2. E. and J. de Goncourt, Mémoires de la vie littéraire (Paris, 1956), 1:835, trans. and quoted in T. J. Clark, The Painting of Modern Life: When, during the 1970s, it became possible to talk about a New Art History, the term carried an implicit allusion to art of a particular place and time. The place was Paris; the time was the second half of the nineteenth century; the art in question represented the data of contemporary life to the exclusion of older subjects like myth and religion. The city exerted a spell, making the urban transformations of its core and periphery somehow exemplary of how modern life was to be lived. And, by extension, art that qualified as modern needed to have drawn both its subject matter and its sensibility from the same phenomena. Older distinctions between Realism, Impressionism, and Post-Impressionism in nineteenth-century French art became less salient, the rubric “Modern Life” encompassing their shared territory. That usurpation entailed a shift in definition from particulars of painterly style to what older art historians had sequestered in their discipline under the heading of “iconography,” in other words, characteristic subject matter bearing coded cultural meaning. So it was not just a matter of opulent boulevards or weekend leisure as objects of description; it was a different way of life betokened by such innovative urban and suburban pastimes. For guidance as to the coded meanings of the modernizing city, certain commentators, often dyspeptic ones, offered eloquent testimony. Especially favored were the writers Edmond and Jules Goncourt, who wrote in their singular voice about the disquiet they experienced at the changes around them. In one passage from their journal (November 18, 1860), they reacted with almost apocalyptic alarm at the colonization of central public thoroughfares by open-air cafés and the lingering, loitering crowds they attracted (fig. 1):
2.E.和J.de Goncourt，《生活的意义》（Mémoires de la vie littéraire）（巴黎，1956年），1:835，trans。T·J·克拉克的《现代生活的绘画：在20世纪70年代，当谈论新艺术史成为可能时，这个词隐含着对特定地点和时间的艺术的暗示。地点是巴黎；时间是十九世纪下半叶；所讨论的艺术代表了当代生活的数据，排除了神话和宗教等古老的主题。这座城市施了魔法，使其核心和外围的城市转型在某种程度上成为现代生活的典范。而且，从广义上讲，符合现代条件的艺术需要从相同的现象中汲取其主题和情感。19世纪法国艺术中现实主义、印象派和后印象派之间的旧区别变得不那么突出，“现代生活”这一标题涵盖了它们的共同领域。这种篡夺导致了定义的转变，从绘画风格的细节转变为年长的艺术历史学家在其学科中以“图像学”为标题所隐藏的东西，换句话说，具有编码文化意义的特征主题。因此，这不仅仅是华丽的林荫大道或周末休闲作为描述对象的问题；这是一种不同的生活方式，由这种创新的城市和郊区消遣所预示。为了指导现代化城市的编码含义，某些评论家，通常是消化不良的评论家，提供了雄辩的证词。特别受欢迎的是作家埃德蒙德和朱尔斯·贡考特，他们用独特的声音写下了对周围变化的不安。在他们日记中的一段话中（1860年11月18日），他们对露天咖啡馆对中央公共大道的殖民化以及他们吸引的挥之不去的游荡人群发出了近乎世界末日的警报（图1）：
{"title":"The hidden Mod in the New Art History","authors":"T. Crow","doi":"10.1086/711039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/711039","url":null,"abstract":"2. E. and J. de Goncourt, Mémoires de la vie littéraire (Paris, 1956), 1:835, trans. and quoted in T. J. Clark, The Painting of Modern Life: When, during the 1970s, it became possible to talk about a New Art History, the term carried an implicit allusion to art of a particular place and time. The place was Paris; the time was the second half of the nineteenth century; the art in question represented the data of contemporary life to the exclusion of older subjects like myth and religion. The city exerted a spell, making the urban transformations of its core and periphery somehow exemplary of how modern life was to be lived. And, by extension, art that qualified as modern needed to have drawn both its subject matter and its sensibility from the same phenomena. Older distinctions between Realism, Impressionism, and Post-Impressionism in nineteenth-century French art became less salient, the rubric “Modern Life” encompassing their shared territory. That usurpation entailed a shift in definition from particulars of painterly style to what older art historians had sequestered in their discipline under the heading of “iconography,” in other words, characteristic subject matter bearing coded cultural meaning. So it was not just a matter of opulent boulevards or weekend leisure as objects of description; it was a different way of life betokened by such innovative urban and suburban pastimes. For guidance as to the coded meanings of the modernizing city, certain commentators, often dyspeptic ones, offered eloquent testimony. Especially favored were the writers Edmond and Jules Goncourt, who wrote in their singular voice about the disquiet they experienced at the changes around them. In one passage from their journal (November 18, 1860), they reacted with almost apocalyptic alarm at the colonization of central public thoroughfares by open-air cafés and the lingering, loitering crowds they attracted (fig. 1):","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"73-74 1","pages":"276 - 293"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/711039","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45481679","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When Maya artisans began molding and stamping hieroglyphic writing in clay, they were deviating from centuries of scribal tradition. In contrast to the copious texts that they and their peers had been painting, incising, carving, or modeling by hand for generations, their ceramics introduced mechanically replicated text into Mesoamerica centuries before the first European printing press and represented its only application to an indigenous, nonalphabetic script. With the aid of a preform—a stamp or mold inscribed with hieroglyphs— artisans could for the first time generate copies of a text without themselves having towrite it, or even understand it. But the unusual history of this practice raises more questions than it answers, particularly when examined from a perspective informed by recent centuries of industrialization and increasingly proliferating massreproduction technologies (Matsumoto 2018). Although its origins and early generations of use remain murky, Maya hieroglyphic writing was in use by the Late Preclassic period (ca. 400 BCE–100 CE; see Saturno et al. 2006). Ceramic seals and stamps date to even earlier, first attested in Mesoamerica beginning in the Middle Preclassic (ca. 1100–400 BCE; see Causey 1985, 12–18; Halperin 2014, 6). During the Early Classic era a few centuries later (ca. 250–550 CE), Maya potters adopted molding and stamping technologies, sometimes even combining them to preform clay stamps (e.g., Yde 1936, 36). It was not until the Late Classic period (ca. 550–830 CE), however, that hieroglyphic writing was initially created in this manner. This raises the first question: why did Maya artisans integrate the
当玛雅工匠开始在粘土上塑造和压制象形文字时，他们偏离了几个世纪以来的抄写传统。与他们和他们的同辈几代人一直在绘画、雕刻、雕刻或手工制作的大量文本相反，他们的陶瓷在第一个欧洲印刷机出现之前几个世纪就将机械复制的文本引入了中美洲，并代表了它在土著非字母文字上的唯一应用。借助一种刻有象形文字的印章或模子，工匠们第一次可以制作出文本的副本，而不需要自己去写，甚至不需要理解它。但是，这种做法的不同寻常的历史引发的问题比它提供的答案更多，特别是从近几个世纪的工业化和日益激增的大规模复制技术的角度来看(Matsumoto 2018)。尽管它的起源和早期的使用仍然不清楚，玛雅象形文字在前古典时期晚期(约公元前400年至公元前100年;参见Saturno et al. 2006)。陶瓷印章和邮票可以追溯到更早的年代，最早出现在中美洲，始于前古典时期中期(约公元前1100-400年);参见Causey 1985, 12-18;在几个世纪后的早期古典时代(约公元250-550年)，玛雅陶工采用了成型和冲压技术，有时甚至将它们结合起来制作粘土邮票(例如，Yde 1936, 36)。然而，直到古典晚期(约公元550-830年)，象形文字才以这种方式被创造出来。这就提出了第一个问题:为什么玛雅工匠将
{"title":"Copying in clay","authors":"Mallory E. Matsumoto","doi":"10.1086/704762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/704762","url":null,"abstract":"When Maya artisans began molding and stamping hieroglyphic writing in clay, they were deviating from centuries of scribal tradition. In contrast to the copious texts that they and their peers had been painting, incising, carving, or modeling by hand for generations, their ceramics introduced mechanically replicated text into Mesoamerica centuries before the first European printing press and represented its only application to an indigenous, nonalphabetic script. With the aid of a preform—a stamp or mold inscribed with hieroglyphs— artisans could for the first time generate copies of a text without themselves having towrite it, or even understand it. But the unusual history of this practice raises more questions than it answers, particularly when examined from a perspective informed by recent centuries of industrialization and increasingly proliferating massreproduction technologies (Matsumoto 2018). Although its origins and early generations of use remain murky, Maya hieroglyphic writing was in use by the Late Preclassic period (ca. 400 BCE–100 CE; see Saturno et al. 2006). Ceramic seals and stamps date to even earlier, first attested in Mesoamerica beginning in the Middle Preclassic (ca. 1100–400 BCE; see Causey 1985, 12–18; Halperin 2014, 6). During the Early Classic era a few centuries later (ca. 250–550 CE), Maya potters adopted molding and stamping technologies, sometimes even combining them to preform clay stamps (e.g., Yde 1936, 36). It was not until the Late Classic period (ca. 550–830 CE), however, that hieroglyphic writing was initially created in this manner. This raises the first question: why did Maya artisans integrate the","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"71-72 1","pages":"52 - 63"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/704762","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48447817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As North America’s largest city during the first half millennium CE, Teotihuacan stands out in many ways. Its growth in the northeastern Basin of Mexico transformed the immediate area into a bustling, urban landscape marked by grand monuments, and the surrounding region into a political territory subject to a powerful state. A key part of this trajectory was the development of a complex economy entailing the circulation of goods within the city and along networks that linked surrounding communities. It is highly likely that Teotihuacan had a thriving market system that included neighborhood-scale and large, central marketplaces (Clayton 2015b; Millon 1973; Sullivan 2006). Many of the durable goods that were used in household contexts at Teotihuacan were mass-produced in large workshops. Some of these were centrally located (Cowgill 2015; Múnera Bermúdez 1985); others were embedded within residential neighborhoods across the city and on its suburban margins (Cabrera Cortés 2011; Gómez Chávez 1996; Millon 1973). The prolific use of molds in ceramic production made it possible to expediently create virtually identical vessels, masks, figurines, and ornaments. Mass production in the context of a market economy meant that countless “copies” of objects could be widely distributed to households across the city and in outlying communities. These circumstances would have resulted in considerable
{"title":"Reexamining “uniformity” at Teotihuacan","authors":"Sarah C. Clayton","doi":"10.1086/704621","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/704621","url":null,"abstract":"As North America’s largest city during the first half millennium CE, Teotihuacan stands out in many ways. Its growth in the northeastern Basin of Mexico transformed the immediate area into a bustling, urban landscape marked by grand monuments, and the surrounding region into a political territory subject to a powerful state. A key part of this trajectory was the development of a complex economy entailing the circulation of goods within the city and along networks that linked surrounding communities. It is highly likely that Teotihuacan had a thriving market system that included neighborhood-scale and large, central marketplaces (Clayton 2015b; Millon 1973; Sullivan 2006). Many of the durable goods that were used in household contexts at Teotihuacan were mass-produced in large workshops. Some of these were centrally located (Cowgill 2015; Múnera Bermúdez 1985); others were embedded within residential neighborhoods across the city and on its suburban margins (Cabrera Cortés 2011; Gómez Chávez 1996; Millon 1973). The prolific use of molds in ceramic production made it possible to expediently create virtually identical vessels, masks, figurines, and ornaments. Mass production in the context of a market economy meant that countless “copies” of objects could be widely distributed to households across the city and in outlying communities. These circumstances would have resulted in considerable","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"71-72 1","pages":"16 - 24"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/704621","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45691807","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In art history, we are concerned with artefacts, some of which are considered to be “works of art” in a more specific sense. We want to know why artefacts look the way they look, what they mean and how. Since many artefacts are—or include—images, we are also interested in questions concerning the making, meanings, and uses of images. My current focus is on the theory of images, a field of research located at the common border of art history and philosophy and therefore marginal to both disciplines. This essay is more specifically about pictorial space or “image-space,” as I shall call it. Image-space is a very common and well-known phenomenon. If we are confronted with an unfolded scroll of paper with marks of ink and paint on it (fig. 1), and tell others we see part of a coast with cliffs and trees and houses, bordering the wide expanses of sea and sky, then this is an example of image-space. But image-space need not be vast and deep. Take this painted page of parchment containing the first word of the gospel according to St. Matthew, liber (fig. 2). The initial letter seems to have opened its thighs to give birth to a tendril. Would you agree that the beginnings and ends of this elastic L are fastened to the ornamental frame by means of golden ribbons? And at the many points where these ribbons cross, would you say that one part runs over the other, so that one is above, the other beneath? Would you also say that the bare parchment inside the ornamental frame and around the initial can be seen both as an opaque plane of inscription and as some kind of opening? Then this is another example of image-space, even if it is so shallow
{"title":"How to enter image-space","authors":"Wolfram Pichler","doi":"10.1086/706931","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/706931","url":null,"abstract":"In art history, we are concerned with artefacts, some of which are considered to be “works of art” in a more specific sense. We want to know why artefacts look the way they look, what they mean and how. Since many artefacts are—or include—images, we are also interested in questions concerning the making, meanings, and uses of images. My current focus is on the theory of images, a field of research located at the common border of art history and philosophy and therefore marginal to both disciplines. This essay is more specifically about pictorial space or “image-space,” as I shall call it. Image-space is a very common and well-known phenomenon. If we are confronted with an unfolded scroll of paper with marks of ink and paint on it (fig. 1), and tell others we see part of a coast with cliffs and trees and houses, bordering the wide expanses of sea and sky, then this is an example of image-space. But image-space need not be vast and deep. Take this painted page of parchment containing the first word of the gospel according to St. Matthew, liber (fig. 2). The initial letter seems to have opened its thighs to give birth to a tendril. Would you agree that the beginnings and ends of this elastic L are fastened to the ornamental frame by means of golden ribbons? And at the many points where these ribbons cross, would you say that one part runs over the other, so that one is above, the other beneath? Would you also say that the bare parchment inside the ornamental frame and around the initial can be seen both as an opaque plane of inscription and as some kind of opening? Then this is another example of image-space, even if it is so shallow","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"71-72 1","pages":"325 - 332"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/706931","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47939853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay reflects on the historical and cultural contingency of the model both as an analytical category and as a material thing in the context of Japan, with particular reference to its role in diverse forms of knowledge exchange in the early modern era, a period roughly coinciding with the rule of the Tokugawa shoguns from 1603 to 1867. It is intended as a brief intervention, not an encyclopedic survey of this complex and understudied subject. Models exist in many forms in Japan, both twoand three-dimensional, but also embodied, and have operated within multiple and sometimes overlapping social and cultural processes that constructed their codes, values, and uses. Their study is complicated, however, by the fact that neither their forms nor the language used to refer to them have remained constant across historical periods, raising fundamental questions about what constituted a “model” in the early modern era. Mokei, for instance, which most closely approximates the English term “model,” is a modern coinage that gained currency in the late nineteenth century in response to the practical need for a classificatory category for the reduced-scale models of historic buildings that became fixtures in the international expositions in which Japan participated. These were primarily ethnographic specimens that made visible the distance between Japanese and Western architectural materials, techniques, and styles. The word mokei replaced an older term, hinagata, which was commonly applied to models of many kinds, but especially printed books that enjoyed wide circulation from the seventeenth century featuring pictorial models of fashionable garment designs. Yet
{"title":"Modeling, models, and knowledge exchange in early modern Japan","authors":"C. Guth","doi":"10.1086/707114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/707114","url":null,"abstract":"This essay reflects on the historical and cultural contingency of the model both as an analytical category and as a material thing in the context of Japan, with particular reference to its role in diverse forms of knowledge exchange in the early modern era, a period roughly coinciding with the rule of the Tokugawa shoguns from 1603 to 1867. It is intended as a brief intervention, not an encyclopedic survey of this complex and understudied subject. Models exist in many forms in Japan, both twoand three-dimensional, but also embodied, and have operated within multiple and sometimes overlapping social and cultural processes that constructed their codes, values, and uses. Their study is complicated, however, by the fact that neither their forms nor the language used to refer to them have remained constant across historical periods, raising fundamental questions about what constituted a “model” in the early modern era. Mokei, for instance, which most closely approximates the English term “model,” is a modern coinage that gained currency in the late nineteenth century in response to the practical need for a classificatory category for the reduced-scale models of historic buildings that became fixtures in the international expositions in which Japan participated. These were primarily ethnographic specimens that made visible the distance between Japanese and Western architectural materials, techniques, and styles. The word mokei replaced an older term, hinagata, which was commonly applied to models of many kinds, but especially printed books that enjoyed wide circulation from the seventeenth century featuring pictorial models of fashionable garment designs. Yet","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"71-72 1","pages":"253 - 264"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/707114","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43553945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
2. For which see, e.g., R. L. Gordon, “The Real and the Imaginary: Production and Religion in the Greco-Roman World,” Art History 2 (1979): 5–34; R. T. Neer, “Connoisseurship and the Stakes of Style,” Critical Inquiry 32 (2005): 1–26; E. Marlowe, Shaky Ground: Context, Connoisseurship, and the History of Roman Art (London, 2013); A. H. Borbein, “Connoisseurship,” in The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Art and Architecture, ed. C. Marconi (Oxford, 2014), 519–40. 3. See recently C. Isler-Kerényi, “Iconographical and Iconological Approaches,” in Marconi, Oxford Handbook, 558–78. The quest for origins
2. 参见r.l. Gordon，“真实与想象:希腊罗马世界的生产与宗教”，《艺术史》第2期(1979):5-34页;R. T. Neer，“鉴赏与风格的利害关系”，《批判探究》32 (2005):1-26;E. Marlowe，《摇摇欲坠的土地:语境、鉴赏和罗马艺术史》(伦敦，2013);A. H. Borbein，“鉴赏”，见《牛津希腊罗马艺术与建筑手册》，C. Marconi主编(Oxford, 2014)， 519-40页。3.参见最近C. isler - kersamunyi，“图像学和图像学方法”，Marconi, Oxford Handbook, 558-78。对起源的探索
{"title":"Truth from fiction","authors":"Nathaniel B. Jones","doi":"10.1086/706208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/706208","url":null,"abstract":"2. For which see, e.g., R. L. Gordon, “The Real and the Imaginary: Production and Religion in the Greco-Roman World,” Art History 2 (1979): 5–34; R. T. Neer, “Connoisseurship and the Stakes of Style,” Critical Inquiry 32 (2005): 1–26; E. Marlowe, Shaky Ground: Context, Connoisseurship, and the History of Roman Art (London, 2013); A. H. Borbein, “Connoisseurship,” in The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Art and Architecture, ed. C. Marconi (Oxford, 2014), 519–40. 3. See recently C. Isler-Kerényi, “Iconographical and Iconological Approaches,” in Marconi, Oxford Handbook, 558–78. The quest for origins","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"71-72 1","pages":"229 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/706208","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43972389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When the sculptor Jacques Lipchitz was newly arrived in New York from Europe during World War II, he spent an evening in Dr. Schapiro’s company. The talk turned to the great collections of tribal art in the Musee de l’Homme in Paris, and in particular to a piece that he had especially admired. To help Lipchitz recall it, Dr. Schapiro took a sheet of paper and drew, from memory and to scale, not only the piece in question but every other piece that had been in the case with it some years before. He did not see this as anything out of the ordinary.
{"title":"Against primitivism","authors":"Risham Majeed","doi":"10.1086/704389","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/704389","url":null,"abstract":"When the sculptor Jacques Lipchitz was newly arrived in New York from Europe during World War II, he spent an evening in Dr. Schapiro’s company. The talk turned to the great collections of tribal art in the Musee de l’Homme in Paris, and in particular to a piece that he had especially admired. To help Lipchitz recall it, Dr. Schapiro took a sheet of paper and drew, from memory and to scale, not only the piece in question but every other piece that had been in the case with it some years before. He did not see this as anything out of the ordinary.","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"71-72 1","pages":"295 - 311"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/704389","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42703152","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Luisa Elena, Ken Moser, Khaled Malas, Alfred Tarazi
{"title":"Books received November 2018–October 2019","authors":"Luisa Elena, Ken Moser, Khaled Malas, Alfred Tarazi","doi":"10.1086/707129","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/707129","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":39613,"journal":{"name":"Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics","volume":"71-72 1","pages":"349 - 351"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/707129","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45994374","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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