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Maerten van Heemskerck’s Momus and the moment of critique 范的《妈妈》与批判时刻
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/710057
Shira Brisman
which the critic advises the painter to depict Justice with an eye in the back of the head as well as one in the front. B. Fiera, De ivsticia pingenda: On the Painting of Justice; A Dialogue between Mantegna and Momus, trans. J. Wardrop (London, 1957), 30. J. Resnik and D. E. Curtis, Representing Justice: Invention, Controversy, and Rights in CityStates and Democratic Courtrooms (New Haven, CT, 2011), 93. The word “art,” like the word “craft,” or the word Kunst, has a shadowy side that indicates guile. Hence the word “artless,” which means free from deceit. While the primary function of a work of art may be to show, it can do so by coy means. The work of art may contain passages that dart away from the purpose of revealing, indicating by devices such as curtains, pouches, or folds, that there is substance within, though obscured from view. It is for the purpose of drawing out these tuckedaway messages that the work of art invites interpretation of a particular sort. Hermeneutics is the work of Hermes, the mediator between the divine and human worlds. But in the Netherlands, in the mid-sixteenth-century, specifically, in 1561, a different quasi-god was introduced as the go-between traversing the two realms, one who could also be employed as a guide in the reception of art. This was Momus, the god of criticism, expelled from Olympus for too severely judging the divine. The story of Momus acting as arbiter among the gods is told in Aesop’s Fables and Lucian’s Hermotimus (both of which were printed in Latin translations in northern Europe in the 1520s), and in Leon Battista Alberti’s political satire Momus, subtitled The Prince, which was composed in 1492, dedicated to Sigismondo Malatesta, banned, then published in 1520. Each of these texts tells how, when Zeus created the world, a contest was held to see which immortal could make the best gift for Earth. Momus found fault with each deity’s craft. Of Poseidon’s bull, he judged that the eyes should be atop the horns to enable better sight when charging forth; Athena’s house should have been mounted on wheels to make its location mobile in the event of having to flee bad neighbors; of Hephaestus’s invention, a man, Momus quipped that, while almost perfect, the construction could have been improved if a window
评论家建议画家用一只眼睛在后脑勺和前面描绘正义。B.菲耶拉,《论正义的绘画》;Mantegna和Momus之间的对话,跨性别。J.Wardrop(伦敦,1957年),30岁。J.Resnik和D.E.Curtis,《代表正义:城市州和民主党法院的发明、争议和权利》(康涅狄格州纽黑文,2011年),93。“艺术”一词,就像“工艺”一词或Kunst一词一样,有着阴暗的一面,表明狡猾。因此有了“artless”这个词,意思是没有欺骗。虽然艺术作品的主要功能可能是展示,但它也可以通过害羞的方式来展示。艺术作品可能包含一些段落,这些段落偏离了揭示的目的,通过窗帘、袋子或折叠等装置表明里面有物质,尽管看不见。正是为了引出这些深奥的信息,艺术作品才邀请了一种特殊的解读。解释学是赫尔墨斯的作品,赫尔墨斯是神圣世界和人类世界之间的媒介。但在荷兰,16世纪中期,特别是1561年,一个不同的准神被引入,作为穿越两个领域的中间人,一个也可以被用作接受艺术的向导的人。这就是批评之神莫玛斯,他因过于严厉地评判神而被逐出奥林匹斯山。《伊索寓言》(Aesop’s Fables)和卢西安(Lucian)的《赫莫蒂姆斯》(Hermotimus)(这两本书都于15世纪20年代在北欧以拉丁翻译出版),以及莱昂·巴蒂斯塔·阿尔贝蒂(Leon Battista Alberti)的政治讽刺作品《莫姆斯》(Momus),副标题为《王子》(The Prince),创作于1492年,献给西吉斯蒙多·马拉泰斯塔(Sigismondo Malatesta),被禁止,然后于1520年出版。这些文字中的每一个都告诉了当宙斯创造世界时,一场比赛是如何举行的,看哪一个不朽的人能为地球做出最好的礼物。莫玛斯对每一位神的技艺都吹毛求疵。关于波塞冬的公牛,他判断眼睛应该在牛角上,以便在向前冲时能更好地看到;雅典娜的房子应该安装在轮子上,以便在不得不逃离坏邻居的情况下移动位置;关于赫菲斯托斯的发明,一个男人,莫玛斯打趣道,虽然几乎完美,但如果有一扇窗户,建筑本可以改进
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引用次数: 0
Books received November 2019–September 2020 接收书籍2019年11月至2020年9月
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/711841
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引用次数: 0
The dancer in and out of character 这个舞蹈家和他的性格格格不入
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/710127
Christopher S. Wood
Two paintings, by Giandomenico Tiepolo and Edgar Degas, mark points in a story line about the tension between human figures and the artworks that try to contain them, a story about the heightening and relaxation of that tension over the course of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Any depiction of human figures subordinates, to some degree, the depicted bodies to the “body” of the artwork—its composition. It will be argued here that this tension between body and composition is redoubled— reproduced as subject matter, as it were—when the picture depicts dance and dancers. For a dance, even before it is represented in a picture, very often already involves a rivalry between individual stylized moving bodies and coordinated assemblages of those bodies. In the contest between dancing body and overall staged tableau, the dice are loaded, as it were, because the dancer, even if playing a role, is still a real person with a real center of gravity who may well resist being reduced to an element of a pattern. The transformation of body into artwork is always incomplete. The dancer never quite disappears into his role, as a painter’s model does. Dance thus proposes a counteraesthetic to the art of painting, or at least acts as a drag on some powerful concepts of painting that stress composition or planar patterning above everything: a challenge staved off by the two very sovereign paintings to be discussed, the one knowing, the other doubting. Between the two pictures, as if in a fable, appears a sculptor who set down his chisel, for a time, and took up painting, an art form he little understood, in hopes of courting the muse of dance: this was Antonio Canova. The dancer, he hoped, held the key to a recentering of art on the mobile, self-possessed body—no, more than that: a reduction or leading-back of art to a simple placement, a placing-there, of bodies. The sculptor’s experiments around 1800 expose the plot that embraces the two paintings.
吉安多梅尼科·蒂埃波罗和埃德加·德加的两幅画,在故事线上标出了人物和试图包含他们的艺术品之间的紧张关系,这个故事是关于在十八和十九世纪期间这种紧张关系的加剧和缓和。任何对人物的描绘,在某种程度上,被描绘的身体都服从于艺术作品的“身体”——它的构成。这里要讨论的是,当这幅画描绘舞蹈和舞者时,身体和构图之间的张力被加倍了——就像它被复制成主题一样。对于舞蹈来说,甚至在它被表现在图片中之前,就已经经常涉及到个人程式化的运动身体和这些身体的协调组合之间的竞争。在舞蹈的身体和整个舞台场面之间的竞争中,骰子是有分量的,因为舞者,即使扮演一个角色,仍然是一个真正的人,有一个真正的重心,他很可能会拒绝被简化为一个模式的元素。将身体转化为艺术品总是不完整的。舞蹈演员永远不会像画家的模特那样完全消失在他的角色中。因此,舞蹈对绘画艺术提出了一种反审美,或者至少是对一些强调构图或平面图案高于一切的强大绘画概念的拖累:这是一种挑战,被两幅非常主权的绘画所回避,一个知道,另一个怀疑。在这两幅画之间,仿佛是在一个寓言故事中,出现了一个雕塑家,他暂时放下了他的凿子,开始绘画,一种他不太懂的艺术形式,希望得到舞蹈的缪斯:这就是安东尼奥·卡诺瓦。他希望,舞蹈演员掌握着把艺术重新集中到可移动的、自持的身体上的钥匙——不,不止于此:把艺术还原到一种简单的安置,一种身体的安置。雕刻家在1800年左右的实验揭示了这两幅画背后的情节。
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引用次数: 0
Albrecht Dürer and the tailoring of the human form Albrecht drer和人体形状的剪裁
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/711618
C. Hille
The figure acting outside the representational plane— that is, outside the field defined by three noncollinear points—becomes a body. The notion of the parade as a means of establishing “the preliminaries of a history and theory of the figure” that manifests “outside the scene of representation,” therefore, prompts us to think about the changing relationship between the plane geometry of representation—the paper, wall, canvas—and the solid yet unruly geometry of the human body and the space it constructs around itself. Methodologically, the ramifications of this shift can be investigated by assessing the linkage between early modern explorations in anthropometry, which this essay will discuss in relation to the work of Albrecht Dürer, and the concurrent innovation of garment pattern construction. Emerging with the art of tailoring, the pattern drawing, which can be classified as a type of geometric diagram, linked fundamentally ambiguous properties: as a genre of drawing, it presents the graphic visualization of the measured and deconstructed form of the human body; as an iconological type, it embodies the scaled and decomposed abstraction of a silhouette designed to fashion that body into a stylized form. Arresting the process of an envisioned design transformation in the form of a technical drawing, the pattern drawing folds past and future into one.
在表示平面之外的图形,也就是在由三个非共线点定义的场之外,就变成了一个物体。因此,将游行作为一种建立“人物的历史和理论的初步准备”的手段,这一概念体现在“表现的场景之外”,促使我们思考表现的平面几何(纸、墙、画布)与人体的坚固但不守规矩的几何形状及其周围空间之间不断变化的关系。在方法上,这种转变的后果可以通过评估人体测量学的早期现代探索之间的联系来调查,本文将讨论与Albrecht drer的工作有关的人体测量学,以及服装图案构建的同步创新。随着剪裁艺术的出现,可以归类为一种几何图形的图案绘画,从根本上联系了模糊的属性:作为一种绘画类型,它呈现了对人体的测量和解构形式的图形可视化;作为一种图像类型,它体现了轮廓的尺度和分解抽象,旨在将身体塑造成一种程式化的形式。以技术图纸的形式捕捉到设想的设计转变的过程,图案图纸将过去和未来折叠成一个。
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引用次数: 0
Postscriptum Postscriptum
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/711855
Francesco Pellizzi
Taking a cue from Cy Twombly, perhaps his truest source of inspiration, Jean-Michel Basquiat left the relative street-comfort of the graffiti-parade to embark on an even more daring personal journey. But what could the link be between Basquiat’s early practice of a street-bound theatricality and Twombly’s immersion into, and transposition of, classical echoes as content within his pictures—his citing not of visual icons, prevalently, but of verbal ones? Twombly’s words themselves, or his sentences, or the fragments thereof (his verbal ruins) are extracted from their original context and quasi-sacrificially offered either in isolation or in new company, so that their reappearing could elicit the sense of something paradoxically unprecedented. The citation is meant to counter the wear of language, of history, through the ravages of time, but also, emphatically, to draw (poetic, and on occasion perhaps even polemical) attention to this fatal crumbling of images and words, embedded in what may be left of the memory, and the records, of (Western, literate) “civilization.” The early insertion of xeroxes of his own sketches through collage allowed Basquiat to juxtapose iconic appropriation and transposition—à la Andy Warhol, but also with a touch of Old World objet-trouvé sensibility (once more, not unrelated to Twombly’s own)—with a sort of dramatic in-your-face display of language-asicon. Warhol, on the other hand, for all his “philosophy,” had affected—like John Cage, despite his meta-musical ramblings—an insistent predilection for silence. It is as if language itself became for Basquiat a spectacle of the imaginary, each word, each fragment of a sentence, a scene in a kaleidoscopic display of rhetorical content that would pile up as word-images in a discourse
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引用次数: 0
Toward a history of the corner 走向角落的历史
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/708675
Daniel Jütte
There aren’t many corners of the past that remain unexplored. The history of the corner is one of them. To the best of my knowledge, no one has yet probed this chapter in the history of the built environment. Until recently, I didn’t think I would. Moving to New York City changed that. New York is perhaps the quintessential “city of corners.” In this essay, I’d like to offer some observations from the perspective of a cultural historian. Specifically, two avenues of inquiry intersect in this piece: it explores the history of the corner as a spatial object shaped by human design, but it also probes the agency of corners—that is, how they have shaped the ways in which people use and imagine the built environment. Two objections may be raised against my approach. For one thing, this piece mixes sources that some might argue should not be mixed: historical and literary texts, artistic and scholarly material, and personal and “objective” observations. For another, the piece doesn’t proceed in a strictly chronological fashion. In fact, not all periods of history will be treated with the same degree of detail: I will elaborate on some and only touch on others. The pragmatic reason is that this piece is merely an essay outlining the contours of a topic not yet studied. But perhaps a slightly unconventional approach might also suit an object that is, by definition, not straight, but bent. After all, would anyone really argue that a unifying thread or teleology is waiting to be uncovered in the history of the corner? There may be certain patterns or tendencies in this history, and I will try to elaborate on some of these constellations. Still, this essay remains preliminary and, to some extent, experimental—an experiment to determine whether it is possible to extract history from the corner of conventional disciplinary narratives. It is the historian’s inclination, but sometimes also his limitation, to look for avenues and “turning points” in the tangle that is the past—that is, to look for stories that can be mapped onto a grid of chronological progression
过去没有多少角落是未被探索的。角落的历史就是其中之一。据我所知,在建筑环境史上,还没有人探究过这一章。直到最近,我才想到我会。搬到纽约改变了这一点。纽约也许是典型的“角落之城”。在这篇文章中,我想从文化历史学家的角度提供一些观察。具体来说,这篇文章有两条探索途径:它探索了角落作为人类设计塑造的空间对象的历史,但也探讨了角落的作用——也就是说,它们是如何塑造人们使用和想象建筑环境的方式的。对我的做法可能会有两种反对意见。首先,这篇文章混合了一些人可能认为不应该混合的来源:历史和文学文本、艺术和学术材料,以及个人和“客观”观察。另一方面,这件作品并没有严格按照时间顺序进行。事实上,并不是所有的历史时期都会被同等程度的细节对待:我会详细阐述一些,而只触及其他。务实的原因是,这篇文章只是一篇概述尚未研究的主题轮廓的文章。但是,也许一种稍微非传统的方法也可能适合一个根据定义不是直的,而是弯曲的物体。毕竟,有人真的会认为,在角落的历史中,一条统一的线索或目的论正在等待被揭开吗?在这段历史中可能存在某些模式或趋势,我将尝试详细介绍其中的一些星座。尽管如此,这篇文章仍然是初步的,在某种程度上是实验性的——这是一项确定是否有可能从传统学科叙事中提取历史的实验。历史学家倾向于,但有时也有局限性,在过去的混乱中寻找途径和“转折点”——也就是说,寻找可以映射到时间序列网格上的故事
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引用次数: 0
Is Fascist realism a magic realism? 法西斯现实主义是魔幻现实主义吗?
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/710830
Romy Golan
The atmosphere of Torre di Venere remains unpleasant in the memory. From the first moment the air of the place made us uneasy, we felt irritable, on edge; then at the end came the shocking business of Cipolla, that dreadful being who seemed to incorporate, in so fateful and so humanly impressive a way, all the peculiar evilness of the situation as a whole. Looking back, we had the feeling that the horrible end of the affair had been preordained and lay in the nature of things; that the children had to be present at it was an added impropriety, due to the false colors in which the weird creature presented himself. Luckily for them, they did not know where the comedy left off and the tragedy began; and we let them remain in their happy belief that the whole thing had been a play up till the end.
在人们的记忆中,维尼雷球场的气氛依然令人不快。从第一刻起,这个地方的空气就让我们感到不安,我们感到烦躁、紧张;最后,西波拉发生了令人震惊的事情,这个可怕的人似乎以一种如此致命和令人印象深刻的方式,将整个局势的所有特殊邪恶都融合在一起。回首往事,我们有一种感觉,这件事的可怕结局是命中注定的,而且是事情的本质;孩子们必须在场,这又是一种不恰当的行为,因为这个奇怪的生物表现出了虚假的色彩。幸运的是,他们不知道喜剧从哪里结束,悲剧从哪里开始;我们让他们保持快乐的信念,认为整件事一直上演到最后。
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引用次数: 0
The dancing image in India, England, and the Caribbean, 1770–1870 1770–1870年,印度、英国和加勒比海地区的舞蹈形象
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/711595
J. Cooper
In the visual culture of empire between 1770 and 1870 a new species of image emerged that showed the figure in states of extraordinary metamorphosis. These “dancing images” showed the figure in a state of metamorphosis not out of a newly accomplished representational approach to solving the persistent problem in art of how to translate the movements of a three-dimensional body to a two-dimensional picture plane but rather because these images broke apart in the attempt at doing so. The edges of the figure’s fragmented pieces shivered with the passing of embodied energies that the dancing image had only partially succeeded in arresting. The history of such images is not a history of the picturesque; it is a history of that which cannot be pictured—a history, as it were, of the picture-non-esque, that which cannot be arrested by “the tight weave of signifiers” composing the aesthetic text. Convulsed in motion, these dancing images work as new historiographical operators revealing the interlocking histories of the body and of art in the era of British colonial expansion. The period under consideration begins with the dissemination of artists, military draftsmen, networks of native artists, colonial patronage systems, and image-making apparatuses (printing presses, photographic equipment) across the “imperial meridian” and concludes with the onset of chronophotography and film, which took over as the most progressive ontological medium for exploring the problem of representing movement in images post1870. The history of art during this period must, then, be written not as the progress and development of the picturesque style but rather as a fraught history of the attempts to represent the energetic movement of bodies in antagonism with each other and with the world. Such a history indicates that there is a missing episode in this story between the spectacular, multimedia art of the
在1770年至1870年间的帝国视觉文化中,出现了一种新的图像,显示了这个人物处于非同寻常的蜕变状态。这些“跳舞的图像”显示了人物的变形状态,这并不是因为一种新完成的具象方法来解决艺术中如何将三维物体的运动转化为二维图像平面的持久问题,而是因为这些图像在尝试这样做的过程中分裂了。人物碎片的边缘随着具体能量的流逝而颤抖,而舞蹈形象只是部分成功地吸引了这些能量。这样的图像的历史不是风景如画的历史;这是一部无法描绘的历史——一部画面非风格的历史,一部无法被构成美学文本的“能指的紧密编织”所束缚的历史。在运动中,这些舞蹈图像作为新的历史操作者,揭示了英国殖民扩张时代身体和艺术的相互关联的历史。所审议的时期始于艺术家、军事绘图员、本土艺术家网络、殖民赞助制度和图像制作设备(印刷机、摄影设备)在“帝国子午线”上的传播,并以计时摄影和电影的出现而结束,它在1870年后成为探索图像中运动表现问题的最进步的本体论媒介。因此,这一时期的艺术史不能被写为风景如画风格的进步和发展,而应该被写为一部充满活力的历史,试图表现身体在相互对抗和与世界对抗中的运动。这样的历史表明,在这个故事中
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引用次数: 0
“London’s standard” “伦敦的标准”
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/708601
Vaughan Hart
Christopher Wren believed in the timelessness of the classical Orders of architecture. In direct reaction to the buildings of Paris and Versailles, where he observed in 1665 that “works of Filgrand, and little Knacks are in great Vogue,” he argued that the Orders should not be subject to overembellishment and what he saw as the whims of fashion. “Architecture aims at Eternity,” was the way he put it at the opening of the first of his “Tracts” on architecture, continuing that “therefore the only Thing uncapable of Modes and Fashions in its Principals” are “the Orders.” But this understanding did not stop him from adding decoration that helped represent a building’s particular function and meaning. In so doing, he drew on symbolism common in two emblematic traditions, also with their origins in antiquity, namely the heraldic and the alchemical. Heraldry emphasizes continuity and lineage, and alchemy transformation and rebirth, all potent themes following a period of civil upheavals. Although Wren’s use of heraldry is a neglected aspect of his work, it is frequently present and sometimes dominant. It can be seen as a key way in which he symbolized his belief in the enduring qualities of British monarchy, especially its restorative powers following the king’s troubled relationship with the City of London during the traumas of the civil war and Commonwealth. The opposition of the City to the Stuart Crown during the civil war, when the corporate body sided with the Roundheads, had all too recently been a major factor in the monarch’s downfall. The City remained fiercely jealous of its longstanding privileges in relation to the Crown. Wren was a staunch believer in the importance of monarchy as an institution, as might be expected of someone occupying the office of Royal Surveyor. His unbuilt mausoleum for Charles I, proposed for Windsor
克里斯托弗·雷恩相信古典建筑秩序的永恒性。1665年,他在巴黎和凡尔赛宫的建筑中观察到“Filgrand和little Knacks的作品都在伟大的《时尚》杂志上”,对此,他做出了直接回应,认为订单不应该被过度埋葬,也不应该被他视为时尚的奇思妙想。“建筑旨在永恒”,这是他在第一本关于建筑的《拖拉机》开篇时所说的,他继续说道,“因此,在其原理中,唯一无法超越模式和时尚的东西”是“秩序”。但这种理解并没有阻止他添加有助于代表建筑特定功能和意义的装饰。在这样做的过程中,他借鉴了两种象征传统中常见的象征主义,这两种传统也起源于古代,即纹章学和炼金学。Heraldry强调连续性和血统,以及炼金术的转变和重生,所有这些都是在一段时期的内乱之后的有力主题。尽管雷恩对纹章学的使用是他作品中被忽视的一个方面,但它经常出现,有时占主导地位。这可以被视为他对英国君主制持久品质的信念的一个关键方式,尤其是在内战和英联邦创伤期间,国王与伦敦金融城的关系陷入困境后,君主制的恢复力。内战期间,当法人团体站在圆头党一边时,伦敦金融城对斯图亚特王室的反对,最近一直是君主垮台的一个主要因素。伦敦金融城仍然强烈嫉妒其长期以来对王室的特权。雷恩坚信君主制作为一种制度的重要性,正如人们对担任皇家测量师的人所期望的那样。他为查理一世建造的未建陵墓,提议用于温莎
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引用次数: 0
Robert M. Laughlin, in memoriam 纪念罗伯特·m·劳克林
Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2020-03-01 DOI: 10.1086/711854
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引用次数: 0
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Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics
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