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Spain: The State, the Regime Crisis and the National Question 西班牙:国家、政权危机和民族问题
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1893138
Josep Maria Antentas
The crisis of October 2017, following the referendum (which was not authorised by the State) on the independence of Catalonia on 1 October and the repression by the State to prevent it, marked the climax of an institutional crisis that has been running since the outbreak of the Catalan independence movement in September 2012. In turn, it was the culminating, although contradictory, moment of a regime crisis that started with the outbreak of the 15M movement, the indignado rebellion, in 2011. In this article I will analyse the historical roots of the 2017 crisis and the political and institutional consequences that the events of October 2017 have had. My objective is to analyse the current regime crisis in the Spanish state from the point of view of the role played by the Catalan national question. I am not going to analyse the overall regime crisis or the independence movement, but specifically how the latter has been related with the former. To do so, I will provide a general overview of the genesis of the so-called Regime of 1978 from the point of view of the national question and of Spain’s failed nation-building process.
2017年10月1日加泰罗尼亚独立公投(未经国家授权)以及国家为阻止公投而进行的镇压之后的10月危机,标志着自2012年9月加泰罗尼亚独立运动爆发以来一直持续的体制危机达到高潮。反过来,这是始于2011年爆发的1500万运动(indignado rebellion)的政权危机的高潮时刻,尽管存在矛盾。在本文中,我将分析2017年危机的历史根源,以及2017年10月事件所产生的政治和制度后果。我的目标是从加泰罗尼亚民族问题所扮演的角色的角度来分析西班牙当前的政权危机。我不打算分析整个政权危机或独立运动,而是具体分析后者与前者之间的关系。为此,我将从民族问题和西班牙失败的国家建设进程的角度,对所谓的1978年政权的起源作一个总的概述。
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引用次数: 0
The Party, the Comrade and Communist Renewal in the 21st Century – An Interview with Jodi Dean 21世纪的党、同志与共产主义复兴——乔迪·迪恩访谈录
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2020.1820307
J. Dean, M. Callahan
Amidst deepening crisis and growing unrest, questions of organization and strategy are more urgent than ever. With a young generation casting off decades of anti-communist brainwashing and embracin...
在危机加深和动荡加剧的情况下,组织和战略问题比以往任何时候都更加紧迫。随着年轻一代摆脱了数十年的反共洗脑和拥抱……
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引用次数: 1
Democracy Denied: Five Lectures on U.S. Politics 否定民主:五场美国政治讲座
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1889884
M. Schultz
Victor Wallis’s Democracy Denied is an occasional work in that the five lectures which compose it were originally written for actually existing audiences and scheduled events: a series of talks giv...
维克多·沃利斯的《被否定的民主》是一部偶然的作品,因为它的五篇演讲最初是为实际存在的听众和预定的事件而写的:一系列的演讲……
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引用次数: 1
How to Go On: Political Epistemology for Pandemy Times 如何继续:大流行病时代的政治认识论
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2020.1821338
D. Suvin
* My warmest thanks go to the repeated help by encouragement, discussion, and correction, first of all to Jodi Dean, Tom Moylan, Stuart Blume, and Victor Wallis, but also Hugh O’Connell, Mladen Lazić, Doug Lummis, Trish MacManus, Jelena Vesić and her mother, the WHW-group women comrades represented by Nataša Ilić, Toby Widdicombe. Though all responsibility for formulations here is mine, without them, and the patience of Nena, this essay might well have been impossible.The bulk of the article was written during the March-to-May lockdown in Italy, using what was available. It may suggest the richness of ongoing debates but insufficiently counteracts the categorial confusions of those pressured months. Socialism and Democracy, 2020 Vol. 34, Nos. 2–3, 181–211, https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2020.1821338
*我最热烈地感谢通过鼓励、讨论和纠正而不断提供的帮助,首先是Jodi Dean、Tom Moylan、Stuart Blume和Victor Wallis,还有Hugh O 'Connell、Mladen laziki、Doug Lummis、Trish MacManus、Jelena vesi奇和她的母亲,以及以Nataša iliki、Toby Widdicombe为代表的whw小组的女同志。虽然这里的公式都是我的责任,但如果没有它们和妮娜的耐心,这篇文章很可能是不可能的。这篇文章的大部分内容是在3月至5月意大利封锁期间使用可用的材料撰写的。它可能暗示了正在进行的辩论的丰富性,但不足以抵消那些有压力的几个月里的分类混乱。社会主义与民主,2020年第34卷第2-3期,181-211期,https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2020.1821338
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引用次数: 0
Dinesh D’Souza as a Comprador Intellectual: Punditry, Media and Neocolonialism 作为买办知识分子的迪内什·德索萨:权威、媒体和新殖民主义
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2020.1828700
G. Andrade
The neo-conservative movement in the United States has strong intellectual origins. Many of its founding members were radicals – heavily influenced by Leon Trotsky – who eventually became disillusioned with the New Left and the Counterculture movement (Stintson 2010). Thus, a growing number of college professors and other scholars eventually gathered into a group that began in the 1970s to lobby Republican governments. Neoconservatives shifted to the right, but they never moved away from Trotsky’s internationalism. Thus, they began to embrace a neocolonial perspective in their intellectual struggle against Soviet Communism. They enthusiastically supported American military interventions abroad. Their influence grew significantly under Ronald Reagan. One of the younger members of the neoconservative movement, Dinesh D’Souza, was fascinated by Reagan’s political style. D’Souza would go on to develop an academic career, and in his writings andmedia appearances, has consistently praised Reagan’s legacy (D’Souza 1999). Neoconservatives, in turn, also began to mold their movement with many of Reagan’s principles, most notably unregulated capitalism. By the 2000s, the neoconservatives in American policy were hegemonic in the White House, and George W. Bush’s administration employed many of its representatives as advisors and executives. It is fairly certain that the neoconservatives’ intellectual influence was a significant driving force in the American invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq (Vaisse 2010). The Republican candidate John McCain lost the election in 2008, and neoconservatives naturally did not have the same influence as Socialism and Democracy, 2020 Vol. 34, Nos. 2–3, 61–83, https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2020.1828700
美国的新保守主义运动有很强的思想根源。它的许多创始成员都是激进分子——深受莱昂·托洛茨基的影响——他们最终对新左派和反文化运动感到幻灭(斯廷森,2010)。因此,从20世纪70年代开始,越来越多的大学教授和其他学者最终聚集成一个游说共和党政府的团体。新保守主义者转向右翼,但他们从未离开托洛茨基的国际主义。因此,他们开始在反对苏联共产主义的思想斗争中接受新殖民主义的观点。他们热情地支持美国的海外军事干预。在罗纳德·里根的领导下,他们的影响力显著增强。新保守主义运动的年轻成员迪内什·德索萨(Dinesh D 'Souza)被里根的政治风格所吸引。D 'Souza将继续发展自己的学术生涯,在他的著作和媒体露面中,他一直赞扬里根的遗产(D 'Souza 1999)。反过来,新保守主义者也开始用里根的许多原则来塑造他们的运动,最明显的是不受管制的资本主义。到21世纪初,美国政策中的新保守主义者在白宫占据了主导地位,乔治·w·布什(George W. Bush)政府聘用了许多新保守主义者的代表担任顾问和高管。相当肯定的是,新保守主义者的思想影响是美国入侵阿富汗和伊拉克的重要推动力(Vaisse 2010)。共和党候选人约翰·麦凯恩在2008年的选举中失败,新保守主义者自然没有社会主义与民主那样的影响力,2020年第34卷,第2-3期,61-83期,https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2020.1828700
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引用次数: 0
Marx’s Capital After 150 Years: Critique and Alternative to Capitalism 《150年后的马克思资本论:对资本主义的批判与替代》
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1876547
Eren Kozluca
Marx’s Capital After 150 Years: Critique and Alternative to Capitalism contains the proceedings of an international conference held at York University in 2017. It is the latest addition to the series of compilations that encompass the theoretical and political nature, stakes and implications of Karl Marx’s major work. With 17 contributors of diverse political affiliations, theoretical standpoints, and immediate concerns within the contested terrain of Marxism andMarxian scholarship, the relatively peaceful coexistence of these interventions, at the very least, confirms that the breakthroughs realized in the last few decades in the study of Capital proved to be lasting. In other words, we now have a qualitatively new, shared understanding regarding Capital that both distances it from the presuppositions of classical political economy and opposes the interpretative (and editorial) ambitions to present its theorems and conclusions as closed totalities. Cautiously discerning the multiplicity of layers of Capital, an on-going task that is irreducible to the standard notion of interdisciplinary compartmentalization and dialogue, shall serve to mobilize it as an indispensable tool for any kind of initiative to critically recast the social sciences.
《马克思150年后的资本论:对资本主义的批判与替代》收录了2017年在约克大学举行的一次国际会议的会议记录。这是包含卡尔·马克思主要著作的理论和政治性质、利害关系和含义的系列汇编的最新版本。在马克思主义和马克思主义学术的争议领域中,有17位不同政治派别、理论立场和直接关注点的贡献者,这些干预的相对和平共存,至少证实了过去几十年在《资本论》研究中实现的突破是持久的。换句话说,我们现在对《资本论》有了一种全新的、共享的理解,既使它远离了古典政治经济学的前提,又反对将其定理和结论作为封闭的整体来呈现的解释性(和编辑性)野心。谨慎地辨别《资本论》的多重层次,这是一项正在进行的任务,不能简化为跨学科划分和对话的标准概念,将有助于动员它作为任何一种批判性地重塑社会科学的倡议不可或缺的工具。
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引用次数: 6
Insubordinate Spaces: Improvisation and Accompaniment for Social Justice 不服从空间:社会正义的即兴与伴奏
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2020.1889905
Sarah Hernandez
There is a growing effort among scholars to overcome Euro- and US-centric theoretical outlooks, by engaging with epistemologies of the South. Tomlinson’s and Lipsitz’s book is an excellent illustra...
越来越多的学者通过研究南方的认识论来克服以欧洲和美国为中心的理论观点。汤姆林森和利普西兹的书是一个很好的例证。
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引用次数: 0
Such A Pretty Girl: A Story of Struggle, Empowerment, and Disability Pride 《如此漂亮的女孩:一个关于奋斗、赋权和残疾骄傲的故事
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2020.1822108
Kathy McMahon-Klosterman
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引用次数: 1
Dead Epidemiologists: On the Origins of COVID-19 已故流行病学家:论COVID-19的起源
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2020.1888187
A. Ainsworth
Rob Wallace begins his latest book with a confession: Late March this year [2020], I’m lying on my bed gasping for breath. … A half hour into the evening’s panting – and nothing so pleasurable as t...
罗布·华莱士(Rob Wallace)以一段忏悔开始了他的新书:今年(2020年)3月底,我躺在床上喘不过气来。晚上喘气了半个小时——没有什么比这更令人愉快的了……
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引用次数: 28
Proposal for Social Transformation 社会转型建议
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-09-01 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2020.1852752
M. Callahan
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Socialism and Democracy
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