approaches has had a significant impact especially on macropolitical and universalist disciplines which, much like their regional counterparts, were largely caught off guard by the Middle Eastern developments from the turn of the last decade. These changes represent a very welcome corrective detour to the established trajectories of scientific development, especially so with regard to the existing and prolonged issues surrounding interdisciplinary research that have historically plagued the research in Middle Eastern politics and for which new possibilities of resolutions are hereby opened.
{"title":"Deset let poté: Vědecký odkaz arabského jara","authors":"Jaroslav Weinfurter","doi":"10.32422/MV-CJIR.1784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/MV-CJIR.1784","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to outline some of the key changes and advancements in social theory and research methodology that were triggered during the period of scientific self-reflection after the events of the so-called Arab Spring. The ongoing turn towards decidedly micropolitical and anthropological approaches has had a significant impact especially on macropolitical and universalist disciplines which, much like their regional counterparts, were largely caught off guard by the Middle Eastern developments from the turn of the last decade. These changes represent a very welcome corrective detour to the established trajectories of scientific development, especially so with regard to the existing and prolonged issues surrounding interdisciplinary research that have historically plagued the research in Middle Eastern politics and for which new possibilities of resolutions are hereby opened.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-07-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44877936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the main ANSA involved in the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. It focusses on an analysis of the specific phenomenon of the opolchentsy - Narodnoe opolchenie Donbassa. The aim of this paper is to introduce and describe these actors and to ground them in certain theoretical conceptions. The paper also tracks the changing motivations of the various ANSA brought under the umbrella of the quasi-state actor NOD throughout the conflict, and the changing array of formations that made up the opolchenie during a particular period of time. Evidently, the opolchenie do not fit into the usual classifications of ANSA.
{"title":"Anti-government Non-state Armed Actors in the Conflict in Eastern Ukraine","authors":"T. Šmíd, A. Šmídová","doi":"10.32422/MV-CJIR.1778","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/MV-CJIR.1778","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the main ANSA involved in the conflict in Eastern Ukraine. It focusses on an analysis of the specific phenomenon of the opolchentsy - Narodnoe opolchenie Donbassa. The aim of this paper is to introduce and describe these actors and to ground them in certain theoretical conceptions. The paper also tracks the changing motivations of the various ANSA brought under the umbrella of the quasi-state actor NOD throughout the conflict, and the changing array of formations that made up the opolchenie during a particular period of time. Evidently, the opolchenie do not fit into the usual classifications of ANSA.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41461892","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This edited volume is the first to discuss the methodological implications of the ‘emotional turn’ in International Relations. While emotions have become of increasing interest to IR theory, methodological challenges have yet to receive proper attention. Acknowledging the pluralityof ontological positions, concepts and theories about the role of emotions in world politics, this volume presents and discusses various ways to research emotions empirically. Based on concrete research projects, the chapters demonstrate how social-scientific and humanitiesoriented methodological approaches can be successfully adapted to the study of emotions in IR. The volume covers a diverse set of both well-established and innovative methods, including discourse analysis, ethnography, narrative, and visual analysis. Through a hands-on approach, each chapter sheds light on practical challenges and opportunities, as well as lessons learnt for future research. The volume is an invaluable resource for advanced graduate and postgraduate students as well as scholars interested in developing their own empirical research on the role of emotions.
{"title":"Maéva Clément and Eric Sangar (Eds): Researching Emotions in International Relations","authors":"Martin Petlach","doi":"10.32422/MV-CJIR.1776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/MV-CJIR.1776","url":null,"abstract":"This edited volume is the first to discuss the methodological implications of the ‘emotional turn’ in International Relations. While emotions have become of increasing interest to IR theory, methodological challenges have yet to receive proper attention. Acknowledging the pluralityof ontological positions, concepts and theories about the role of emotions in world politics, this volume presents and discusses various ways to research emotions empirically. Based on concrete research projects, the chapters demonstrate how social-scientific and humanitiesoriented methodological approaches can be successfully adapted to the study of emotions in IR. The volume covers a diverse set of both well-established and innovative methods, including discourse analysis, ethnography, narrative, and visual analysis. Through a hands-on approach, each chapter sheds light on practical challenges and opportunities, as well as lessons learnt for future research. The volume is an invaluable resource for advanced graduate and postgraduate students as well as scholars interested in developing their own empirical research on the role of emotions.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47349378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Croatia, Slovenia and Austria, the coronavirus crisis raised pre-existing deficiencies in the democratic orders to the surface, i.e., issues in functioning according to democratic principles in the circumstances of a public health crisis. In Austria, the strained executive-legislative relations were already visible in April 2020, when the opposition parties refused to support the second wave of crisis legislation without the appraisal process that would justify its urgency. In Croatia and Slovenia, the governments decided not to declare a state of emergency, arguably in order to avoid cooperation with the opposition and other state institutions in drafting and passing crisis legislation. Finally, in Slovenia, the government used the crisis as a pretext to install its people into leading positions in several key state and public institutions.
{"title":"The Impacts of Executive Responses on Democracy During the Coronavirus Crisis in Croatia, Slovenia and Austria","authors":"H. Butković","doi":"10.32422/mv-cjir.1771","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1771","url":null,"abstract":"In Croatia, Slovenia and Austria, the coronavirus crisis raised pre-existing deficiencies in the democratic orders to the surface, i.e., issues in functioning according to democratic principles in the circumstances of a public health crisis. In Austria, the strained executive-legislative relations were already visible in April 2020, when the opposition parties refused to support the second wave of crisis legislation without the appraisal process that would justify its urgency. In Croatia and Slovenia, the governments decided not to declare a state of emergency, arguably in order to avoid cooperation with the opposition and other state institutions in drafting and passing crisis legislation. Finally, in Slovenia, the government used the crisis as a pretext to install its people into leading positions in several key state and public institutions. ","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46605870","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Feminism’s origins have often been framed around a limited cast of mostly white and educated foremothers, but the truth is that feminism has been and continues to be a global movement. For centuries, women from all walks of life have been mobilizing for gender justice. As the last decade has reminded even the most powerful women, there is nothing “post-feminist” about our world. And there is much to be learned from the passion and protests of the past.
{"title":"Lucy Delap: Feminisms: A Global History","authors":"Kristina Šůsová","doi":"10.32422/MV-CJIR.1774","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/MV-CJIR.1774","url":null,"abstract":"Feminism’s origins have often been framed around a limited cast of mostly white and educated foremothers, but the truth is that feminism has been and continues to be a global movement. For centuries, women from all walks of life have been mobilizing for gender justice. As the last decade has reminded even the most powerful women, there is nothing “post-feminist” about our world. And there is much to be learned from the passion and protests of the past.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46787866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is growing alarm over how drugs increasingly empower terrorists, insurgents, traffickers, and gangs. But by looking back not just years and decades but centuries, Peter Andreas reveals that the drugs-conflict nexus is actually an old story, and that powerful states have been its biggest beneficiaries.
{"title":"Killer high: a history of war in six drugs.","authors":"Miroslav Plundrich","doi":"10.32422/MV-CJIR.1773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/MV-CJIR.1773","url":null,"abstract":"There is growing alarm over how drugs increasingly empower terrorists, insurgents, traffickers, and gangs. But by looking back not just years and decades but centuries, Peter Andreas reveals that the drugs-conflict nexus is actually an old story, and that powerful states have been its biggest beneficiaries.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45147930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the light of the Chinese and Indian perspectives on the cessation of the Doklam impasse, the present article analyses China’s role and status in international politics. The Chinese perspective described China as a status quo power and never accepted Doklam as a disputed territory. While accusing India of aggression on Chinese territory, it portrayed China as a “responsible power” that ensured the cessation of the Doklam impasse with India through multiple diplomatic and military measures. Opposite to this, the Indian perspective viewed China as a revisionist power and termed the PLA’s activities in Doklam as a source of consternation for its national security. From the Indian perspective, China’s declining growth rate, increasing internal conflicts, the potential threat to its peaceful image, its apprehension regarding the BRI’s derailment, the Korean crisis, the strategically advantageous position of the Indian military in Doklam and New Delhi’s strategic relevance for Beijing in promoting its new economic and political groupings forced China to resolve the standoff peacefully.
{"title":"China’s Revisionism and Cessation of the Doklam Impasse","authors":"Suneel Kumar","doi":"10.32422/MV-CJIR.1779","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/MV-CJIR.1779","url":null,"abstract":"In the light of the Chinese and Indian perspectives on the cessation of the Doklam impasse, the present article analyses China’s role and status in international politics. The Chinese perspective described China as a status quo power and never accepted Doklam as a disputed territory. While accusing India of aggression on Chinese territory, it portrayed China as a “responsible power” that ensured the cessation of the Doklam impasse with India through multiple diplomatic and military measures. Opposite to this, the Indian perspective viewed China as a revisionist power and termed the PLA’s activities in Doklam as a source of consternation for its national security. From the Indian perspective, China’s declining growth rate, increasing internal conflicts, the potential threat to its peaceful image, its apprehension regarding the BRI’s derailment, the Korean crisis, the strategically advantageous position of the Indian military in Doklam and New Delhi’s strategic relevance for Beijing in promoting its new economic and political groupings forced China to resolve the standoff peacefully.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49130070","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over the course of the twentieth century, Japan has experienced a radical shift in its self-perception. After World War II, Japan embraced a peaceful and anti-militarist identity, which was based on its war-prohibiting Constitution and the foreign policy of the Yoshida doctrine. For most of the twentieth century, this identity was unusually stable. In the last couple of decades, however, Japan’s self-perception and foreign policy seem to have changed. Tokyo has conducted a number of foreign policy actions as well as symbolic internal gestures that would have been unthinkable a few decades ago and that symbolize a new and more confident Japan. Japanese politicians – including Prime Minister Abe Shinzō – have adopted a new discourse depicting pacifism as a hindrance, rather than asset, to Japan’s foreign policy. Does that mean that “Japan is back”? In order to better understand the dynamics of contemporary Japan, Kolmaš joins up the dots between national identity theory and Japanese revisionism. The book shows that while political elites and a portion of the Japanese public call for re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are still societal and institutional forces that prevent this change from entirely materializing.
{"title":"Michal Kolmaš: National Identity and Japanese Revisionism","authors":"Jakub Harasta","doi":"10.32422/MV-CJIR.1777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32422/MV-CJIR.1777","url":null,"abstract":"Over the course of the twentieth century, Japan has experienced a radical shift in its self-perception. After World War II, Japan embraced a peaceful and anti-militarist identity, which was based on its war-prohibiting Constitution and the foreign policy of the Yoshida doctrine. For most of the twentieth century, this identity was unusually stable. In the last couple of decades, however, Japan’s self-perception and foreign policy seem to have changed. Tokyo has conducted a number of foreign policy actions as well as symbolic internal gestures that would have been unthinkable a few decades ago and that symbolize a new and more confident Japan. Japanese politicians – including Prime Minister Abe Shinzō – have adopted a new discourse depicting pacifism as a hindrance, rather than asset, to Japan’s foreign policy. Does that mean that “Japan is back”? In order to better understand the dynamics of contemporary Japan, Kolmaš joins up the dots between national identity theory and Japanese revisionism. The book shows that while political elites and a portion of the Japanese public call for re-articulation of Japan’s peaceful identity, there are still societal and institutional forces that prevent this change from entirely materializing.","PeriodicalId":39183,"journal":{"name":"Mezinarodni Vztahy","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48517924","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：