Pub Date : 2023-11-17DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2283722
Michel Estefan
ABSTRACT As institutions of higher education have become more diverse over the past several decades, building a strong sense of community in the classroom has emerged as a core moral and pedagogical imperative to make students from all backgrounds feel welcome and promote their academic success. In this paper, I argue that the pedagogy underlying the impetus for community building in the classroom is premised on a problematic understanding of the type of bonds that connect students in a genuinely diverse classroom. In Durkheimian terms, these bonds are more akin to organic solidarity (bonds by virtue of mutual reliance) than mechanical solidarity (bonds by virtue of shared cultural and moral beliefs). Instead of community building, I propose deliberative interdependence as a more effective model for generating collaborative learning in diverse classrooms. I illustrate how to apply this model through innovative learning and assessment methods and draw on student course evaluations to document their effectiveness.
{"title":"Deliberative Interdependence: A Durkheimian Approach to Promoting Collaborative Learning in Diverse Classrooms","authors":"Michel Estefan","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2283722","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2283722","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT As institutions of higher education have become more diverse over the past several decades, building a strong sense of community in the classroom has emerged as a core moral and pedagogical imperative to make students from all backgrounds feel welcome and promote their academic success. In this paper, I argue that the pedagogy underlying the impetus for community building in the classroom is premised on a problematic understanding of the type of bonds that connect students in a genuinely diverse classroom. In Durkheimian terms, these bonds are more akin to organic solidarity (bonds by virtue of mutual reliance) than mechanical solidarity (bonds by virtue of shared cultural and moral beliefs). Instead of community building, I propose deliberative interdependence as a more effective model for generating collaborative learning in diverse classrooms. I illustrate how to apply this model through innovative learning and assessment methods and draw on student course evaluations to document their effectiveness.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139264973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-30DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2233927
Ryan A. Smith, Matthew O. Hunt
ABSTRACTThis study examines how white Americans’ beliefs about affirmative action intersect with three important workplace factors: supervisory status (supervisors vs. subordinates), employment sector (public vs. private), and workplace racial composition. Using data from the 1996–2018 General Social Surveys, we first examine trends over time in three beliefs: (1) the perception that whites are hurt by affirmative action, (2) attitudes toward the preferential hiring and promotion of blacks, and (3) opinions regarding special treatment by the government for blacks. We then examine how the three workplace factors shape support for (or opposition to) such race-targeted policies. Our analyses reveal declining opposition to affirmative action over time, though a majority of whites, regardless of authority level, still hold conservative stances on race-targeted policies. Further, results for our three key predictors (supervisory status, employment sector, workplace racial composition) provide support for group position, new governance, and intergroup contact theories, respectively. We conclude by discussing implications of our findings for intergroup relations with special focus on understanding barriers to the implementation of antidiscrimination and diversity policies aimed at ameliorating racial inequities in U.S. workplaces.KEYWORDS: Affirmative actiongroup position theoryintergroup contact theorynew governance theorypublic/private sector Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 In their study using 1994 Los Angeles survey data, Bobo et al. (Citation2000) observed that white supervisors were significantly more opposed to affirmative action than their subordinate counterparts. We keep this finding in mind but forward our expectation of “no differences” across the supervisory divide in light of (1) our broader set of outcomes, (2) our nationally representative data source, (3) our larger set of workplace and other covariates, and (4) the overall set of findings reported by Bobo et al. (Citation2000), alongside those of more recent tests of group position theory that analyze the relationship between supervisory status and whites’ racial attitudes (e.g., Smith and Hunt Citation2021).2 Extrapolating these scope conditions to the U.S. workplace illuminates why anti-black prejudice and discrimination remains such a prominent problem. For example, few workplaces in the United States have racial/ethnic representation throughout all ranks of the organization proportional to the population. Thus, the absence of a critical mass of minority representation throughout all levels of the organization precludes by default the prospect of equal status between groups.3 We explored possible creation of a composite measure (e.g., index) of whites’ beliefs combining these three measures, though this proved impossible since all three items never appear on the same GSS ballot in any of the years we examine. In addition, since
摘要本研究考察了美国白人对平权法案的看法如何与三个重要的工作场所因素相交叉:主管地位(主管与下属)、就业部门(公共与私营)和工作场所种族构成。利用1996-2018年综合社会调查的数据，我们首先研究了三个信念的长期趋势:(1)白人受到平权行动伤害的看法，(2)对优先雇用和晋升黑人的态度，以及(3)对政府对黑人的特殊待遇的看法。然后，我们研究了三个工作场所因素如何影响对此类种族政策的支持(或反对)。我们的分析显示，随着时间的推移，反对平权行动的人数在下降，尽管大多数白人，无论其权威级别如何，在针对种族的政策上仍然持保守立场。此外，我们的三个关键预测因素(主管地位、就业部门、工作场所种族构成)的结果分别为群体地位、新治理和群体间接触理论提供了支持。最后，我们讨论了我们的研究结果对群体间关系的影响，特别关注于理解旨在改善美国工作场所种族不平等的反歧视和多样性政策实施的障碍。关键词:平权行动团体立场理论团体间接触理论新治理理论公共/私营部门披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:Bobo等人(Citation2000)在使用1994年洛杉矶调查数据的研究中发现，白人主管明显比其下属上司更反对平权行动。我们将这一发现记在心上，但根据(1)我们更广泛的结果集，(2)我们具有全国代表性的数据源，(3)我们更大的工作场所和其他协变量集，以及(4)Bobo等人(Citation2000)报告的总体结果集，以及最近分析监督地位与白人种族态度之间关系的群体地位理论测试(例如，史密斯和亨特引文(2021)将这些范围条件外推到美国的工作场所，说明了为什么反黑人偏见和歧视仍然是一个如此突出的问题。例如，在美国，很少有工作场所在组织的所有级别中都有与人口成比例的种族/民族代表。因此，在整个组织的所有级别中缺乏临界数量的少数民族代表，默认情况下排除了群体之间平等地位的前景我们探索了将这三项措施结合起来的白人信仰的综合措施(例如，指数)的可能性，尽管这被证明是不可能的，因为在我们研究的任何年份中，这三项从未出现在同一张GSS选票上。此外，由于三个结果变量具有不同的响应选项(范围从3到5类)，我们选择对它们进行二分类，以便在建模和解释效果方面保持一致性我们认识到，主管地位并不能保证一个人对实施和执行平等机会政策有直接影响。我们在结论部分重新讨论了这个问题由于在没有额外信息的情况下，不可能在控制调查年份的重复横截面模型中同时估计年龄和队列(出生年份)的影响，因此我们在分析中使用了GSS变量age。作者简介:yan A. Smith是巴鲁克学院Austin W. Marxe公共与国际事务学院的教授和主席，也是纽约城市大学社会学博士课程研究生中心的附属教员。他拥有威斯康星大学麦迪逊分校社会学硕士学位和加州大学洛杉矶分校社会学博士学位。他的研究领域包括种族、种族和性别不平等在工作场所权力中的原因和后果，美国的种族态度，以及存在危机时期宗教的功能使用。马修·亨特(Matthew O. Hunt)是东北大学社会学教授。他的主要研究兴趣涉及美国种族/民族，社会心理学和不平等的交叉点。他的作品发表在《美国社会学评论》、《社会力量》、《社会问题》、《社会心理学季刊》、《教育社会学》等刊物上。
{"title":"Race Preferences at Work: How Supervisory Status, Employment Sector, and Workplace Racial Composition Shape White Americans’ Beliefs About Affirmative Action","authors":"Ryan A. Smith, Matthew O. Hunt","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2233927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2233927","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThis study examines how white Americans’ beliefs about affirmative action intersect with three important workplace factors: supervisory status (supervisors vs. subordinates), employment sector (public vs. private), and workplace racial composition. Using data from the 1996–2018 General Social Surveys, we first examine trends over time in three beliefs: (1) the perception that whites are hurt by affirmative action, (2) attitudes toward the preferential hiring and promotion of blacks, and (3) opinions regarding special treatment by the government for blacks. We then examine how the three workplace factors shape support for (or opposition to) such race-targeted policies. Our analyses reveal declining opposition to affirmative action over time, though a majority of whites, regardless of authority level, still hold conservative stances on race-targeted policies. Further, results for our three key predictors (supervisory status, employment sector, workplace racial composition) provide support for group position, new governance, and intergroup contact theories, respectively. We conclude by discussing implications of our findings for intergroup relations with special focus on understanding barriers to the implementation of antidiscrimination and diversity policies aimed at ameliorating racial inequities in U.S. workplaces.KEYWORDS: Affirmative actiongroup position theoryintergroup contact theorynew governance theorypublic/private sector Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1 In their study using 1994 Los Angeles survey data, Bobo et al. (Citation2000) observed that white supervisors were significantly more opposed to affirmative action than their subordinate counterparts. We keep this finding in mind but forward our expectation of “no differences” across the supervisory divide in light of (1) our broader set of outcomes, (2) our nationally representative data source, (3) our larger set of workplace and other covariates, and (4) the overall set of findings reported by Bobo et al. (Citation2000), alongside those of more recent tests of group position theory that analyze the relationship between supervisory status and whites’ racial attitudes (e.g., Smith and Hunt Citation2021).2 Extrapolating these scope conditions to the U.S. workplace illuminates why anti-black prejudice and discrimination remains such a prominent problem. For example, few workplaces in the United States have racial/ethnic representation throughout all ranks of the organization proportional to the population. Thus, the absence of a critical mass of minority representation throughout all levels of the organization precludes by default the prospect of equal status between groups.3 We explored possible creation of a composite measure (e.g., index) of whites’ beliefs combining these three measures, though this proved impossible since all three items never appear on the same GSS ballot in any of the years we examine. In addition, since","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136069561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2219110
Chadwick L. Menning, Erica Dee Fox, Lex K. Nunn
ABSTRACTGuided by theories of socialization and just policy theory, we explore how students allocate blame when sexual assault prevention programming hypothetically varies, net of the effects of evaluators’ traits. Using a survey instrument containing a series of vignettes, we ask whether university students’ (N = 254) perceptions of responsibility attributed to victims, perpetrators, bystanders, and university administrators varies by hypothetical program trainee and also by the hypothetical implementation of any program versus no program. Findings indicate that students allocate more blame to bystanders and perpetrators when hypothetical programming includes bystander training but that programs that train victims are not associated with increased victim blaming. Administrators are blamed less when bystander intervention is included in programming. However, compared to when no training is hypothetically implemented, students allocate more blame to victims and bystanders when any programming is present and less to administrators. Among respondent-level controls, victim blaming is consistently predicted by evaluators’ rape myth acceptance. Implications for future work, theoretical development, and policy are discussed.KEYWORDS: Interventionjust policy theorypreventionsexual assaultvictim blaming AcknowledgmentsThe authors wish to thank Dr. Mellisa Holtzman, Dr. Ellen Whitehead, Meagan Brant, Tom Henry, and Olivia Anderson for their assistance with this project.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationNotes on contributorsChadwick L. MenningChadwick L. Menning is professor and chair of the Department of Sociology at Ball State University. His research focuses on risk reduction among youths and young adults, including sexual assault and its consequences. He is interested in the application of empirical findings to the development of programming and social policies.Erica Dee FoxErica Dee Fox is a graduate of the Department of Sociology at Ball State University. She works as an adjunct instructor and academic advisor at Ivy Tech Community College in Muncie, Indiana, and a research assistant at Portland State University. Her research interests include disability studies, sexual assault prevention, and regional studies.Lex K. NunnLex. K. Nunn is a graduate of the Department of Psychology at Ball State University. His research focuses on death and dying, pet ownership, and gender and sexual minority diversity issues.
摘要在社会化理论和公正政策理论的指导下，我们探讨了当性侵犯预防规划假设发生变化时，学生如何分配责任，以及评估者特质的影响。使用包含一系列小插曲的调查工具，我们询问大学生(N = 254)对受害者、肇事者、旁观者和大学管理人员的责任的看法是否因假设的项目受训者以及假设实施任何项目与不实施任何项目而有所不同。研究结果表明，当假设的项目包括旁观者培训时，学生将更多的责任分配给旁观者和肇事者，但培训受害者的项目与增加的受害者责备无关。当规划中包含了旁观者干预时，管理者受到的指责就少了。然而，与假设没有实施培训相比，当有任何编程时，学生将更多的责任归咎于受害者和旁观者，而将更少的责任归咎于管理员。在被调查者水平的控制中，受害者责备与评估者的强奸神话接受度一致。讨论了对未来工作、理论发展和政策的影响。作者要感谢Mellisa Holtzman博士、Ellen Whitehead博士、Meagan Brant博士、Tom Henry博士和Olivia Anderson博士对本项目的协助。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者简介:schadwick L. Menning，波尔州立大学社会学系教授和系主任。他的研究重点是降低青少年和年轻人的风险，包括性侵犯及其后果。他感兴趣的是将实证研究结果应用于规划和社会政策的制定。Erica Dee Fox毕业于波尔州立大学社会学系。她在印第安纳州曼西的常春藤科技社区学院担任兼职讲师和学术顾问，并在波特兰州立大学担任研究助理。她的研究兴趣包括残疾研究、性侵犯预防和区域研究。Lex K. NunnLex。K. Nunn是波尔州立大学心理学系的毕业生。他的研究重点是死亡和临终，宠物所有权，以及性别和性少数群体多样性问题。
{"title":"Blaming the Victim, the Bystander, the Perpetrator, or the Institution: Student Allocation of Responsibility for Sexual Assault when Programming Hypothetically Varies","authors":"Chadwick L. Menning, Erica Dee Fox, Lex K. Nunn","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2219110","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2219110","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTGuided by theories of socialization and just policy theory, we explore how students allocate blame when sexual assault prevention programming hypothetically varies, net of the effects of evaluators’ traits. Using a survey instrument containing a series of vignettes, we ask whether university students’ (N = 254) perceptions of responsibility attributed to victims, perpetrators, bystanders, and university administrators varies by hypothetical program trainee and also by the hypothetical implementation of any program versus no program. Findings indicate that students allocate more blame to bystanders and perpetrators when hypothetical programming includes bystander training but that programs that train victims are not associated with increased victim blaming. Administrators are blamed less when bystander intervention is included in programming. However, compared to when no training is hypothetically implemented, students allocate more blame to victims and bystanders when any programming is present and less to administrators. Among respondent-level controls, victim blaming is consistently predicted by evaluators’ rape myth acceptance. Implications for future work, theoretical development, and policy are discussed.KEYWORDS: Interventionjust policy theorypreventionsexual assaultvictim blaming AcknowledgmentsThe authors wish to thank Dr. Mellisa Holtzman, Dr. Ellen Whitehead, Meagan Brant, Tom Henry, and Olivia Anderson for their assistance with this project.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationNotes on contributorsChadwick L. MenningChadwick L. Menning is professor and chair of the Department of Sociology at Ball State University. His research focuses on risk reduction among youths and young adults, including sexual assault and its consequences. He is interested in the application of empirical findings to the development of programming and social policies.Erica Dee FoxErica Dee Fox is a graduate of the Department of Sociology at Ball State University. She works as an adjunct instructor and academic advisor at Ivy Tech Community College in Muncie, Indiana, and a research assistant at Portland State University. Her research interests include disability studies, sexual assault prevention, and regional studies.Lex K. NunnLex. K. Nunn is a graduate of the Department of Psychology at Ball State University. His research focuses on death and dying, pet ownership, and gender and sexual minority diversity issues.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135537200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-10DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2245368
M. Barringer, B. Savage, Caroline Howard
ABSTRACT LGBTQ youth participation in activism on university campuses helps students to build resiliency and thrive as college students. Campus preachers are a catalyst of such activism among LGBTQ students and their allies. Sociological research has largely overlooked LGBTQ activism aimed at localized conditions such as campuses. Additionally, the phenomenon of campus preachers is largely absent from the social science literature. The current study targets this gap by examining the tactics college students use to contest the anti-LGBTQ messages of campus preachers at their universities. The dataset consists of articles drawn from online student newspapers at four-year, public universities in the United States, published between 2010 and 2020. Centered in the framework of contestation, intentionality, and collective identity, our analysis reveals the LGBTQ students asserted their agency and visibility by challenging the anti-LGBTQ messages of campus preachers through intentionally selected tactics, and in doing so, they often built solidarity with non-LGBTQ students. We conclude that by engaging in such activism aimed at the localized campus culture, LGBTQ students used the visitations of the campus preachers as opportunities to engage the intrapersonal and interpersonal components of thriving, employing agency, creativity, resilience, and social connectedness to counter the messages designed to denigrate and oppress them.
{"title":"Signs, Songs, and Dr. Seuss: The Activism of LGBTQ College Students Challenging the Hostile Messages of Campus Preachers","authors":"M. Barringer, B. Savage, Caroline Howard","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2245368","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2245368","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT LGBTQ youth participation in activism on university campuses helps students to build resiliency and thrive as college students. Campus preachers are a catalyst of such activism among LGBTQ students and their allies. Sociological research has largely overlooked LGBTQ activism aimed at localized conditions such as campuses. Additionally, the phenomenon of campus preachers is largely absent from the social science literature. The current study targets this gap by examining the tactics college students use to contest the anti-LGBTQ messages of campus preachers at their universities. The dataset consists of articles drawn from online student newspapers at four-year, public universities in the United States, published between 2010 and 2020. Centered in the framework of contestation, intentionality, and collective identity, our analysis reveals the LGBTQ students asserted their agency and visibility by challenging the anti-LGBTQ messages of campus preachers through intentionally selected tactics, and in doing so, they often built solidarity with non-LGBTQ students. We conclude that by engaging in such activism aimed at the localized campus culture, LGBTQ students used the visitations of the campus preachers as opportunities to engage the intrapersonal and interpersonal components of thriving, employing agency, creativity, resilience, and social connectedness to counter the messages designed to denigrate and oppress them.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48201330","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-07DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2239734
Randall R. Wyatt, D. Merolla
ABSTRACT Research on racial policy attitudes has primarily focused on the attitudes of black and white Americans. However, given the shifting racial landscape in the United States, it is important to understand how other racial groups view important social issues. Using Blumer’s group positions model, this research seeks to determine the predictors of five immigration attitudes among white, black, and both U.S. and foreign-born Hispanic Americans. Results using data from the 2004 and 2008 National Politics Study show that black, white, and U.S.-born Hispanic Americans display more anti-immigration attitudes than foreign-born Hispanics, with Black and White Americans showing the most anti-immigrant attitudes. Further, results show that whereas individual economic threat has a similar effect on immigration attitudes for Americans of all racial backgrounds, whites’ attitudes are also shaped by group-based economic and political threat and racial affect. These findings indicate that whites’ unique position as the dominant economic and political group in the United States makes their immigration attitudes uniquely sensitive to group-based threats to their dominant position.
{"title":"Group Positions Beyond the Binary: The Determinants of Immigration Attitudes Among Black, Hispanic, and White Americans","authors":"Randall R. Wyatt, D. Merolla","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2239734","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2239734","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Research on racial policy attitudes has primarily focused on the attitudes of black and white Americans. However, given the shifting racial landscape in the United States, it is important to understand how other racial groups view important social issues. Using Blumer’s group positions model, this research seeks to determine the predictors of five immigration attitudes among white, black, and both U.S. and foreign-born Hispanic Americans. Results using data from the 2004 and 2008 National Politics Study show that black, white, and U.S.-born Hispanic Americans display more anti-immigration attitudes than foreign-born Hispanics, with Black and White Americans showing the most anti-immigrant attitudes. Further, results show that whereas individual economic threat has a similar effect on immigration attitudes for Americans of all racial backgrounds, whites’ attitudes are also shaped by group-based economic and political threat and racial affect. These findings indicate that whites’ unique position as the dominant economic and political group in the United States makes their immigration attitudes uniquely sensitive to group-based threats to their dominant position.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44415648","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-06DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2243591
Jonathan Leif Basilio
ABSTRACT This paper explores the moral sensibilities and capacities of undocumented Filipino immigrants within the context of the so-called “marriage pathway”—a route for regularization through marriage to a U.S. citizen. Advocating for the inclusion of the moral dimension in examinations of the social lives of undocumented immigrants, it explores how the Filipino immigrants’ lay moralities factor in their evaluations and decision-making regarding marriage and legalization, shedding light on their moral responses to consider or reject notions of marriage based on instrumental grounds. It argues further that the immigrants’ moral sentiments, empathy and fellow-feeling, enduring commitments to moral norms, and dispositions of care help overcome their status concerns and imbue their actions with moral force and legitimacy amidst social pressures to enter marriage with a view for regularization. Finally, it makes a case for the moral potency of moral communities as a source of meaning that immigrants respond to and identify with, suggesting that evaluations of immigrants’ marital motivations must also consider the quality and intensity of the ties within their networks of moral support.
{"title":"Love, Papers, or Both: The Marriage Pathway and the Lay Moralities of Undocumented Filipino Immigrants","authors":"Jonathan Leif Basilio","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2243591","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2243591","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores the moral sensibilities and capacities of undocumented Filipino immigrants within the context of the so-called “marriage pathway”—a route for regularization through marriage to a U.S. citizen. Advocating for the inclusion of the moral dimension in examinations of the social lives of undocumented immigrants, it explores how the Filipino immigrants’ lay moralities factor in their evaluations and decision-making regarding marriage and legalization, shedding light on their moral responses to consider or reject notions of marriage based on instrumental grounds. It argues further that the immigrants’ moral sentiments, empathy and fellow-feeling, enduring commitments to moral norms, and dispositions of care help overcome their status concerns and imbue their actions with moral force and legitimacy amidst social pressures to enter marriage with a view for regularization. Finally, it makes a case for the moral potency of moral communities as a source of meaning that immigrants respond to and identify with, suggesting that evaluations of immigrants’ marital motivations must also consider the quality and intensity of the ties within their networks of moral support.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49017434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-06DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2243588
Amber Urban, M. Holtzman
ABSTRACT Menstrual stigma is a pervasive issue in societies around the world, but advocacy and public dialogue may be able to help dismantle this stigma. Drawing on the tenets of social constructionism, this research examines whether menstrual discourse on Twitter is likely to challenge or reinforce stigma. Qualitative analyses of 644 tweets posted during 2018 suggest that although some public discussions of menstruation reinforce menstrual stigma, many also help undermine stigma by promoting open dialogue, raising awareness around menstrual issues, and advocating for change. Implications for future menstrual activism efforts are discussed.
{"title":"Menstrual Stigma and Twitter","authors":"Amber Urban, M. Holtzman","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2243588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2243588","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Menstrual stigma is a pervasive issue in societies around the world, but advocacy and public dialogue may be able to help dismantle this stigma. Drawing on the tenets of social constructionism, this research examines whether menstrual discourse on Twitter is likely to challenge or reinforce stigma. Qualitative analyses of 644 tweets posted during 2018 suggest that although some public discussions of menstruation reinforce menstrual stigma, many also help undermine stigma by promoting open dialogue, raising awareness around menstrual issues, and advocating for change. Implications for future menstrual activism efforts are discussed.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41475441","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2239743
Zachary R. Simoni
ABSTRACT This paper explores teachers’ conceptions of the ideal student, aspects of the hidden curriculum, and how each varies by neighborhood-level social class. I used a thematic analysis to analyze 30 semi-structured interviews with public elementary school teachers in the United States. Emergent themes indicate the creation of archetypes regarding the ideal student, their connection to social class, and their effect on the hidden curriculum. Most notably, teachers teaching in lower-class neighborhoods idealized the eager conformist; teachers teaching in middle-class neighborhoods idealized the well-rounded collaborator; and teachers teaching in upper-class neighborhoods idealized the independent innovator. Findings suggest that teachers’ conceptions of the ideal student reflect the social conditions of the neighborhood where they teach, which impacts aspects of their teaching pedagogy and classroom-management techniques.
{"title":"The Eager Conformist, the Well-Rounded Collaborator, and the Independent Innovator: A Qualitative Exploration of Teachers’ Conceptions of the Ideal Student, the Hidden Curriculum, and Social Class","authors":"Zachary R. Simoni","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2239743","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2239743","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This paper explores teachers’ conceptions of the ideal student, aspects of the hidden curriculum, and how each varies by neighborhood-level social class. I used a thematic analysis to analyze 30 semi-structured interviews with public elementary school teachers in the United States. Emergent themes indicate the creation of archetypes regarding the ideal student, their connection to social class, and their effect on the hidden curriculum. Most notably, teachers teaching in lower-class neighborhoods idealized the eager conformist; teachers teaching in middle-class neighborhoods idealized the well-rounded collaborator; and teachers teaching in upper-class neighborhoods idealized the independent innovator. Findings suggest that teachers’ conceptions of the ideal student reflect the social conditions of the neighborhood where they teach, which impacts aspects of their teaching pedagogy and classroom-management techniques.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43210932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-28DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2239733
Thomas J. Mowen, A. Heitkamp
ABSTRACT There are numerous advantages afforded to physically attractive individuals, including better employment opportunities, higher wages, and being viewed as more intelligent, capable, and nicer than those who are less attractive. From a labeling perspective, there is ample theoretical rationale to believe that people who are less attractive may engage in greater deviant behaviors due to the stigma of feeling “ugly.” Using a sample of 1,486 college students, this study explores how both perceptions of attractiveness as well as the stigma about one’s looks relate to a variety index of norm-breaking behaviors (e.g. chewing with an open mouth, drunk dialing, failing to bathe). Findings revealed that perceptions of physical attractiveness were not a significant correlate of deviance; however, individuals who reported greater levels of stigma about their looks reported significantly greater levels of general deviance than those with lower levels of stigma. Results further showed that stigma moderated a significant negative effect between perceptions of attractiveness and deviance, particularly for people of “average” looks. Echoing prior studies on the importance of physical attractiveness in society, findings from this study highlight that how people feel about their looks carries significant influence on behaviors, including everyday forms of general social deviance.
{"title":"The Label of Looks: Physical Attractiveness, Stigma, and Deviant Behavior","authors":"Thomas J. Mowen, A. Heitkamp","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2239733","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2239733","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT There are numerous advantages afforded to physically attractive individuals, including better employment opportunities, higher wages, and being viewed as more intelligent, capable, and nicer than those who are less attractive. From a labeling perspective, there is ample theoretical rationale to believe that people who are less attractive may engage in greater deviant behaviors due to the stigma of feeling “ugly.” Using a sample of 1,486 college students, this study explores how both perceptions of attractiveness as well as the stigma about one’s looks relate to a variety index of norm-breaking behaviors (e.g. chewing with an open mouth, drunk dialing, failing to bathe). Findings revealed that perceptions of physical attractiveness were not a significant correlate of deviance; however, individuals who reported greater levels of stigma about their looks reported significantly greater levels of general deviance than those with lower levels of stigma. Results further showed that stigma moderated a significant negative effect between perceptions of attractiveness and deviance, particularly for people of “average” looks. Echoing prior studies on the importance of physical attractiveness in society, findings from this study highlight that how people feel about their looks carries significant influence on behaviors, including everyday forms of general social deviance.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49200288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-26DOI: 10.1080/00380237.2023.2239739
R. K. Brown, Karael Campbell, Berkeley Franz, Ronald E. Brown
ABSTRACT Vaccination is an effective public health initiative to reduce severe illness and death due to COVID-19. Vaccine uptake in the United States has been uneven, however. One proposed mechanism to improve vaccine uptake is to engage religious groups to provide health information and encourage vaccination. It remains unclear though if Americans with differing racial/ethnic identities and religious affiliations are equally likely to receive health-related information in religious settings and endorse COVID-19 vaccination. We assessed data from the 2020–2021 National Politics Study, which utilized a national research panel of U.S. adults. Using logistic regression and a treatment effects approach, we found that having heard health-related messages in religious settings and endorsing progressive religious ideology were associated with increased COVID-19 and flu vaccine acceptance. This relationship was stronger among White American worship-goers. These findings suggest that partnerships with religious organizations may be important if additional barriers to vaccination are also addressed.
{"title":"Religious and Racial/Ethnic Differences in Flu and COVID-19 Vaccination Intentions","authors":"R. K. Brown, Karael Campbell, Berkeley Franz, Ronald E. Brown","doi":"10.1080/00380237.2023.2239739","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2023.2239739","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Vaccination is an effective public health initiative to reduce severe illness and death due to COVID-19. Vaccine uptake in the United States has been uneven, however. One proposed mechanism to improve vaccine uptake is to engage religious groups to provide health information and encourage vaccination. It remains unclear though if Americans with differing racial/ethnic identities and religious affiliations are equally likely to receive health-related information in religious settings and endorse COVID-19 vaccination. We assessed data from the 2020–2021 National Politics Study, which utilized a national research panel of U.S. adults. Using logistic regression and a treatment effects approach, we found that having heard health-related messages in religious settings and endorsing progressive religious ideology were associated with increased COVID-19 and flu vaccine acceptance. This relationship was stronger among White American worship-goers. These findings suggest that partnerships with religious organizations may be important if additional barriers to vaccination are also addressed.","PeriodicalId":39368,"journal":{"name":"Sociological Focus","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45537417","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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