Despite the abundant quantity of greenstone artifacts found in Teotihuacan, to the best of our knowledge, only one example of a figurative plaque has ever been recovered from the site. This plaque (British Museum, Am1938,1021.25) was recovered from an unknown and probably intrusive context within the Pyramid of the Feathered Serpent, deposited long after its construction (Digby 1972, 30; Nagao 2006, 420; Sugiyama and López Luján 2006, 145). By contrast, in CacaxtlaXochitécatl (Tlaxcala) and Xochicalco (Morelos), several Epiclassic figurative plaques have been found in archaeological contexts (fig. 1). How can we explain their appearance in the central Mexican highlands? What were their uses and functions? What can be said about them in terms of sociopolitical processes? The present study converges with Solar Valverde’s (2002) and Nagao’s (2006, 2014) previous works on greenstone figurative plaques but seeks to add examples and deepen considerations regarding seventeen figurative plaques from the Cacaxtla-Xochitécatl and Xochicalco archaeological sites: seven from CacaxtlaXochitécatl (A to G) and ten from Xochicalco (H to Q) (fig. 2). I will evaluate their contexts, uses, and
{"title":"Strategies of legitimization in Mesoamerica","authors":"J. Testard","doi":"10.1086/717940","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/717940","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the abundant quantity of greenstone artifacts found in Teotihuacan, to the best of our knowledge, only one example of a figurative plaque has ever been recovered from the site. This plaque (British Museum, Am1938,1021.25) was recovered from an unknown and probably intrusive context within the Pyramid of the Feathered Serpent, deposited long after its construction (Digby 1972, 30; Nagao 2006, 420; Sugiyama and López Luján 2006, 145). By contrast, in CacaxtlaXochitécatl (Tlaxcala) and Xochicalco (Morelos), several Epiclassic figurative plaques have been found in archaeological contexts (fig. 1). How can we explain their appearance in the central Mexican highlands? What were their uses and functions? What can be said about them in terms of sociopolitical processes? The present study converges with Solar Valverde’s (2002) and Nagao’s (2006, 2014) previous works on greenstone figurative plaques but seeks to add examples and deepen considerations regarding seventeen figurative plaques from the Cacaxtla-Xochitécatl and Xochicalco archaeological sites: seven from CacaxtlaXochitécatl (A to G) and ten from Xochicalco (H to Q) (fig. 2). I will evaluate their contexts, uses, and","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"75-76 1","pages":"118 - 136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43054983","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A searing description of how a work of art might function in the early fifteenth century has come down to us from the Ricordi of Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli of Florence, who describes his dying ten-year-old son Alberto embracing and pleading to an image of the Virgin with such fervidness that onlookers winced. Slightly over a century later, in 1522, and north of the Alps, in Wittenberg, Andreas Karlstadt would decry a similar practice: “I absolutely cannot advise the mortally ill to cling to carved or painted crucifixes.” Alberto Morelli believed implicitly in the image; Andreas Karlstadt was equally assured that images threatened the primacy of sacred text. This challenge by a radical Reformation thinker to the traditional role of religious images is stated in particularly arresting language: “Scripture clearly states that God hates the pictures which the papists call books and is jealous of them.” Do these contrasting sentiments primarily reflect the difference between a young boy, dying and fearful, and a crusty, combative man resisting the sway of Italian hegemony in Germany? Or was some erosion in the faith directed at images the sine qua non for the enhanced role they played in intellectual life by the sixteenth century? The idea that Karlstadt so objects to—that images are like books—was a familiar one for Christians. Yet texts themselves were less reliable authorities than once they had been. In a landmark triumph of humanist philology, Lorenzo Valla’s debunking of the Donation of Constantine in 1440 proclaimed the potential fragility of long-accepted tenets. New philological sophistication began to chip away even at Jerome’s Vulgate. The
佛罗伦萨的乔瓦尼·迪·帕戈洛·莫雷利（Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli）的里卡迪（Ricordi）对一件艺术作品在十五世纪初的作用进行了深刻的描述，他描述了自己即将去世的十岁儿子阿尔贝托（Alberto）拥抱并恳求圣母玛利亚的形象，他的热情让旁观者望而却步。一个多世纪后的1522年，在阿尔卑斯山以北的维滕贝格，安德烈亚斯·卡尔斯塔特谴责了类似的做法：“我绝对不能建议病入膏肓的人紧紧抓住雕刻或绘画的十字架。”阿尔贝托·莫雷利含蓄地相信这幅图像；安德烈亚斯·卡尔斯塔特同样确信，图像威胁到了神圣文本的首要地位。一位激进的宗教改革思想家对宗教形象传统作用的挑战用特别引人注目的语言表达：“《圣经》明确指出，上帝讨厌那些被papists称为书籍的图片，并嫉妒它们。”这些截然不同的情绪主要反映了一个垂死、恐惧的小男孩和一个脾气暴躁、，在德国抵抗意大利霸权的好斗的人？或者，到16世纪，对图像的信仰受到了一些侵蚀，这是它们在知识生活中发挥更大作用的必要条件吗？卡尔斯塔特如此反对的想法——图像就像书——对基督徒来说是一个熟悉的想法。然而，文本本身并不像以前那样可靠。在人文主义语言学的一次里程碑式的胜利中，洛伦佐·瓦拉在1440年对君士坦丁捐赠的揭露揭示了长期接受的信条的潜在脆弱性。甚至在杰罗姆的《秃鹫门》中，新的语言学复杂性也开始逐渐消失。这个
{"title":"Did the early moderns believe in their art?","authors":"Patricia A. Emison","doi":"10.1086/716468","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716468","url":null,"abstract":"A searing description of how a work of art might function in the early fifteenth century has come down to us from the Ricordi of Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli of Florence, who describes his dying ten-year-old son Alberto embracing and pleading to an image of the Virgin with such fervidness that onlookers winced. Slightly over a century later, in 1522, and north of the Alps, in Wittenberg, Andreas Karlstadt would decry a similar practice: “I absolutely cannot advise the mortally ill to cling to carved or painted crucifixes.” Alberto Morelli believed implicitly in the image; Andreas Karlstadt was equally assured that images threatened the primacy of sacred text. This challenge by a radical Reformation thinker to the traditional role of religious images is stated in particularly arresting language: “Scripture clearly states that God hates the pictures which the papists call books and is jealous of them.” Do these contrasting sentiments primarily reflect the difference between a young boy, dying and fearful, and a crusty, combative man resisting the sway of Italian hegemony in Germany? Or was some erosion in the faith directed at images the sine qua non for the enhanced role they played in intellectual life by the sixteenth century? The idea that Karlstadt so objects to—that images are like books—was a familiar one for Christians. Yet texts themselves were less reliable authorities than once they had been. In a landmark triumph of humanist philology, Lorenzo Valla’s debunking of the Donation of Constantine in 1440 proclaimed the potential fragility of long-accepted tenets. New philological sophistication began to chip away even at Jerome’s Vulgate. The","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"75-76 1","pages":"195 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48606571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
2. M. Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, 2nd ed. (Lincoln, NE, 1996), 188–215. More recent works on the political, religious, and symbolic functions of water in human experience from a comparative viewpoint include H. Böhme, ed., Kulturgeschichte des Wassers (Frankfurt, 1988); R. H. W. Wolf, Mysterium Wasser: Eine In the Holy Land, the material foci of cultic phenomena are grafted onto the soil: they are portions of ground deemed to be hallowed by their contact with the key figures of biblical history. These memorial signifiers of sacred events, unlike other Christian cult objects, are topographical in nature, spots embedded on the earth’s surface. In order to demonstrate their exceptional status as holy sites, they can be framed within architectural structures, made either easily or hardly accessible, or staged via various forms of ritual performance and mise-en-scène, but they cannot be moved or involved in kinetic ceremonies. It can therefore be wondered to what extent liquid sites, being by definition formless and instable, can be experienced as manifestations of holiness, and questions can be raised as to whether and under what circumstances they may have given shape to some form of religious materiality in the context of pilgrimage to Jerusalem. In the argumentation that follows, I will not tackle the issue of the use of water and oils in the performance of rituals, whose symbolic efficacy assuredly made a significant impact on the perception of such liquids at all levels of religious experience. I take this for granted, as my basic aim is to focus on those forms of devotion that were considered, in a more or less conscious way, to provide believers with a nonsacramental, nonliturgical, objectoriented, and site-bound access to the divine sphere. In this respect, I use the term “holy,” as conceptually distinct from “sacred,” to describe an experience of the supernatural dimension perceived as inherent and active in matter, independently from the mediation of any human activity.
2.M.Eliade，《比较宗教模式》，第二版（林肯，NE，1996），188-215。从比较的角度研究水在人类经验中的政治、宗教和象征功能的最新著作包括H.Böhme，ed.，Kulturgescchichte des Wassers（法兰克福，1988年）；R.H.W.Wolf，《瓦瑟之谜：圣地之谜》，邪教现象的物质焦点被移植到土壤上：它们是因与圣经历史上的关键人物接触而被视为神圣的土地部分。与其他基督教崇拜对象不同，这些神圣事件的纪念符号本质上是地形，是嵌入地球表面的斑点。为了展示它们作为圣地的特殊地位，它们可以被框在建筑结构中，变得容易或难以进入，或者通过各种形式的仪式表演和mise en scène上演，但它们不能被移动或参与动态仪式。因此，可以想知道，根据定义，流动场所是无形的和不稳定的，在多大程度上可以被视为神圣的表现，人们可以质疑，在前往耶路撒冷朝圣的背景下，它们是否以及在什么情况下形成了某种形式的宗教物质性。在接下来的论证中，我不会讨论在仪式中使用水和油的问题，因为仪式的象征效力无疑对宗教体验的各个层面对这种液体的感知产生了重大影响。我认为这是理所当然的，因为我的基本目标是专注于那些被认为或多或少有意识地为信徒提供非宗教、非宗教、面向对象和现场访问神圣领域的奉献形式。在这方面，我使用“神圣”一词，在概念上与“神圣”不同，来描述一种超自然维度的体验，这种体验被认为是物质中固有的和活跃的，独立于任何人类活动的中介。
{"title":"Liquid holy sites","authors":"M. Bacci","doi":"10.1086/714327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/714327","url":null,"abstract":"2. M. Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion, 2nd ed. (Lincoln, NE, 1996), 188–215. More recent works on the political, religious, and symbolic functions of water in human experience from a comparative viewpoint include H. Böhme, ed., Kulturgeschichte des Wassers (Frankfurt, 1988); R. H. W. Wolf, Mysterium Wasser: Eine In the Holy Land, the material foci of cultic phenomena are grafted onto the soil: they are portions of ground deemed to be hallowed by their contact with the key figures of biblical history. These memorial signifiers of sacred events, unlike other Christian cult objects, are topographical in nature, spots embedded on the earth’s surface. In order to demonstrate their exceptional status as holy sites, they can be framed within architectural structures, made either easily or hardly accessible, or staged via various forms of ritual performance and mise-en-scène, but they cannot be moved or involved in kinetic ceremonies. It can therefore be wondered to what extent liquid sites, being by definition formless and instable, can be experienced as manifestations of holiness, and questions can be raised as to whether and under what circumstances they may have given shape to some form of religious materiality in the context of pilgrimage to Jerusalem. In the argumentation that follows, I will not tackle the issue of the use of water and oils in the performance of rituals, whose symbolic efficacy assuredly made a significant impact on the perception of such liquids at all levels of religious experience. I take this for granted, as my basic aim is to focus on those forms of devotion that were considered, in a more or less conscious way, to provide believers with a nonsacramental, nonliturgical, objectoriented, and site-bound access to the divine sphere. In this respect, I use the term “holy,” as conceptually distinct from “sacred,” to describe an experience of the supernatural dimension perceived as inherent and active in matter, independently from the mediation of any human activity.","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"75-76 1","pages":"101 - 113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44092024","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1. Museums, archives, and libraries are often invoked collectively but less often comparatively theorized. Some notable exceptions are: A. Blair and J. Milligan, “Introduction,” Archival Science 7 (2007): 292–94; A. Walsham, “The Social History of the Archive: RecordKeeping in Early Modern Europe,” Past & Present 230, suppl. 11 (2016): 30–35. These articles preface two journal special issues on the history of archives, edited by the articles’ authors. See also the introductory essays for two further such special issues: A. Blair, “Introduction,” Archival Science 10 (2010): 195–200; F. de Vivo and M. P. Donato, “Scholarly Practices in the Archives, 1500–1800,” Storia della Storiografia 68 (2015): 15–20. There are also several excellent individual studies in all four issues. 2. D. Preziosi, “Collecting/Museums,” in Critical Terms for Art History, ed. R. S. Nelson and R. Shiff, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 2003), 407–8. See also especially S. Bann, The Clothing of Clio: A Study of the Representation of History in Nineteenth-Century Britain and France How does an archive transform an object? Everything in an archive is an object; even preserved digital codes have a physical existence. Charters, seals, rolls, registers: all of these have a material and formal character that is critical to their meaning. The objects I have in mind here, however, are of a particular kind: those without writing, not created as records, but that have somehow found their way into the archives. While medieval rulers kept some documents in their treasuries, modern states conversely sometimes keep paintings, sculpture, jewelry, and textiles in their archives. My purpose here is, first, to consider the effect of this archival incorporation on the “unwritten object.” What happens, conceptually, to nontextual objects integrated into an archive’s ostensibly textual environment? Second, it is to consider the effect of such unwritten objects on an archive. What part do they play in the archive as a representational whole (and, hence, in its epistemic scheme)? The discussion that follows therefore involves both structural analysis of the archive as a functional context and the formal analysis of individual objects. I hope these two lines of inquiry will contribute to understanding how an object’s meaning can be constructed by different kinds of institutions, as well as how different kinds of objects affect the production of historical knowledge. Museums, of course, hold many objects like the ones I describe. Both museums and archives, and the ways their respective keepers have structured their contents, often figure in discussions of the construction of
1.博物馆、档案馆和图书馆经常被集体引用，但相对而言较少被理论化。一些值得注意的例外是：A.Blair和J.Milligan，“引言”，《档案科学》第7期（2007）：292–94；A.沃尔沙姆，“档案馆的社会历史：现代欧洲早期的记录保存”，《过去与现在》230，增刊11（2016）：30-35。这些文章是由文章作者编辑的两期关于档案史的期刊特刊的序言。另见另外两期此类特刊的介绍性文章：A.Blair，“引言”，《档案科学》10（2010）：195-200；F.de Vivo和M.P.Donato，“档案中的学术实践，1500–1800”，Storia della Storiografia 68（2015）：15–20。在这四个问题上也有一些优秀的个人研究。2.D.Preziosi，“收藏/博物馆”，《艺术史批判术语》，R.S.Nelson和R.Shiff编辑，第二版（芝加哥，2003年），407-8。另见S.Bann，《克利奥的服装：19世纪英国和法国历史表现研究》，档案如何改变一个对象？档案中的所有内容都是一个对象；即使是保存下来的数字代码也有物理存在。章程、印章、名册、登记册：所有这些都具有对其意义至关重要的物质和形式特征。然而，我在这里想到的对象是一种特殊的类型：那些没有文字的对象，不是作为记录创建的，而是以某种方式进入档案的。虽然中世纪的统治者在他们的金库里保存了一些文件，但现代国家有时会在他们的档案中保存绘画、雕塑、珠宝和纺织品。我在这里的目的是，首先，考虑这种档案合并对“不成文对象”的影响。从概念上讲，集成到档案表面文本环境中的非文本对象会发生什么？其次，要考虑这些未写入的对象对档案的影响。它们作为一个代表性的整体在档案中扮演了什么角色（因此，在其认知方案中）？因此，下面的讨论既涉及作为功能背景的档案的结构分析，也涉及对单个对象的形式分析。我希望这两条研究线将有助于理解不同类型的机构如何构建对象的意义，以及不同类型的对象如何影响历史知识的产生。当然，博物馆里有很多像我描述的那样的物品。博物馆和档案馆，以及它们各自的保管人构建内容的方式，经常出现在关于
{"title":"Fictions of the archive","authors":"Jessica Berenbeim","doi":"10.1086/713770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/713770","url":null,"abstract":"1. Museums, archives, and libraries are often invoked collectively but less often comparatively theorized. Some notable exceptions are: A. Blair and J. Milligan, “Introduction,” Archival Science 7 (2007): 292–94; A. Walsham, “The Social History of the Archive: RecordKeeping in Early Modern Europe,” Past & Present 230, suppl. 11 (2016): 30–35. These articles preface two journal special issues on the history of archives, edited by the articles’ authors. See also the introductory essays for two further such special issues: A. Blair, “Introduction,” Archival Science 10 (2010): 195–200; F. de Vivo and M. P. Donato, “Scholarly Practices in the Archives, 1500–1800,” Storia della Storiografia 68 (2015): 15–20. There are also several excellent individual studies in all four issues. 2. D. Preziosi, “Collecting/Museums,” in Critical Terms for Art History, ed. R. S. Nelson and R. Shiff, 2nd ed. (Chicago, 2003), 407–8. See also especially S. Bann, The Clothing of Clio: A Study of the Representation of History in Nineteenth-Century Britain and France How does an archive transform an object? Everything in an archive is an object; even preserved digital codes have a physical existence. Charters, seals, rolls, registers: all of these have a material and formal character that is critical to their meaning. The objects I have in mind here, however, are of a particular kind: those without writing, not created as records, but that have somehow found their way into the archives. While medieval rulers kept some documents in their treasuries, modern states conversely sometimes keep paintings, sculpture, jewelry, and textiles in their archives. My purpose here is, first, to consider the effect of this archival incorporation on the “unwritten object.” What happens, conceptually, to nontextual objects integrated into an archive’s ostensibly textual environment? Second, it is to consider the effect of such unwritten objects on an archive. What part do they play in the archive as a representational whole (and, hence, in its epistemic scheme)? The discussion that follows therefore involves both structural analysis of the archive as a functional context and the formal analysis of individual objects. I hope these two lines of inquiry will contribute to understanding how an object’s meaning can be constructed by different kinds of institutions, as well as how different kinds of objects affect the production of historical knowledge. Museums, of course, hold many objects like the ones I describe. Both museums and archives, and the ways their respective keepers have structured their contents, often figure in discussions of the construction of","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"75-76 1","pages":"221 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42802297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ezra Pound urged poets to “have the decency either to acknowledge the debt outright, or to try to conceal it.” Many ignored the call and left it to scholars to determine their influences. For many scholars, however, studies of influence appeared to conceal more than they reveal. Edward Said regarded influence as a “linear (vulgar) idea”; Julia Kristeva rejected using the term she herself coined—intertextuality—when she noticed that it was understood “in the banal sense of ‘study of sources’”; Michel Foucault considered individual originality and point of creation two of the notions that dominated the traditional history of ideas; and Paul Valéry viewed influence as the vaguest “among all the vague notions that compose the phantom armory of aesthetics.” What was so objectionable? First, studies of influence were associated with conservative models of knowledge transfer that predominantly focused on continuities, exemplified by Ernst Robert Curtius’s proclamation that
埃兹拉·庞德(Ezra Pound)敦促诗人“要有风度，要么直接承认债务，要么试图掩盖债务”。许多人忽视了这一呼吁，让学者们来决定他们的影响。然而，对许多学者来说，对影响力的研究似乎掩盖了比它们揭示的更多的东西。爱德华·萨义德认为影响力是一种“线性(庸俗)观念”;茱莉亚·克里斯特娃(Julia Kristeva)拒绝使用她自己创造的术语——互文性——当她注意到它被理解为“在‘研究来源’的平庸意义上”时;米歇尔·福柯认为个人原创性和创造点是传统思想史上占主导地位的两个概念;保罗·瓦尔杰里认为，“影响”是“构成美学幻影武器库的所有模糊概念中”最模糊的概念。是什么让人如此反感?首先，对影响的研究与保守的知识转移模型有关，这种模型主要关注于连续性，例如恩斯特·罗伯特·柯蒂斯(Ernst Robert Curtius)的宣言
{"title":"Specters of influence","authors":"Erhan Tamur","doi":"10.1086/716833","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/716833","url":null,"abstract":"Ezra Pound urged poets to “have the decency either to acknowledge the debt outright, or to try to conceal it.” Many ignored the call and left it to scholars to determine their influences. For many scholars, however, studies of influence appeared to conceal more than they reveal. Edward Said regarded influence as a “linear (vulgar) idea”; Julia Kristeva rejected using the term she herself coined—intertextuality—when she noticed that it was understood “in the banal sense of ‘study of sources’”; Michel Foucault considered individual originality and point of creation two of the notions that dominated the traditional history of ideas; and Paul Valéry viewed influence as the vaguest “among all the vague notions that compose the phantom armory of aesthetics.” What was so objectionable? First, studies of influence were associated with conservative models of knowledge transfer that predominantly focused on continuities, exemplified by Ernst Robert Curtius’s proclamation that","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"75-76 1","pages":"207 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45282031","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Parmigianino’s Madonna of the Rose","authors":"A. Nagel","doi":"10.1086/717460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/717460","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"75-76 1","pages":"291 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48564841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：