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"This is a disastrous reform for us." A project on the administrative division of the state into voivodeships from 1931 and its reception among German diplomacy “这对我们来说是一场灾难性的改革。”从1931年开始将国家划分为省的行政区划及其在德国外交中的接受情况的项目
Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.35757/rpn.2021.29.01
K. Graczyk
Celem opracowania jest analiza projektu reformy podziału terytorialnego państwa na województwa z 1931 r. oraz jego ocen wśród niemieckich dyplomatów. Planowana reforma wywołała zainteresowanie i poważne obawy ze strony niemieckiego resortu spraw zagranicznych ze względu na skutki dla mniejszości niemieckiej. Jednym z założeń zmian było przesunięcie granic województw zachodnich na wschód, tj. na tereny etnicznie polskie, co miało prowadzić do obniżenia udziału Niemców wśród ludności nowych województw. Omówiłem podział na województwa przyjęty u progu II Rzeczpospolitej, który miał mieć charakter tymczasowy. Następnie przedstawiłem działalność komisji powoływanych przez poszczególne rządy, które pracowały nad nowym kształtem podziału terytorialnego państwa. Spośród nich najbardziej owocne były prace Komisji dla Usprawnienia Administracji Publicznej przy Prezesie Rady Ministrów. Omówiłem przedłożony przez komisję projekt reformy z 1931 r. oraz rozważania przedstawicieli nauki prawa, które dotyczyły związku między podziałem administracyjnym a polityką wobec mniejszości. Następnie przedstawiłem treść dokumentacji wytworzonej w niemieckim resorcie spraw zagranicznych w związku z projektem polskiej reformy, który był tam oceniany jako katastrofalny dla mniejszości niemieckiej w Polsce. W oparciu o dane statystyczne dokonano symulacji wskazujących na znaczący spadek niemczyzny w projektowanych województwach. W ramach podsumowania starano się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, dlaczego projekt reformy nie został uchwalony, choć był zgodny z polską racją stanu.
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引用次数: 0
Historia kłamstwa katyńskiego według Thomasa Urbana
Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.35757/rpn.2021.29.08
Piotr Łysakowski
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引用次数: 0
Inwestycje austriackie w Polsce przed 1989 rokiem
Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.35757/rpn.2021.29.04
Agnieszka Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska
Austrian investments in Poland developed with varying intensity throughout the 20th century. The Second Austrian Republic exerted a visible influence on the eastern area in terms of entrepreneurship, the intensity of this process, the degree of generated changes and the effects in relation to Poland require clarification. Poland was treated by post-war Austria as an initiator of changes in the region and a partner in the exchange of goods and raw materials. The aim of the article is to assess the impact of Austrian economic stimuli, mainly direct investments, on the political situation in Poland. Their effectiveness is estimated on the basis of specific initiatives undertaken, not only for the sake of the national interest of the republic, but also responsibility for economic and political support for the area of Central and Eastern Europe. An important question remains how the Polish government reacted to the offers made by the Austrian authorities. The adopted hypothesis concerns integration in the region. The Austrians, through cooperation with Poland, sought to strengthen the economic and political position of the neighboring eastern countries.
奥地利在波兰的投资在整个20世纪以不同的强度发展。奥地利第二共和国在企业家精神方面对东部地区产生了明显的影响,这一进程的强度、产生的变化的程度以及对波兰的影响需要澄清。波兰被战后奥地利视为该地区变革的发起者和商品和原材料交换的伙伴。本文的目的是评估奥地利经济刺激措施,主要是直接投资对波兰政治局势的影响。它们的效力是根据所采取的具体主动行动来估计的,这些行动不仅是为了共和国的国家利益,而且也是为了对中欧和东欧地区提供经济和政治支助的责任。一个重要的问题仍然是,波兰政府如何回应奥地利当局的提议。所采用的假设涉及该地区的一体化。奥地利人通过与波兰的合作,试图加强东方邻国的经济和政治地位。
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引用次数: 0
Okrężną drogą ku wolności. Ucieczki obywateli NRD w 1989 roku
Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.35757/rpn.2021.29.13
Paweł Popieliński
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引用次数: 0
Zagraniczna polityka energetyczna Niemiec: uwarunkowania - cele - instrumenty
Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.35757/rpn.2021.29.05
Beata Molo
The paper presents selected issues of German foreign energy policy in terms of determinants-goals-instruments. The factors taken into account in the process of creating foreign energy policy are discussed: the structure of primary energy consumption and of domestic production, the degree of dependence on energy imports and of diversification of supply sources, diversification of transport routes and import infrastructure. The development and goals of foreign energy policy were presented as well as the main instruments for the implementation of energy interests in bilateral and multilateral cooperation were indicated. The problem of defining foreign energy policy was also researched.
本文从决定因素-目标-工具三个方面介绍了德国对外能源政策的若干问题。讨论了在制定对外能源政策过程中所考虑到的因素:初级能源消费和国内生产的结构、对能源进口的依赖程度和供应来源的多样化、运输路线和进口基础设施的多样化。会议介绍了对外能源政策的发展和目标,并指出了在双边和多边合作中实现能源利益的主要手段。研究了对外能源政策的确定问题。
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引用次数: 0
W trójkącie współzależności. Relacje gospodarcze Polski z Niemcami i Chinami oraz ich znaczenie polityczne 在相互依存的三角关系中。波兰与德国和中国的经济关系及其政治意义
Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.35757/rpn.2021.29.06
K. Golik
In the following text I will analyse the selected aspects of economic relations between Poland, Germany and China. I am going to compare elements of discourse with political actions and, above all, with economic realities. Clearly in economic terms, Chinese direction is not an alternative to Germany for Poland, but it may become a necessity in terms of diversification of international economic relations. Particularly in the context of forthcoming electromobility revolution, the crisis could affect the German automobile industry, spilling over into other sectors related to Poland’s export. In the medium term, economic processes are likely to be loosely linked to political processes. Poland's interests in the international arena are more related to political integration with Germany than to a strong rapprochement with China. However, the former are unlikely to support Poland's emancipation in independent economic and trade policy. This may result in a two-pronged approach (separation of economic policies from political relations) to relations between the two countries. 
在下面的文章中,我将分析波兰,德国和中国之间经济关系的选定方面。我将把话语的要素与政治行动,尤其是与经济现实进行比较。显然,从经济角度来看,中国的方向对波兰来说不是德国的替代品,但就国际经济关系的多样化而言,它可能成为一种必要。特别是在即将到来的电动汽车革命的背景下,这场危机可能会影响德国的汽车工业,并蔓延到与波兰出口相关的其他行业。从中期来看,经济进程可能与政治进程有松散的联系。波兰在国际舞台上的利益更多地与德国的政治一体化有关,而不是与中国的强烈和解。然而,前者不太可能在独立的经济和贸易政策上支持波兰的解放。这可能导致两国关系采取双管齐下的方式(经济政策与政治关系分离)。
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引用次数: 0
Światy przeżywane (Lebenswelt) polskich robotników przymusowych 1939–1945
Pub Date : 2021-09-14 DOI: 10.35757/rpn.2021.29.12
R. Traba
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引用次数: 0
Raphael Lemkin and West Germany’s Accession to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide 拉斐尔·莱姆金与西德加入《防止及惩治灭绝种族罪公约》
Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.35757/RPN.2020.28.14
P. Madajczyk
On 20 December 1950, the Secretary General of the United Nations invited the Federal Republic of Germany to accede to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide of 9 December 1948. For several reasons the West German authorities treated the Convention as a tool to conduct foreign policy. The ratification of the Convention by West Germany and the form in which it was to take place were also important for Lemkin. Lemkin’s aforementioned fears explain why it was so important to him that the German language version of the Convention did not include phrases that distorted its original connotation and bring it closer to the Nuremberg principles. After a meeting of the Bundestag Law Committee on 3 May 1954, the West German justice minister informed Lemkin about the course of the discussions and also informed him that most of the proposed amendments and changes were accepted.
1950年12月20日,联合国秘书长邀请德意志联邦共和国加入1948年12月9日《防止及惩治灭绝种族罪公约》。由于若干原因,西德当局将《公约》视为执行外交政策的工具。西德对《公约》的批准以及批准的形式对莱姆金来说也很重要。Lemkin的上述担忧解释了为什么《公约》的德文版本没有包括扭曲其原始内涵并使其更接近纽伦堡原则的短语对他来说是如此重要。在1954年5月3日联邦议院法律委员会的一次会议之后,西德司法部长向莱姆金通报了讨论的过程,并告诉他,大多数拟议的修正案和修改已被接受。
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引用次数: 0
Aktywność mniejszości niemieckiej w Polsce w życiu politycznym na poziomie centralnym na przykładzie kampanii wyborczej 2019 roku
Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.35757/RPN.2020.28.05
Lech M. Nijakowski
This article analyses the manner in which the German minority in the Opole region, whose members belong to the Social-Cultural Society of Germans in Opole Silesia, participates in Poland’s political life, using the example of the 2019 national election campaign. The campaign has shown that the German minority in the Opole region, in fact, forms an ethnic political party. The old dichotomy between symbolic politics (the reproduction of identity) and the pursuit of common interests is no longer valid. The German minority strives to achieve both these objectives. German minority organisations may be viewed as sectional interest groups.
本文以2019年全国大选为例,分析了奥波莱地区的德裔少数民族参与波兰政治生活的方式,其成员属于奥波莱西里西亚德国人社会文化协会。这场运动表明,奥波莱地区的德国少数民族实际上组成了一个民族政党。象征政治(身份的再生产)和追求共同利益之间的旧二分法不再有效。德意志少数民族努力实现这两个目标。德国少数民族组织可能被视为局部利益集团。
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引用次数: 0
Przyrodnie siostry – sytuacja kobiet z byłej RFN i NRD 30 lat po zjednoczeniu Niemiec
Pub Date : 2020-12-17 DOI: 10.35757/RPN.2020.28.11
Joanna Trajman
The goal of this article is to present the transition in the situation of women in the former West Germany and East Germany as a consequence of German reunification. Starting with an outline of the legal framework defining gender equality, as well as the actual circumstances of females in society as part of a family and on the labour market in both German countries, the situation of women in the united country is analysed within the context of their professional activity, remuneration and pension amounts and promotion prospects as well as the ability to combine their professional and family lives. I try to answer whether women in the former East Germany became underprivileged due to the German reunification process and whether the situation of the West German women changed as a result of certain equality incentives which could be considered the heritage of the German Democratic Republic.
本文的目的是介绍由于两德统一,前西德和东德妇女处境的转变。首先概述界定两性平等的法律框架,以及德国两国妇女作为家庭的一部分在社会上和在劳动力市场上的实际情况,然后从她们的专业活动、薪酬和养恤金数额、晋升前景以及将她们的职业生活和家庭生活结合起来的能力等方面分析联合国内妇女的状况。我试图回答前东德的妇女是否由于德国统一进程而处于弱势地位,以及西德妇女的状况是否由于某些可以被认为是德意志民主共和国遗产的平等激励措施而改变。
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Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki
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