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Swipe for Your Right to Party: Gender, Social Structure, and Social Media in College Drinking Intensity 为你的派对权利而刷:性别、社会结构和社交媒体对大学饮酒强度的影响
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-07-05 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2227795
Howard T. Welser, Brenna Helm, Thomas Vander Ven
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引用次数: 0
Trauma Technicians and Wounded Warriors: Using a Black Feminist Lens to Understand How Black Women Clergy and Lay Leaders Resist Anti-Black State Violence 创伤技术人员和受伤的战士:用黑人女权主义的视角理解黑人女性神职人员和非神职人员领导人如何抵制反黑人国家暴力
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2227794
Ebonie Cunningham Stringer
ABSTRACT Black women of faith have always been critical to the mobilization of Black churches and communities resisting state violence and injustice. Yet religious institutions led by Black men are often perceived to be the most important conduits of Black progress. Moreover, the sociology of religion tends to center a Eurocentric male lens that marginalizes and erases the gendered experiences of women of color. This multimethod study employs a Black feminist lens to explore the activism of 28 Black women clergy and lay leaders in response to anti-Black state violence from the post-Ferguson era through the COVID-19 pandemic. Findings illuminate the ways in which Black women work to ensure the survival of their communities and other women in the face of trauma and their strategies to uproot racist systems that perpetuate state violence against Black bodies. Findings also illumine the ways in which Black church culture, gender, and race shape Black women’s theology, activism, and imaginings of justice.
摘要:有信仰的黑人女性一直是动员黑人教会和社区抵制国家暴力和不公正的关键。然而,由黑人领导的宗教机构往往被认为是黑人进步的最重要渠道。此外,宗教社会学倾向于以欧洲为中心的男性视角,边缘化和抹去有色人种女性的性别经历。这项多方法研究采用了黑人女权主义视角,探讨了从后弗格森时代到新冠肺炎大流行,28名黑人女神职人员和世俗领袖在应对反黑人国家暴力方面的积极行动。调查结果阐明了黑人妇女在创伤面前为确保社区和其他妇女的生存而努力的方式,以及她们根除使国家暴力侵害黑人身体的种族主义制度的策略。研究结果还揭示了黑人教会文化、性别和种族如何塑造黑人女性的神学、激进主义和对正义的想象。
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引用次数: 0
NCSA 2023 Presidential Address All Together Now: Sociology as a Liberal Art and a Liberating Practice NCSA 2023年总统演讲现在一起:社会学作为一门自由艺术和一种解放实践
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-18 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2216969
Kevin J. Christiano
ABSTRACT In the curricula of colleges and universities in North America, the discipline of sociology is a relative newcomer. During scarcely more than a century since the founding of the first American degree programs in sociology, little agreement has emerged over what sociology actually is or does. Rather than regard this dizzying diversity as a source of confusion and consternation, though, might we ponder what would happen to us and our efforts if, instead, we were to view the many forms and aims of contemporary sociology as an irreplaceable advantage, and the practical pluralism that surrounds us in our work as a font of riches, embarrassing or not? Would not multiple visions thus be engaged at once? Could we not at last proceed, as the Beatles urged us, “all together now”?
摘要在北美高校的课程设置中,社会学是一门相对较新的学科。自美国第一个社会学学位项目建立以来,不到一个多世纪的时间里,人们对社会学到底是什么或做什么几乎没有达成一致。然而,与其把这种令人眼花缭乱的多样性视为困惑和惊愕的来源,我们是否可以思考,如果我们把当代社会学的许多形式和目标视为一种不可替代的优势,把我们工作中围绕着的实践多元主义视为财富的源泉,无论是否尴尬,我们会发生什么,我们的努力会发生什么?多个愿景不会同时参与吗?难道我们最后不能像披头士乐队敦促我们的那样,“现在一起”吗?
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引用次数: 0
Social Media and Gendered Mobilization to High-Risk Campaigns in Gender-Repressive Contexts: The Case of the 2011 Egyptian Protest Movement 社会媒体和性别动员在性别压制背景下的高风险运动:2011年埃及抗议运动的案例
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-18 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2216475
Marian Azab
ABSTRACT Social movements have utilized social media for recruitment since the mid-2000s. Scholars agree that Facebook and Twitter mobilized people during the 2011 worldwide protest wave. However, the literature largely ignores the gendered effect of social media on mobilization. I argue that social media is especially mobilizing for women in high-risk, gender-repressive contexts. In such instances, online ties with fellow citizens offer women access to information about political issues in their countries, the opportunity to articulate political views, and a space to interact with activists. I investigate this claim using the Arab Barometer (2011), which was administered to a representative sample of Egyptians five months after the 18-day protest movement of 2011. I find that social media mobilized women but not men. My findings emphasize the gendered nature of social media and challenge the perception of Egyptian women as either westernized protestors or oppressed non-activists.
自2000年代中期以来,社会运动开始利用社交媒体进行招聘。学者们一致认为,Facebook和Twitter在2011年全球抗议浪潮中动员了人们。然而,文献在很大程度上忽略了社交媒体对动员的性别影响。我认为,在高风险、性别压抑的环境中,社交媒体尤其能调动女性的积极性。在这种情况下,与同胞的网络联系为妇女提供了获取本国政治问题信息的途径,表达政治观点的机会,以及与活动人士互动的空间。我使用阿拉伯晴雨表(Arab Barometer, 2011)对这一说法进行了调查,该调查是在2011年18天抗议运动发生5个月后对埃及人的代表性样本进行的。我发现社交媒体动员了女性,而不是男性。我的研究结果强调了社交媒体的性别本质,并挑战了埃及女性要么是西方化的抗议者,要么是受压迫的非活动家的看法。
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引用次数: 0
Why Gun Control Reform Is So Difficult: A Latent Class Analysis of Gun Policy Preferences 枪支管制改革为何如此困难:枪支政策偏好的潜在阶级分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-12 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2215994
Aaron B. Franzen, Pamela Koch
ABSTRACT Americans have a reoccurring discussion about firearms and gun culture in America with no policy changes. We used data from Pew Research fielded just after the Sandy Hook tragedy in 2012 to conduct a latent class analysis of gun policy positions and assess how demographic characteristics, such as religion, impact belonging to particular gun policy latent classes. Unlike much previous research, we analyzed not just individuals’ viewpoints on gun policy but also the actions they take regarding their viewpoints. In this attempt to understand why a seemingly dominant view (i.e., a desire to change gun laws) never seems to move forward, we found that the largest latent class is respondents favoring gun control but who are not active. Further, unlike those within the active gun control class, respondents in the active pro-gun latent class are more likely to contribute financially rather than just sign petitions or speak out.
摘要美国人对枪支和枪支文化的讨论在美国反复出现,但政策没有改变。我们使用皮尤研究中心在2012年桑迪胡克惨案发生后发布的数据,对枪支政策立场进行了潜在阶级分析,并评估了宗教等人口特征对特定枪支政策潜在阶级的影响。与以往的许多研究不同,我们不仅分析了个人对枪支政策的看法,还分析了他们对自己的看法所采取的行动。为了理解为什么一种看似占主导地位的观点(即改变枪支法律的愿望)似乎从未向前发展,我们发现最大的潜在群体是支持枪支管制但不积极的受访者。此外,与积极的枪支管制阶层不同,积极支持枪支的潜在阶层的受访者更有可能在经济上做出贡献,而不仅仅是签署请愿书或发声。
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引用次数: 0
“I’m Doing This for Me:” Gendered Reasons for Enrolling in Postsecondary Education During a Time of Economic Uncertainty “我为我做这件事:”在经济不确定时期,中等教育入学的性别原因
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2210322
Pamela Aronson, Carmel E. Price
ABSTRACT This study examines the gendered experiences of working class, nontraditional postsecondary students in the context of the Great Recession. Based on in-depth interviews with 75 students, and a longitudinal analysis of their academic transcripts 6 to 8 years later, we find that both men and women emphasized the importance of providing for their families. In the context of an economic downturn, interviewees were concerned about improving their job prospects with educational credentials to ensure greater financial stability. Yet whereas men focused primarily on financially providing for their families as their reason for enrolling in college, women emphasized both providing for their families and self-development. This blending of the perceived purposes of education suggests that women expressed a more complex, multifaceted understanding of their reasons for enrolling in education. This study has implications for not only the Great Recession but motivations for enrolling during other recessions, including the COVID-19 pandemic.
摘要本研究考察了大衰退背景下工人阶级、非传统高等教育学生的性别经历。基于对75名学生的深入采访,以及对他们6至8年后的成绩单的纵向分析,我们发现男性和女性都强调了养家糊口的重要性。在经济衰退的背景下,受访者担心通过学历来改善他们的工作前景,以确保更大的财务稳定性。然而,尽管男性主要关注经济上养家糊口,以此作为进入大学的理由,但女性则强调养家糊口和自我发展。这种对教育目的的理解表明,妇女对自己接受教育的原因表达了更复杂、更多面的理解。这项研究不仅对大衰退有影响,而且对在包括新冠肺炎大流行在内的其他衰退期间报名的动机也有影响。
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引用次数: 1
White Immigrant Merchants, the U.S. Mexican Population, and Middleman Entrepreneurship in the Early Twentieth-Century American West 20世纪初美国西部的白人移民商人、美墨人口和中间人创业
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2214747
R. L. Boyd
ABSTRACT Studies applying middleman minority theory to white immigrants’ retail enterprise in the United States overlook the possibility that, in the early twentieth-century American West, white immigrants were attracted into merchandizing by opportunities to exploit a sizable and colonized Mexican population. The present study investigates this possibility. Regression analyses of 1930 Census data show that foreign-born whites were most likely to become merchants in those western locations that once belonged to Mexico and had the largest Mexican populations, consistent with the proposition that white immigrants’ middleman retail entrepreneurship was supported by the U.S. Mexican population’s size and colonized status. The results extend internal colonization scholarship by inferring that Mexican populations in the West, similar to black populations in non-western cities, provided white immigrants with a minority consumer market that was leveraged into retail enterprise in the early twentieth century. Thus, white immigrants, like native “Anglos,” benefited from the Mexican population’s subordination.
摘要将中间人-少数群体理论应用于美国白人移民零售企业的研究忽略了这样一种可能性,即在20世纪初的美国西部,白人移民被剥削大量被殖民的墨西哥人口的机会吸引到商品化中。本研究调查了这种可能性。对1930年人口普查数据的回归分析显示,外国出生的白人最有可能成为那些曾经属于墨西哥、墨西哥人口最多的西部地区的商人,这与白人移民的中间商零售创业受到美墨人口规模和殖民地地位的支持的说法一致。研究结果扩展了内部殖民化研究,推断西方的墨西哥人口与非西方城市的黑人人口相似,为白人移民提供了一个少数族裔消费市场,该市场在20世纪初被杠杆化为零售企业。因此,白人移民,像土生土长的“盎格鲁人”一样,从墨西哥人口的从属地位中受益。
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引用次数: 0
Online Gaming Network Communication Dynamics, Depressive Symptoms, and Social Support: A Longitudinal Network Analysis 在线游戏网络交流动态、抑郁症状和社会支持:纵向网络分析
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-06 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2199171
T. Prochnow, M. Patterson, Logan Hartnell, M. Renée, U. Meyer
ABSTRACT Video games are part of everyday life for many Americans despite concerns for social isolation and depressive symptoms. Preliminary studies show gamers may compensate for lack of in-real-life (IRL) support with online connections. This longitudinal social network study investigated the social structure of an online gaming site and how social support, sense of community, and depressive symptoms relate to communication. Members (N = 40) of an online gaming site reported online and IRL support, sense of community, depressive symptoms, and usernames of other members whom they spoke to about important life matters. IRL and online social support, sense of community, and depressive symptoms significantly influenced changes in online gaming network structure over time. These results are timely given social isolation and mental health impacts related to the COVID-19 pandemic. Exploring how to healthfully build online connections through gaming may be an avenue for greater social support when IRL social support is lacking.
摘要电子游戏是许多美国人日常生活的一部分,尽管人们担心社交孤立和抑郁症状。初步研究表明,游戏玩家可以通过在线连接来弥补现实生活中缺乏的支持。这项纵向社交网络研究调查了在线游戏网站的社会结构,以及社会支持、社区感和抑郁症状与沟通的关系。成员(N = 40)报道了在线和IRL的支持、社区感、抑郁症状以及与他们谈论重要生活问题的其他成员的用户名。随着时间的推移,IRL和在线社会支持、社区感和抑郁症状显著影响了在线游戏网络结构的变化。考虑到与新冠肺炎大流行相关的社会隔离和心理健康影响,这些结果是及时的。当缺乏IRL社会支持时,探索如何通过游戏健康地建立在线联系可能是获得更大社会支持的途径。
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引用次数: 1
Competence or Dominance? A Quasi-Experimental Test of Sense of Control, Status, and Power 能力还是支配?控制感、地位和权力的准实验测试
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-05 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2199169
Yujia Lyu, Alison J. Bianchi
ABSTRACT Sense of control has been conceived as an individual-level mechanism shaping the unequal distribution of life outcomes. Yet recent studies imply its potential to form interpersonal hierarchies through two distinct dimensions: status and power. As extant theorizing favors status processes over power dynamics, we investigated it as a status element using status characteristic theory and a modified standardized experimental situation. We successfully detected sense of control’s limited capacity to form status hierarchies. However, further analyses suggest that aspects of interactional power, instead of competence-based status generalization, explain more variance in the observed influence patterns. We conclude that the detected hierarchies may be power based, but another research design should test this possibility. We then discuss the implications of these thought-provoking outcomes.
控制感被认为是一种个人层面的机制,形成了生活结果的不平等分配。然而,最近的研究表明,它有可能通过两个不同的维度形成人际等级:地位和权力。由于现存的理论倾向于地位过程而非权力动态,我们使用地位特征理论和修改的标准化实验情境将其作为一种地位因素进行了研究。我们成功地检测到控制感在形成状态层次结构方面的有限能力。然而,进一步的分析表明,互动权力的各个方面,而不是基于能力的地位概括,解释了观察到的影响模式的更多差异。我们得出的结论是,检测到的层次结构可能是基于权力的,但另一项研究设计应该测试这种可能性。然后,我们讨论这些发人深省的结果的含义。
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引用次数: 0
Tattoos, Religiosity, and Deviance Among College Students 纹身、宗教与大学生的偏差
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-04 DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2199167
J. R. Koch, Kevin D. Dougherty
ABSTRACT For much of U.S. history, tattoos carried a stigma. The perception was that tattoos marked gang members and prisoners, not respectable church-going citizens. In recent decades, tattoos have become mainstream, even for some religious people. We analyze the number and content of tattoos in relationship to religiosity and deviance. We test four hypotheses using survey data from 3,525 students at 12 American colleges and universities, finding that the number of tattoos is largely unrelated to religiosity, but tattoo quantity is associated with binge drinking, marijuana use, and having multiple sexual partners. As expected, students with religious tattoos claim a stronger faith, pray more, and attend religious service more than students with no tattoos or non-religious tattoos. However, both religious tattoos and non-religious tattoos are associated with marijuana use and multiple sexual partners in contrast to those with no tattoos. To conclude, we offer a theory of sensation seeking to explain this irony.
摘要在美国历史的大部分时间里,纹身都带有污名。人们的看法是,纹身标志着帮派成员和囚犯,而不是受人尊敬的去教堂的公民。近几十年来,纹身已经成为主流,甚至对一些宗教人士来说也是如此。我们分析了纹身的数量和内容与宗教信仰和越轨行为的关系。我们使用来自12所美国学院和大学的3525名学生的调查数据测试了四个假设,发现纹身的数量在很大程度上与宗教信仰无关,但纹身的数量与酗酒、吸食大麻和有多个性伴侣有关。不出所料,有宗教纹身的学生比没有纹身或非宗教纹身的人更有信仰,祈祷更多,参加宗教仪式更多。然而,与没有纹身的人相比,宗教纹身和非宗教纹身都与吸食大麻和多个性伴侣有关。最后,我们提出了一种感觉理论来解释这种反讽。
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引用次数: 0
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Sociological Focus
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