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ARCHITECTURE AND NARRATIVE: THE KHWAJA ABU NASR PARSA SHRINE. PART 2: REPRESENTING THE COMPLEX IN WORD AND IMAGE, 1696–1998 建筑与叙事:赫瓦贾阿布纳斯尔帕尔萨神殿。第2部分:1696-1998年用文字和图像表示复合体
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000029
R. Mcchesney
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引用次数: 4
THE QUATREFOIL PLAN IN OTTOMAN ARCHITECTURE RECONSIDERED IN LIGHT OF THE “FETHIYE MOSQUE” OF ATHENS 根据雅典的“费特希耶清真寺”重新考虑奥斯曼建筑中的四翼平面图
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000030
M. Kiel
Ottoman architecture celebrated some of its greatest triumphs in three prominently sited Istanbul mosques-the 5ehzade Mehmed mosque (1543-48), the Sultan Ahmed I or Blue mosque (1609-17), and the Yeni Cami (begun in the 1590's, completed in 1666)-built according to the quatrefoil or clover-leaf cross-in-square plan. This plan type gained great popularity, and representative examples of it can be seen from Diyarbakir in southeastern Anatolia to the city of Tunis and the island of Djerba at the extreme western boundary of the Ottoman world, with at least three examples in Greece as an intermediary stage. When in 1833 Muhammad 'Ali started work on his enormous
奥斯曼建筑在伊斯坦布尔的三座突出的清真寺中庆祝了它的一些最伟大的胜利:5ehzade mohammed清真寺(1543-48),苏丹艾哈迈德一世或蓝色清真寺(1609-17)和Yeni Cami(开始于1590年代,1666年完成),根据四叶草或三叶草交叉方形计划建造。这种平面式建筑非常受欢迎,从安纳托利亚东南部的迪亚巴克尔到奥斯曼世界最西部边界的突尼斯市和杰尔巴岛都有代表性的例子,其中希腊至少有三个例子作为中间阶段。1833年,穆罕默德·阿里开始建造他巨大的
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引用次数: 5
THE TALAR-I TAVILA OR HALL OF STABLES, A FORGOTTEN SAFAVID PALACE talar-i tavila或马厩大厅,一个被遗忘的萨法维宫殿
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000032
W. Floor
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引用次数: 1
EPIGRAPHS, SCRIPTURE, AND ARCHITECTURE IN THE EARLY DELHI SULTANATE 早期德里苏丹国的铭文、经文和建筑
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000027
A. Welch, Hussein Keshani, Alexandra Bain
The Dome of the Rock (691) in Jerusalem was the first expensive, aesthetically oriented religious structure in Islamic history. It was also the first to use architectural inscriptions as part of its overall theme and decoration. Though these inscriptions were small and difficult to see in the dimly lit interior, they offered several themes that had direct bearing on the social and religious functions of this shrine in a city with a Christian population that was both large and powerful and took notable pride in its many splendid monuments. The Arab -traveler al-Muqaddasi noted in 985 that it was vital for Islam in its first century to construct magnificent structures that would match and transform the inherited architectural environment. Thus the epigraphic program of the Dome of the Rock makes explicit references to Islam's unyielding monotheism, to its rejection of Christ's divinity but its acceptance of Christ's role as a prophet, and its belief in Muhammad's unique role as Allah's Messenger bearing the final revelation. It has been convincingly argued that there was nothing haphazard about the selection of the Qur'anic verses that make up the larger part of these epigraphs and that it was the written word that was considered the suitable vehicle for these central beliefs.' The Dome of the Rock is not alone in having a specific and very carefully chosen epigraphic program. In significant ways Islam's subsequent experience in late-twelfth and early-thirteenth-century India paralleled seventh-century Syria and Palestine. The vast majority of the population of the Delhi Sultanate in its first 128 years of existence under the Mu'izzi and Khalji sultans from 1192 to 1320 consisted of nonMuslims who adhered to faiths possessing rich figural traditions in the arts and architecture, and the visual landscape abounded in monuments erected to display the tenets of these other faiths. But there were also important differences: Islam came to India under Ghurid leadership, not as a recently revealed faith, but rather as a long-established religion that had a fivehundred-year-old culture with complex theologies and a vital architectural heritage of its own. Islam brought not only the distinctive, identifying traditions of architecture necessary to create structures symbolizing an enduring state, but also its own, virtually unique means of demonstrating central religious convictions through the use of monumental epigraphy. It is this particular facet of architectural history that will be explored here, not in terms of stylistic development, but instead as a means of investigating and elucidating the political, social, and religious history of medieval Sultanate India through its visual culture.2 The central monument for the early history of Islam in northern India is the earlyjami' masjid of Delhi, begun in the late twelfth century during the reign of Sultan Mu'izz al-Din and continued by his Mu'izzi and Khalji successors.3 Both in its architectural style and
耶路撒冷的圆顶清真寺(公元691年)是伊斯兰历史上第一座耗资巨大、以美学为导向的宗教建筑。它也是第一个使用建筑铭文作为其整体主题和装饰的一部分。虽然这些铭文很小,在昏暗的室内很难看到,但它们提供了几个主题,这些主题与这座神殿的社会和宗教功能直接相关,因为这座城市的基督徒人口既多又强,并以其许多辉煌的纪念碑而自豪。公元985年,阿拉伯旅行家穆卡达西(al-Muqaddasi)指出,在伊斯兰教的第一个世纪,建造宏伟的建筑,与继承下来的建筑环境相匹配,并改变它们,这是至关重要的。因此,圆顶清真寺的铭文项目明确地提到了伊斯兰教不屈不挠的一神论,它拒绝基督的神性,但接受基督作为先知的角色,并相信穆罕默德作为安拉使者的独特角色,肩负着最后的启示。有一种令人信服的观点认为,这些铭文的大部分是由《古兰经》经文组成的,而这些文字被认为是这些核心信仰的合适载体,这一点绝非偶然。”圆顶清真寺并不是唯一一个有特别精心挑选的铭文项目的地方。伊斯兰教后来在12世纪末和13世纪初的印度的经历,在很大程度上与7世纪的叙利亚和巴勒斯坦相似。1192年至1320年,在穆伊兹和卡勒吉苏丹统治下的德里苏丹国的头128年里,绝大多数人口由非穆斯林组成,他们坚持在艺术和建筑方面拥有丰富的人物传统的信仰,视觉景观中有大量的纪念碑,用来展示这些其他信仰的信条。但也有重要的区别:伊斯兰教是在廓尔人的领导下传入印度的,它不是一种新近出现的信仰,而是一种历史悠久的宗教,拥有500年的文化,复杂的神学和自己重要的建筑遗产。伊斯兰教不仅带来了独特的、有特色的建筑传统,创造了象征一个持久国家的建筑,而且还带来了自己的、几乎独特的方式,通过使用纪念性的铭文来展示核心的宗教信仰。这里将探讨的是建筑史的这一特殊方面,而不是从风格发展的角度,而是通过其视觉文化来调查和阐明中世纪苏丹国印度的政治、社会和宗教历史印度北部早期伊斯兰教历史的中心纪念碑是德里的早期贾米清真寺,始于12世纪末苏丹穆伊兹·丁统治时期,并由他的穆伊兹和Khalji继任者继续修建它的建筑风格和大量的铭文都很大程度上借鉴了伽色尼文和廓尔文的先例。这篇文章将检查所有现存的铭文或附近的复杂和贾米清真寺的阿杰梅尔。鉴于中亚和印度北部宗教潮流的多样性,因此,这项研究只能被视为揭开神学和社会复杂性的初步尝试,并指出可能的未来研究方向。它的基本前提是,铭文经过精心挑选,以阐明关键的教义要点,并支持、强调和阐明最近的历史和当代事件。
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引用次数: 7
PERSIAN DRAWING, CA. 1400–1450: MATERIALS AND CREATIVE PROCEDURES 波斯绘画,约1400-1450年:材料和创作过程
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000028
D. Roxburgh
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引用次数: 4
Architecture and Narrative: The Khwaja Abu Nasr Parsa Shrine. Part 1: Constructing the Complex and its Meaning, 1469–1696 建筑与叙事:赫瓦贾·阿布·纳斯尔·帕尔萨神殿。第一部分:建筑复合体及其意义(1469-1696
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2001-03-22 DOI: 10.1163/22118993_01801005
R. Mcchesney
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引用次数: 24
AHMED I AND THE ALLEGORIES OF TYRANNY IN THE FRONTISPIECE TO GEORGE SANDYS’S RELATION OF A JOURNEY 阿迈德一世和乔治·桑迪的旅行关系的扉页中的专制寓言
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000023
Nebahat Avcioğlu
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引用次数: 6
A MUQARNAS DRAWING FROM THIRTEENTH-CENTURY ARMENIA AND THE USE OF ARCHITECTURAL DRAWINGS DURING THE MIDDLE AGES 13世纪亚美尼亚的muqarnas图纸和中世纪建筑图纸的使用
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000020
Armen A. Ghazarian, R. Ousterhout
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引用次数: 12
On the Umayyad Dating of the Double Gate in Jerusalem 论耶路撒冷双门的倭马亚年代
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000015
R. Shani, Doron Chen
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引用次数: 3
JOHN FREDERICK LEWIS: “REFLECTIONS OF REALITY” 约翰·弗雷德里克·刘易斯:“现实的反映”
IF 0.4 2区 艺术学 0 ARCHITECTURE Pub Date : 2001-01-01 DOI: 10.1163/22118993-90000024
Caroline Williams
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Muqarnas
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