Pub Date : 2022-02-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4447
Z. Ali, Amrita Kondal
This study aims to explore the attitudes and perception of people and their intention to use the electric cars based on its cost, usefulness, satisfaction, enjoyment, ease of use and their expectation from government in the form of subsidies to the owners of electric cars, which finally results in their purchase intentions. A descriptive research design is used for this study and the data have been collected from 203 participants from New Zealand. A survey method was used and the questionnaire was developed. The results of the survey indicate that a higher percentage of the respondents are ready to embark on the use of electric cars and the only factor that acts as a constraint in their buying interest is the cost of the car. It is also evident from the results that people are concerned about environmental sustainability and with a little push from the government can convince the people and can initiate their switch to electric cars.
{"title":"PEOPLE’S ATTITUDES TOWARDS USE OF ELECTRIC CARS IN AOTEAROA NEW ZEALAND","authors":"Z. Ali, Amrita Kondal","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4447","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4447","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to explore the attitudes and perception of people and their intention to use the electric cars based on its cost, usefulness, satisfaction, enjoyment, ease of use and their expectation from government in the form of subsidies to the owners of electric cars, which finally results in their purchase intentions. A descriptive research design is used for this study and the data have been collected from 203 participants from New Zealand. A survey method was used and the questionnaire was developed. The results of the survey indicate that a higher percentage of the respondents are ready to embark on the use of electric cars and the only factor that acts as a constraint in their buying interest is the cost of the car. It is also evident from the results that people are concerned about environmental sustainability and with a little push from the government can convince the people and can initiate their switch to electric cars.","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80885907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4398
Ren Guangxu, Faraz Anjum
The development of modern railways has had a profound impact on Chinese cities, especially, in the context of the aggression to modern China. Harbin, once a rural area nearby Songhua River, has been transformed into an international city of modern China, the most significant reason is the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway during 1898-1903. It became the external force that changed Harbin. With the railway's opened, Harbin became the center of commodity trade exchange, while more and more people settled in Harbin. Immigrants who came from different countries and places brought their own culture and customs into Harbin, which impacted Chinese people who lived in Harbin. Therefore, this paper examines the impact of the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway on the cultural diversity of Harbin city from the perspective of railway-induced social change.
{"title":"TRAFFIC AND URBAN CULTURE","authors":"Ren Guangxu, Faraz Anjum","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4398","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4398","url":null,"abstract":"The development of modern railways has had a profound impact on Chinese cities, especially, in the context of the aggression to modern China. Harbin, once a rural area nearby Songhua River, has been transformed into an international city of modern China, the most significant reason is the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway during 1898-1903. It became the external force that changed Harbin. With the railway's opened, Harbin became the center of commodity trade exchange, while more and more people settled in Harbin. Immigrants who came from different countries and places brought their own culture and customs into Harbin, which impacted Chinese people who lived in Harbin. Therefore, this paper examines the impact of the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway on the cultural diversity of Harbin city from the perspective of railway-induced social change.","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82606357","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4400
R. Zeb, Ali Khan Ghumro
Employing the qualitative and historical analysis method, this paper overviews the Chinese nuclear doctrine and how it has evolved over the years with particular focus on the Chinese policy of ‘no-first use of nuclear weapons’ and its future. This paper argues that to understand the role assigned to the nuclear weapons in the Chinese defense policy, one must comprehend Chinese strategic thinking and where does nuclear weapons lie in this thinking. The paper further argues that for a better understanding of Chinese strategic thinking, it is imperative to be cognizant of the strategic language and vocabulary used by the Chinese strategic thinkers. The paper also analyses the command and control set up for the Chinese nuclear weapons and the American assessment of the Chinese nuclear capability. The argument put forth is that the American assessment of the Chinese nuclear capabilities is mostly exaggerated as it has security implications for American interests regionally and globally. The paper also argues that despite new emerging threats in the technological domain, China would continue pursuing the policy of no first use in the foreseeable future.
{"title":"ASSURED RETALIATION: MAKING SENSE OF THE CHINESE NUCLEAR DOCTRINE","authors":"R. Zeb, Ali Khan Ghumro","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4400","url":null,"abstract":"Employing the qualitative and historical analysis method, this paper overviews the Chinese nuclear doctrine and how it has evolved over the years with particular focus on the Chinese policy of ‘no-first use of nuclear weapons’ and its future. This paper argues that to understand the role assigned to the nuclear weapons in the Chinese defense policy, one must comprehend Chinese strategic thinking and where does nuclear weapons lie in this thinking. The paper further argues that for a better understanding of Chinese strategic thinking, it is imperative to be cognizant of the strategic language and vocabulary used by the Chinese strategic thinkers. The paper also analyses the command and control set up for the Chinese nuclear weapons and the American assessment of the Chinese nuclear capability. The argument put forth is that the American assessment of the Chinese nuclear capabilities is mostly exaggerated as it has security implications for American interests regionally and globally. The paper also argues that despite new emerging threats in the technological domain, China would continue pursuing the policy of no first use in the foreseeable future.","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"152 6 Suppl 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91134620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4355
I. Abbasi, Mukesh Kumar Khatwani
With the withdrawal of the United States and NATO-led forces from Afghanistan, the instant takeover of Kabul by the Taliban forces shocked the World. China was the only country that responded this shift with calm and cautiousness. China’s calmness over this major shift on the regional level has raised several questions regarding its policy and approach towards Afghanistan under Taliban rule. As a hard-headed worldwide player as well as a competitor of the United States, China must have some strategies and reasons to deal with the Taliban-led Afghanistan for the achievement of its mega plans. It is conceivable that all present and future plans of China require peaceful and stable South and Central Asia, which is far-fetched without political stability and security in Afghanistan. To understand the way, China deals with the Taliban-led Afghanistan, this paper explores four questions. First, what did China want from Taliban? Is Takeover of Taliban an opportunity for China to fill vacuum or there are other interests? What does China make of this new transition? And, how will China go ahead with Taliban-led Afghanistan? This research finds that China needs to have cordial relations with Taliban ruled Afghanistan for the peace and stability in the region so that it could accomplish its regional and international projects.
{"title":"CHINA’S STRATEGY TOWARDS TALIBAN-LED AFGHANISTAN","authors":"I. Abbasi, Mukesh Kumar Khatwani","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4355","url":null,"abstract":"With the withdrawal of the United States and NATO-led forces from Afghanistan, the instant takeover of Kabul by the Taliban forces shocked the World. China was the only country that responded this shift with calm and cautiousness. China’s calmness over this major shift on the regional level has raised several questions regarding its policy and approach towards Afghanistan under Taliban rule. As a hard-headed worldwide player as well as a competitor of the United States, China must have some strategies and reasons to deal with the Taliban-led Afghanistan for the achievement of its mega plans. It is conceivable that all present and future plans of China require peaceful and stable South and Central Asia, which is far-fetched without political stability and security in Afghanistan. To understand the way, China deals with the Taliban-led Afghanistan, this paper explores four questions. First, what did China want from Taliban? Is Takeover of Taliban an opportunity for China to fill vacuum or there are other interests? What does China make of this new transition? And, how will China go ahead with Taliban-led Afghanistan? This research finds that China needs to have cordial relations with Taliban ruled Afghanistan for the peace and stability in the region so that it could accomplish its regional and international projects.","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87934374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4325
Saima Manzoor
This article specifically explains China’s Grand Strategy in Asia-Pacific. Firstly, it explains the importance of Asia-Pacific and then explains China’s Grand Strategy for Asia-Pacific in detail. This paper summing up the findings of PhD thesis ‘China’s Grand Strategy and Reshaping the Regional Order: A Case Study of Asia-Pacific’ argues that China has a clear and coherent Grand Strategy for the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to that, it analyses the basic components of Chinese Grand Strategy and identifies the way China is utilizing its economic, political, diplomatic, and security means to secure its interests in the Asia-Pacific region and to maintain the regional order.
{"title":"MARITIME SILK ROAD AND CHINA’S EVOLVING GRAND STRATEGY FOR ASIA-PACIFIC","authors":"Saima Manzoor","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4325","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4325","url":null,"abstract":"This article specifically explains China’s Grand Strategy in Asia-Pacific. Firstly, it explains the importance of Asia-Pacific and then explains China’s Grand Strategy for Asia-Pacific in detail. This paper summing up the findings of PhD thesis ‘China’s Grand Strategy and Reshaping the Regional Order: A Case Study of Asia-Pacific’ argues that China has a clear and coherent Grand Strategy for the Asia-Pacific region. In addition to that, it analyses the basic components of Chinese Grand Strategy and identifies the way China is utilizing its economic, political, diplomatic, and security means to secure its interests in the Asia-Pacific region and to maintain the regional order.","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"123 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73617835","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4328
Tasneem Sultana, Zobi Fatima
China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a promising initiative for Pakistan’s economic growth and development in next few decades. It appeared as a fresh start in light of country’s domestic issues, such as failing economy, extreme corruption, severe political crisis and inefficient security environment. Pakistan is likely to extract maximum benefits through CPEC in the areas of governance, economic growth and socio-political stability. However, minimum attention has been paid on the advantages generated by CPEC for China. Only few researches highlight the economic, political, geostrategic and social gains drawn by China through CPEC in detailed manner. Hence, in this study, an attempt has been made to compare and analyse the advantages of CPEC for the both China and Pakistan. Through comparative analysis, it has been tried to differentiate the extent of benefits and integrity of CPEC in next few decades for both countries. Unfortunately, Pakistan seems to generate considerably low rewards from CPEC as compare to China
{"title":"SIGNIFICANCE OF CPEC FOR CHINA AND PAKISTAN","authors":"Tasneem Sultana, Zobi Fatima","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4328","url":null,"abstract":"China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a promising initiative for Pakistan’s economic growth and development in next few decades. It appeared as a fresh start in light of country’s domestic issues, such as failing economy, extreme corruption, severe political crisis and inefficient security environment. Pakistan is likely to extract maximum benefits through CPEC in the areas of governance, economic growth and socio-political stability. However, minimum attention has been paid on the advantages generated by CPEC for China. Only few researches highlight the economic, political, geostrategic and social gains drawn by China through CPEC in detailed manner. Hence, in this study, an attempt has been made to compare and analyse the advantages of CPEC for the both China and Pakistan. Through comparative analysis, it has been tried to differentiate the extent of benefits and integrity of CPEC in next few decades for both countries. Unfortunately, Pakistan seems to generate considerably low rewards from CPEC as compare to China","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78796006","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4326
Iffat Tahira
The purpose of this study is to assess the effects of South Korea’s excellent Information Technology infrastructure on students learning in online classes amid the COVID-19 pandemic. A survey was administered on Pakistani and African (N=156) students to investigate their perceptions regarding new paradigm shift towards online learning through correlational and cross-sectional study design. Results show a significant difference between African and Pakistani students on mean scores of teaching mode and learning environment in online classes in the year 2020; t (156) = -5.353, p < .001); indicated an insignificant difference between Pakistani and African Students on mean scores of personal characteristics and factors towards online classes; t (156) =-.716, p-value .095. According to hierarchical regression, the country of the respondents emerged as the strong predictor of attitude towards online teaching that accounted for 16 % of the variance in total attitude towards online teaching, β =.38, t = 5.39, ***p < .001. Personal attributes also emerged as a significant predictor for attitude towards online teaching, β =.30, t = 4.30, ***p < .001 which accounted for 9 % variance in the attitude towards online teaching.
本研究的目的是评估在新冠疫情期间，韩国优秀的信息技术基础设施对学生在线学习的影响。通过相关和横断面研究设计，对巴基斯坦和非洲(N=156)学生进行了一项调查，以调查他们对在线学习新范式转变的看法。结果显示，非洲和巴基斯坦学生在2020年在线课堂教学模式和学习环境的平均分上存在显著差异;T (156) = -5.353, p < 0.001);巴基斯坦和非洲学生在个人特征和网络课堂因素的平均分上差异不显著;T(156) =-。716, p值为0.095。根据层次回归，受访者的国家成为对在线教学态度的强大预测因子，占对在线教学总态度方差的16%，β =。38, t = 5.39， ***p < .001。个人属性也成为在线教学态度的重要预测因子，β =。30, t = 4.30， ***p < .001，占在线教学态度方差的9%。
{"title":"SOUTH KOREA’S CULTURAL DIPLOMACY DURING COVID-19 AND IMPACTS OF ONLINE LEARNING:","authors":"Iffat Tahira","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4326","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4326","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to assess the effects of South Korea’s excellent Information Technology infrastructure on students learning in online classes amid the COVID-19 pandemic. A survey was administered on Pakistani and African (N=156) students to investigate their perceptions regarding new paradigm shift towards online learning through correlational and cross-sectional study design. Results show a significant difference between African and Pakistani students on mean scores of teaching mode and learning environment in online classes in the year 2020; t (156) = -5.353, p < .001); indicated an insignificant difference between Pakistani and African Students on mean scores of personal characteristics and factors towards online classes; t (156) =-.716, p-value .095. According to hierarchical regression, the country of the respondents emerged as the strong predictor of attitude towards online teaching that accounted for 16 % of the variance in total attitude towards online teaching, β =.38, t = 5.39, ***p < .001. Personal attributes also emerged as a significant predictor for attitude towards online teaching, β =.30, t = 4.30, ***p < .001 which accounted for 9 % variance in the attitude towards online teaching.","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75595150","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4327
Hussain Abbas, Bilal Habib, Ronaque Ali Behan
China has had historical relations with MENA region, though selective and limited to economic needs and interests. China’s foreign policy and economic diplomacy activism under Xi Jinping has ushered a new era of multidirectional engagement. China’s rise has made it a major actor of the international politics that has now global interests and role. This newly founded engagement in the MENA is mainly based on the Chinese compulsions of maintaining stability in the region. It includes ensuring the undisrupted supplies of energy vital for Chinese economic growth, desire of the regional partner for more financial and developmental investment. This paper endeavours to explore the recent engagement of China in the MENA region. It defines its new partnership discourse and initiatives under the Xi Jinping rule. It explains the nature, dynamics and Challenges to the Chinese ambitions and interests in the region. It concludes that China under Xi has a vision and policy to comprehensively establish relationship with the regional states on bilateral and multilateral levels but challenges to its role in the region loom large. Unless until it manages these challenges, there would be a question mark on the fulfilment of MENA dream
{"title":"CHINA’S ENGAGEMENT WITH MENA REGION UNDER XI JINPING","authors":"Hussain Abbas, Bilal Habib, Ronaque Ali Behan","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4327","url":null,"abstract":"China has had historical relations with MENA region, though selective and limited to economic needs and interests. China’s foreign policy and economic diplomacy activism under Xi Jinping has ushered a new era of multidirectional engagement. China’s rise has made it a major actor of the international politics that has now global interests and role. This newly founded engagement in the MENA is mainly based on the Chinese compulsions of maintaining stability in the region. It includes ensuring the undisrupted supplies of energy vital for Chinese economic growth, desire of the regional partner for more financial and developmental investment. This paper endeavours to explore the recent engagement of China in the MENA region. It defines its new partnership discourse and initiatives under the Xi Jinping rule. It explains the nature, dynamics and Challenges to the Chinese ambitions and interests in the region. It concludes that China under Xi has a vision and policy to comprehensively establish relationship with the regional states on bilateral and multilateral levels but challenges to its role in the region loom large. Unless until it manages these challenges, there would be a question mark on the fulfilment of MENA dream","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"98 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85900920","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-20DOI: 10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4322
Muhammad Shafique ur Rehman, T. Azad, Muhammad Sadiq
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a game changer because it offers comprehensive plans for socio-economic progression and regionalintegration at the global level by providing linkages through land and sea routes. As for South Asia is concerned, it is the least integrated and backwardregion and BRI’s two plans, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Bangladesh China India Myanmar Corridor (BCIM) have the potential toupraise the regional economy. The main obstacles on the way to South Asia’s economic progression are the persisting mistrust between India and Pakistanand ongoing Sino-Indian standoff. The CPEC and BCIM will create winwin scenario for China, India and Pakistan that compel them to cooperatewith one another. To realise the association between economic development and stability, the theory of neo-functionalism provides understanding tocomprehend this debate. The connectivity between CPEC and BCIM will be advantageous to India and Pakistan for their economic rise and eradicatingmistrust between them which will lead towards regional peace and stability.
{"title":"PROSPECTS OF CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE (BRI) ON PAK-INDIA RELATIONS","authors":"Muhammad Shafique ur Rehman, T. Azad, Muhammad Sadiq","doi":"10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4322","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol39.iss0.4322","url":null,"abstract":"China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a game changer because it offers comprehensive plans for socio-economic progression and regionalintegration at the global level by providing linkages through land and sea routes. As for South Asia is concerned, it is the least integrated and backwardregion and BRI’s two plans, China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and Bangladesh China India Myanmar Corridor (BCIM) have the potential toupraise the regional economy. The main obstacles on the way to South Asia’s economic progression are the persisting mistrust between India and Pakistanand ongoing Sino-Indian standoff. The CPEC and BCIM will create winwin scenario for China, India and Pakistan that compel them to cooperatewith one another. To realise the association between economic development and stability, the theory of neo-functionalism provides understanding tocomprehend this debate. The connectivity between CPEC and BCIM will be advantageous to India and Pakistan for their economic rise and eradicatingmistrust between them which will lead towards regional peace and stability.","PeriodicalId":39223,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Institutional Research South East Asia","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84402719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：