Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00391p06
Rachel Hirsch
When Emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605) conquered Burhanpur, the capital of the Khandesh sultanate, in 1601, he catalyzed a decades-long process of transforming the city into a regional capital of the Mughal empire. In this essay, I argue that Mughal Burhanpur was constructed in three stages of spatial and architectural developments over the course of three decades. In the first stage, Akbar symbolically appropriated Burhanpur’s preexisting monumental architecture to demonstrate his conquest over the city. In the second stage, subimperial officers expanded the city through prolific patronage of civic architecture, most notably an underground canal system that carried fresh water several kilometers into the city. Lastly, when Shah Jahan (r. 1628–58) moved to the city in 1629, he implemented a new program of architectural construction that transformed Burhanpur from a provincial capital into an imperial one in just over two years. From symbolic appropriation to urban expansion and then to the implementation of an imperial architectural program, this three-part construction process ultimately transformed a town on the edge of an empire into a legible Mughal city.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-07DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00391p07
Tülay Artan
Images of Ottoman women in verse and manuscript painting that have long been interpreted as realistic representations of their everyday life stand in stark contrast with how women are represented, addressed, and pigeonholed in religious books of conduct. While no distinction is made between the elite and commoners in these depictions of pleasurable outdoor activities, the regular, routine roles that the women played in the family and society disappear from sight. In light of a rare but well-known court scene showing women in public space and at a real trial of 1582, appended in all illustrated copies of Nevʿizade Atayi’s Ḫamse, I discuss the specifics of the legal opinion with which Pir Mehmed Efendi was associated, and how the trial was recollected in Istanbul’s literate circles after more than a century. Whether the production of the five illustrated Ḫamses in the first quarter of the eighteenth century was a concerted effort on the part of a specific group of artists, both Istanbulites and Inner Asians, is discussed in the second part of the article.
长期以来，诗歌和手稿绘画中的奥斯曼女性形象一直被解读为她们日常生活的现实表现，与宗教行为书籍中对女性的表现、称呼和分类形成鲜明对比。虽然在这些令人愉快的户外活动的描述中没有区分精英和平民，但女性在家庭和社会中扮演的常规、常规角色却从视线中消失了。在Nev - izade Atayi的Ḫamse的所有插图副本中，都有一个罕见但众所周知的法庭场景，展示了1582年在公共空间和真实审判中的妇女，我讨论了Pir Mehmed Efendi与法律意见有关的细节，以及一个多世纪后伊斯坦布尔文学界如何回忆起审判。这五幅插图Ḫamses在18世纪前25年的创作是否是一群特定艺术家的共同努力，包括伊斯坦布尔人和内亚洲人，将在文章的第二部分进行讨论。
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Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p04
Vivek Gupta
This article focuses on the Miftāḥ al-Fużalāʾ (Key of the Learned) of Muhammad ibn Muhammad Daʾud Shadiyabadi (ca. 1490). The Miftāḥ is an illustrated dictionary made in the central Indian sultanate of Malwa, based in Mandu. Although the Miftāḥ’s only illustrated copy (British Library Or 3299) contains quadruple the number of illustrations as Mandu’s famed Niʿmatnāmah (Book of Delights) and is a unicum within the arts of the Islamicate and South Asian book, it has received minimal scholarly attention. The definitions in this manuscript encompass nearly every facet of Indo-Islamicate art history. The Miftāḥ provides a vocabulary for subjects including textiles, metalwork, jewelry, arms and armor, architecture, and musical instruments. The information transmitted by the Miftāḥ is not limited to the Persian, Hindavi, Turki, and Arabic language of the text, but also includes the visual knowledge depicted in paintings. Through an analysis of this manuscript as a whole, this study proposes that the Miftāḥ’s manuscript was an object of instruction for younger members of society and utilizes wonder as a didactic tool.
{"title":"Images for Instruction: A Multilingual Illustrated Dictionary in Fifteenth-Century Sultanate India","authors":"Vivek Gupta","doi":"10.1163/22118993-00381p04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00381p04","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article focuses on the Miftāḥ al-Fużalāʾ (Key of the Learned) of Muhammad ibn Muhammad Daʾud Shadiyabadi (ca. 1490). The Miftāḥ is an illustrated dictionary made in the central Indian sultanate of Malwa, based in Mandu. Although the Miftāḥ’s only illustrated copy (British Library Or 3299) contains quadruple the number of illustrations as Mandu’s famed Niʿmatnāmah (Book of Delights) and is a unicum within the arts of the Islamicate and South Asian book, it has received minimal scholarly attention. The definitions in this manuscript encompass nearly every facet of Indo-Islamicate art history. The Miftāḥ provides a vocabulary for subjects including textiles, metalwork, jewelry, arms and armor, architecture, and musical instruments. The information transmitted by the Miftāḥ is not limited to the Persian, Hindavi, Turki, and Arabic language of the text, but also includes the visual knowledge depicted in paintings. Through an analysis of this manuscript as a whole, this study proposes that the Miftāḥ’s manuscript was an object of instruction for younger members of society and utilizes wonder as a didactic tool.","PeriodicalId":39506,"journal":{"name":"Muqarnas","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.4,"publicationDate":"2021-12-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43350839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"艺术学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p12
Ignacio Ferrer Pérez-Blanco, Marie Zufferey
In the Alhambra of the Nasrid era (1230–1492), a transformed type of capital emerged that incorporated muqarnas to materialize the transition from the column to the abacus. Although the Alhambra contains the most muqarnas compositions from the Occident (Iberian Peninsula), the present understanding of “Western” muqarnas is based upon two carpentry manuscripts from the 1630s, from different authors on each side of the Atlantic (López de Arenas and Fray Andrés de San Miguel). In this research, the proportions of the muqarnas profiles from each manuscript are studied and compared to each other to articulate the formal consequences of their differences. By sculpting four examples of muqarnas capitals in the Alhambra, this study assesses whether the results correspond to the information provided in the manuscripts. The particularities that arise from these simple muqarnas capitals shed light on the proportions of the Alhambra muqarnas, generate new profiles that are distinct from those of the manuscripts, and establish geometrical relationships that have hitherto been unclear. These observations offer a basis for future tests on other muqarnas compositions in Nasrid palaces, therefore advancing the definition of the formal language of the Alhambra muqarnas.
在纳斯里德时代(1230-1492)的阿尔罕布拉，出现了一种改造后的资本，它将muqarnas纳入其中，实现了从柱式到算盘式的过渡。虽然阿尔罕布拉宫包含了来自西方(伊比利亚半岛)的大部分muqarnas作品，但目前对“西方”muqarnas的理解是基于17世纪30年代的两份木匠手稿，来自大西洋两岸的不同作者(López de Arenas和Fray andr de San Miguel)。在本研究中，研究了每个手稿中muqarnas剖面的比例，并相互比较，以阐明其差异的正式后果。通过在阿尔罕布拉宫雕刻四个穆卡纳斯首都的例子，本研究评估了结果是否与手稿中提供的信息相对应。从这些简单的穆卡纳大写字母中产生的特殊性揭示了阿尔罕布拉穆卡纳的比例，产生了与手稿不同的新轮廓，并建立了迄今为止尚不清楚的几何关系。这些观察结果为未来对纳斯里德宫殿中其他穆卡纳斯作品的测试提供了基础，因此推进了阿尔罕布拉穆卡纳斯正式语言的定义。
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Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p08
Ridha Moumni
This article is the second part of a study focusing on Muhammad Khaznadar’s role in the history of archaeology in nineteenth-century Tunisia. Whereas part I traced the meteoric rise of Muhammad Khaznadar as a Tunisian cultural figure, the second part of this inquiry examines Khaznadar’s fall from power and the end of his monopoly over the country’s antiquities. Following the dismissal of his father, Mustafa Khaznadar, as grand vizier in 1873, Muhammad’s artifacts were seized by the bey. The Khaznadar collection then attracted the attention of the new grand vizier, Khayr al-Din (1873–78). Influenced by the activities of Muhammad Khaznadar, Khayr al-Din sought to create a national museum of antiquities. However, this project came to an end with Khayr al-Din’s dismissal and the subsequent arrival of French colonizers, who established the Bardo Museum (then called the Alaoui Museum) in 1888. The historical narrative written by the French colonial authority erased the memory of prominent Tunisian archaeologists and collectors who had been active in the preceding decades. This article seeks to highlight the important contributions of local Tunisians to the development of archaeological research and policies surrounding Tunisian cultural heritage in the nineteenth century.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p07
Sihem Lamine
In March 1892, eleven years after the establishment of the French protectorate in Tunisia, a congregation of ulemas, religious scholars, and students, as well as representatives of the waqf administration (Jamʿiyyat al-Awqāf) gathered in the ṣaḥn of the Zaytuna Mosque to lay the cornerstone of a new minaret. The pre-exiting tower, whose latest major renovations dated from the seventeenth-century Ottoman Muradid times, was deemed hazardous; it was therefore entirely demolished and replaced by a large-scale replica of the nearby Hafsid Kasbah Mosque of Tunis. The new minaret of the Zaytuna Mosque rose in tandem with the Saint Vincent de Paul Cathedral of Tunis, and simultaneously with the nascent French neighborhoods of Tunis outside and along the medina walls. This article explores the intricate and fascinating context of the construction of a monumental minaret in a city that was gradually severing ties with its Ottoman past and surrendering to a newly established colonial rule. It questions the role and aspirations of the French administration in the minaret project, the reasons that led to the revival of the Almohad architectural style in the late nineteenth-century Maghrib, and the legacy left by the re-appropriation of this style in North Africa.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p05
L. Parodi
Kabul was the seat of Mughal power during the first half of the sixteenth century, and—it is argued here—provided inspiration for the better-known Mughal metropoles of Hindustan. Sources suggest that the topography of Kabul was already well established, along with its major landmarks, decades before Babur made it the seat of his court in 1504. Among these landmarks were three remarkable royal gardens (all Timurid foundations), which performed complementary functions. The one known today as Bagh-i Babur acquired funerary connotations with the burial of Babur’s mother there in 1505, if not earlier. The Bagh-i Shahrara hosted the governor as well as distinguished guests, including widowed or divorced princesses and imperial visitors. The Chaharbagh was the seat of the court. Its functional units included residential quarters for the ruler and the harem, a courtyard of audience, administrative quarters, and service provisions. In this study, Kabul and its gardens are compared with Mughal counterparts in Hindustan, and (more briefly) with Timurid Herat and Safavid Isfahan. This comparison contributes to an understanding of the unique position occupied by gardens in the Timurid realm and in the courts of their Mughal and Safavid successors.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p09
Sabiha Göloğlu
This article discusses the multiple mobilities of images, photographs, photographers, viewers, and places by focusing on Miʿmarzade Muhammed ʿAli’s (d. 1938) oil-on-canvas painting, now located in the Fatih Mosque in Istanbul. It explores the limits, lives, possibilities, and uses of photographic views and the exchanges between photography, painting, and print media by investigating the geopolitics and geopiety of the Hamidian era (i.e., Sultan ʿAbdülhamid II, r. 1876–1909), the production and circulation of early photographs of Mecca and Medina, and the spatial tradition of qibla decorum. It examines the photographic oeuvres of Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje (d. 1936), al-Sayyid ʿAbd al-Ghaffar, and the committee of the Erkān-ı Ḥarbiyye (General Military Staff), including Muhammad Sadiq Bey (d. 1902), as well as the reproductions and changing contexts of these photographs. Furthermore, this article highlights the role of print media in the dissemination and mobilization of the photographic image and the malleable politics of representation, especially as it pertains to the two sacred cities of Mecca and Medina.
本文通过关注Miʿmarzade Muhammed 703 Ali（1938年）的画布油画来讨论图像、照片、摄影师、观众和地点的多重流动性，该油画现在位于伊斯坦布尔的法提赫清真寺。它探索了摄影观点的局限性、生活、可能性和用途，以及摄影、绘画和印刷媒体之间的交流，通过调查哈米迪亚时代的地缘政治和地理环境（即苏丹Abdülhamid II，r.1876-1909），麦加和麦地那早期照片的制作和流通，以及奇布拉礼仪的空间传统。它考察了Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje（1936年）、al-SayyidʿAbd al-Ghaffar和Erkān-ı委员会的摄影作品Ḥarbiiye（总参谋部），包括穆罕默德·萨迪克·贝伊（1902年），以及这些照片的复制品和不断变化的背景。此外，这篇文章强调了印刷媒体在传播和动员摄影图像和可延展的代表政治方面的作用，特别是在涉及麦加和麦地那这两个圣城的情况下。
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Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p11
Anaïs Leone
This essay offers new data for identifying and reconstructing the original luster tilework decoration of the tomb chamber of the ʿAbd al-Samad shrine in Natanz, central Iran. The decorated complex around the tomb was likely built during the Ilkhanid period. The removal of Ilkhanid-period luster tiles from their original location has left very few buildings with their original decoration. Moreover, the stripping of an important number of monuments led to the arrival of thousands of tiles of unidentified or incomplete provenance in public and private collections. By cross-referencing available information about preserved revetments (e.g., dimensions, inscriptions, provenance, designs) with verifiable data collected at surviving monuments, it is possible to bridge the gap and unite formerly isolated elements. This study formulates new proposals about the luster tilework in the shrine of ʿAbd al-Samad, especially with regard to the complex ensemble of the mihrab. By locating and detailing the different zones of its decorative scheme, the ensemble becomes more coherent as a whole despite its remaining gaps.
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Pub Date : 2021-12-06DOI: 10.1163/22118993-00381p10
Jacobé Huet
In 1911, a twenty-three-year-old Le Corbusier embarked on a six-month journey from Dresden to Istanbul, and back to his native Switzerland through Greece and Italy. Upon his return, the young architect unsuccessfully attempted to publish his travel notes as a book in 1912 and again in 1914. Only in 1965, forty days before his death, did Le Corbusier conduct the final revision of his 1914 typescript for publication. The next year, Le Voyage d’Orient was published posthumously. Previous scholarship on this book has overlooked the importance of Le Corbusier’s 1965 edits, consequently approaching the work as an authentic testament of the author’s youthful spirit. Based on a new and contextualized reading of the 1914 typescript hand-annotated by Le Corbusier in 1965, this article demonstrates how the late edits constitute a re-writing of a segment of Le Corbusier’s own history, especially in relation to his ideas of modernity, tradition, inspiration, and attachment to Mediterranean architecture.
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