Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1994295
Thomas Muhr
Within the context of the crisis of capitalist world order (Gills 2020), a resurgent interest in the historical question of strategy in/for progressive transformation against the accumulated power of global capital spans the social sciences and activist camps. Except for human geographers (e.g. Castree, Featherstone and Herod 2008; Sparke 2008), however, neglected in these discussions is the role of socio-spatial theory in engendering structural transformation within the constraints of the prevailing historical structure. To this end, this article integrates neo-Gramscian with human geography theory and method in elaborating the notion of “pluri-scalar war of position”, incipiently defined as “multidimensional struggle over minds and strategic places at and across different interlocking scales simultaneously in the construction of a historic bloc” (Muhr 2013a: 7). The concept evolved from research into the emergent spatiality of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP)/Petrocaribe between 2005 and 2012. Starting from a place-based community in Venezuela and extending into distinct though increasingly interconnecting places in other countries (Nicaragua, El Salvador, Brazil), I argued that a pluri-scalar war of position was mobilised as a propositive, or pro-active, state-led socio-spatial strategy during Hugo Chávez’s hemispheric leadership, driving the production of a global
在资本主义世界秩序危机的背景下(吉尔斯2020)，对反对全球资本积累力量的进步转型战略的历史问题的兴趣重新燃起，这一兴趣跨越了社会科学和活动家阵营。除了人文地理学家(如Castree, Featherstone and Herod 2008;Sparke 2008)，然而，在这些讨论中被忽视的是社会空间理论在现行历史结构的约束下产生结构转变的作用。为此，本文将新葛兰西与人文地理学的理论和方法相结合，阐述了“多尺度位置战争”的概念，最初的定义是“在构建历史集团的过程中，在不同的相互关联的尺度上，同时跨越思想和战略地点的多维斗争”(Muhr 2013)。7) 2005年至2012年间，这个概念从研究演变为我们美国人民玻利瓦尔联盟(ALBA-TCP)/Petrocaribe的新兴空间性。从委内瑞拉的一个以地方为基础的社区开始，扩展到其他国家(尼加拉瓜、萨尔瓦多、巴西)不同但日益相互联系的地方，我认为，在雨果Chávez的半球领导期间，一场多尺度的位置战争被动员为一种积极的，或积极的，国家主导的社会空间战略，推动了全球的生产
{"title":"Counter-Hegemonic Strategy from the Global South: A Pluri-scalar War of Position","authors":"Thomas Muhr","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.1994295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.1994295","url":null,"abstract":"Within the context of the crisis of capitalist world order (Gills 2020), a resurgent interest in the historical question of strategy in/for progressive transformation against the accumulated power of global capital spans the social sciences and activist camps. Except for human geographers (e.g. Castree, Featherstone and Herod 2008; Sparke 2008), however, neglected in these discussions is the role of socio-spatial theory in engendering structural transformation within the constraints of the prevailing historical structure. To this end, this article integrates neo-Gramscian with human geography theory and method in elaborating the notion of “pluri-scalar war of position”, incipiently defined as “multidimensional struggle over minds and strategic places at and across different interlocking scales simultaneously in the construction of a historic bloc” (Muhr 2013a: 7). The concept evolved from research into the emergent spatiality of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA-TCP)/Petrocaribe between 2005 and 2012. Starting from a place-based community in Venezuela and extending into distinct though increasingly interconnecting places in other countries (Nicaragua, El Salvador, Brazil), I argued that a pluri-scalar war of position was mobilised as a propositive, or pro-active, state-led socio-spatial strategy during Hugo Chávez’s hemispheric leadership, driving the production of a global","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"27 1","pages":"214 - 240"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73797378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1977614
A. Ainsworth
Vijay Prashad has recently written about a movement to nominate a group of Cuban doctors for a Nobel Peace Prize for their work in battling COVID-19, Ebola and other diseases on the African continent, and treating catastrophic injuries incurred from hurricanes and landslides in Central and Latin America (People’s Dispatch, August 25, 2020). Predictably, the Trump administration, along with Human Rights Watch and Trump’s small group of Latin American allies, has been pressuring the World Health Organization and the Norwegian Nobel Institute to block these front-line doctors from receiving such an honor simply, it seems, because they are representatives of the Cuban government. The doctors are members of the Henry Reeve Brigade. This group is regularly dispatched to catastrophic hotspots by the Cuban government. The group is named after a New Yorker, Henry Reeve, who died fighting for Cuba in its First War of Independence from Spain from 1895–98. Monthly Review Press has recently released a timely book, Cuban Health Care: The Ongoing Revolution, by Don Fitz. Fitz tells an intriguing and valiant story of a Cuban health care system that has grown largely in isolation and from humble beginnings, largely due to a brutal financial and cultural embargo imposed by the US government since 1959.
维贾伊·普拉萨德(Vijay Prashad)最近写了一篇关于提名一群古巴医生获得诺贝尔和平奖的运动，以表彰他们在非洲大陆抗击COVID-19、埃博拉和其他疾病，以及治疗中美洲和拉丁美洲飓风和山体滑坡造成的灾难性伤害方面的工作。(人民报，2020年8月25日)不出所料，特朗普政府以及人权观察组织(Human Rights Watch)和特朗普在拉丁美洲的一小群盟友，一直在向世界卫生组织(World Health Organization)和挪威诺贝尔研究所(Norwegian Nobel Institute)施压，要求他们阻止这些一线医生获得这一荣誉，原因似乎仅仅是因为他们是古巴政府的代表。这些医生是亨利·里夫旅的成员。这个小组定期被古巴政府派往灾难热点地区。该组织以纽约人亨利·里夫(Henry Reeve)的名字命名，他在1895年至1998年的第一次古巴独立战争中为古巴而战。每月评论出版社最近出版了一本及时的书，《古巴卫生保健:正在进行的革命》，作者是唐·菲茨。菲茨讲述了一个有趣而勇敢的故事，古巴的医疗体系在很大程度上是在孤立和卑微的开始下发展起来的，这主要是由于美国政府自1959年以来实施的残酷的金融和文化禁运。
{"title":"Cuban Health Care: The Ongoing Revolution","authors":"A. Ainsworth","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.1977614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.1977614","url":null,"abstract":"Vijay Prashad has recently written about a movement to nominate a group of Cuban doctors for a Nobel Peace Prize for their work in battling COVID-19, Ebola and other diseases on the African continent, and treating catastrophic injuries incurred from hurricanes and landslides in Central and Latin America (People’s Dispatch, August 25, 2020). Predictably, the Trump administration, along with Human Rights Watch and Trump’s small group of Latin American allies, has been pressuring the World Health Organization and the Norwegian Nobel Institute to block these front-line doctors from receiving such an honor simply, it seems, because they are representatives of the Cuban government. The doctors are members of the Henry Reeve Brigade. This group is regularly dispatched to catastrophic hotspots by the Cuban government. The group is named after a New Yorker, Henry Reeve, who died fighting for Cuba in its First War of Independence from Spain from 1895–98. Monthly Review Press has recently released a timely book, Cuban Health Care: The Ongoing Revolution, by Don Fitz. Fitz tells an intriguing and valiant story of a Cuban health care system that has grown largely in isolation and from humble beginnings, largely due to a brutal financial and cultural embargo imposed by the US government since 1959.","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"C-22 1","pages":"377 - 380"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85091314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.2085993
Saeed Rahnema
In hopes of attaining socialism through parliamentary and nonrevolutionary strategies, social democratic parties initially inspired by a Marxian socialist view of development and class struggle gradually distanced themselves from socialism and embraced liberal and even neo-liberal perspectives. For the proponents of a revolutionary rapturous strategy, the cause of this huge divergence was simply the takeover of socialist movements by “opportunists” and “renegades.” But the reasons were far more complicated, having to do with the continued expansion of capitalism and its global dominance, the unceasing weakness of the working class, the rise of new middle classes, and the inability of reformist agents to adopt the right policies in their confrontations with capital. Reviewing reformist theories and important cases of socialist reformist movements, this article discusses the diverse obstacles that social democratic parties faced, and their reactive policies to changing circumstances. It argues that while in the long process of the transition from capitalism, radical socialist reformism and not a revolutionary rapturous strategy was the only possible option for the socialists, in face of enormous objective and subjective obstacles, the reactive and defeatist policies of the socialist agents failed to attract the support of the working class, the rising middle class, and identitarian groups, and to find the proper strategy for advancing towards a post-capitalist society.
{"title":"Lessons of Socialist Reformisms: Revisiting the German, Swedish, and French Social Democracies","authors":"Saeed Rahnema","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.2085993","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2085993","url":null,"abstract":"In hopes of attaining socialism through parliamentary and nonrevolutionary strategies, social democratic parties initially inspired by a Marxian socialist view of development and class struggle gradually distanced themselves from socialism and embraced liberal and even neo-liberal perspectives. For the proponents of a revolutionary rapturous strategy, the cause of this huge divergence was simply the takeover of socialist movements by “opportunists” and “renegades.” But the reasons were far more complicated, having to do with the continued expansion of capitalism and its global dominance, the unceasing weakness of the working class, the rise of new middle classes, and the inability of reformist agents to adopt the right policies in their confrontations with capital. Reviewing reformist theories and important cases of socialist reformist movements, this article discusses the diverse obstacles that social democratic parties faced, and their reactive policies to changing circumstances. It argues that while in the long process of the transition from capitalism, radical socialist reformism and not a revolutionary rapturous strategy was the only possible option for the socialists, in face of enormous objective and subjective obstacles, the reactive and defeatist policies of the socialist agents failed to attract the support of the working class, the rising middle class, and identitarian groups, and to find the proper strategy for advancing towards a post-capitalist society.","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"1 1","pages":"97 - 128"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89403187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1993701
Malik Fercovic Cerda
{"title":"Latin American Extractivism: Dependency, Resource Nationalism, and Resistance in Broad Perspective","authors":"Malik Fercovic Cerda","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.1993701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.1993701","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"254 1","pages":"380 - 384"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73042411","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.2103905
Kevin T. Sharp
Gender relations in post-Soviet Russia and other former Soviet Republics have undergone a marked shift since the early 20th century. Both democratization and neoliberal market reform since the collapse of the USSR have entailed a pronounced social and political reconfiguration concerning gender equality, largely guided by a Western capitalistic market logic. Indeed, the transition from Socialist legality to Capitalist legality has fundamentally altered the sociopolitical and sociocultural fabric of post-Soviet nation states. Contemporary feminist engagements with such new forms of governance and culture in the post-Soviet framework have had various implications for the current state of gender equality, in both regressive and progressive terms. Evolving from a socialist gender parity model originally cultivated by the Bolshevik Party in the early 20th century to a neoliberal, individualistic feminist model today, gender equality in post-Soviet Russia as well as the former Soviet Union (FSU) has undergone deep social, political, and economic transformations. Specifically, there has been a noticeable shift from “state feminism” to “market feminism,” resulting in the normalization of market privilege and the subordinate status of feminist agendas. But it has also resulted in, as Kantola and Squires note, the “emergence of new, flexible institutions pursuing gender equality” and a heightened feminist influence in the labor market (2012). While this “state” to “market” shift in feminist agendas has been a prevalent trend in most Western democracies paralleled by the rise of neoliberalism, in post-Soviet Russia and the FSU it has been particularly revealing of the socially regressive aspects of neoliberal market reform. In contrast to the optimistic theories regarding the fall of communism in the late 20th Century (Modernization Theory, Fukuyama’s “End of History” Thesis, etc.), it seems that the neoliberal, democratic restructuring of Russia and the Eastern Bloc Socialism and Democracy, 2021 Vol. 35, Nos. 2–3, 149–166, https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2103905
{"title":"The Marketization of Gender Equality: A Historical Perspective","authors":"Kevin T. Sharp","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.2103905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2103905","url":null,"abstract":"Gender relations in post-Soviet Russia and other former Soviet Republics have undergone a marked shift since the early 20th century. Both democratization and neoliberal market reform since the collapse of the USSR have entailed a pronounced social and political reconfiguration concerning gender equality, largely guided by a Western capitalistic market logic. Indeed, the transition from Socialist legality to Capitalist legality has fundamentally altered the sociopolitical and sociocultural fabric of post-Soviet nation states. Contemporary feminist engagements with such new forms of governance and culture in the post-Soviet framework have had various implications for the current state of gender equality, in both regressive and progressive terms. Evolving from a socialist gender parity model originally cultivated by the Bolshevik Party in the early 20th century to a neoliberal, individualistic feminist model today, gender equality in post-Soviet Russia as well as the former Soviet Union (FSU) has undergone deep social, political, and economic transformations. Specifically, there has been a noticeable shift from “state feminism” to “market feminism,” resulting in the normalization of market privilege and the subordinate status of feminist agendas. But it has also resulted in, as Kantola and Squires note, the “emergence of new, flexible institutions pursuing gender equality” and a heightened feminist influence in the labor market (2012). While this “state” to “market” shift in feminist agendas has been a prevalent trend in most Western democracies paralleled by the rise of neoliberalism, in post-Soviet Russia and the FSU it has been particularly revealing of the socially regressive aspects of neoliberal market reform. In contrast to the optimistic theories regarding the fall of communism in the late 20th Century (Modernization Theory, Fukuyama’s “End of History” Thesis, etc.), it seems that the neoliberal, democratic restructuring of Russia and the Eastern Bloc Socialism and Democracy, 2021 Vol. 35, Nos. 2–3, 149–166, https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2103905","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"190 1","pages":"149 - 166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74179838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.2016336
J. Sronce
{"title":"A Tremble in the Rails","authors":"J. Sronce","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.2016336","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2016336","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"426 1","pages":"361 - 368"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75769786","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2022.2043812
P. Buhle
{"title":"Able to Lead: Disablement, Radicalism and the Political Life of E.T. Kingsley","authors":"P. Buhle","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2022.2043812","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2022.2043812","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"34 1","pages":"430 - 432"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81344578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.2005867
Harry R. Targ
{"title":"Mike Gold: The People’s Writer","authors":"Harry R. Targ","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.2005867","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2005867","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"14 1","pages":"418 - 422"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91042673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.2007637
B. Epstein, M. Callahan
Barbara Epstein is the well-known author of several books, including Political Protest and Cultural Revolution: Nonviolent Direct Action in the Seventies and Eighties, Cultural Politics and Social Movements, and most recently, The Minsk Ghetto, 1941–1943: Jewish Resistance and Soviet Internationalism. She was for many years a member of the faculty of the History of Consciousness Department at the University of California, Santa Cruz (UCSC). She began teaching at UCSC in 1973, even before receiving her PhD in history at UC Berkeley in 1975. In 1984, Barbara was invited to join the faculty of the History of Consciousness Department and she taught there until her retirement in 2013. Between 1973 and 2013 the world experienced a number of epochal events from the US defeat in Vietnam to the collapse of the Soviet Union to the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the subsequent “forever wars,” punctuated by financial crisis, popular revolt and renewed repression. All played out against a backdrop of environmental catastrophe long predicted, long ignored, and now altering life as we know it on this planet. In the midst of the tumult, certain ideas came to prominence in the West which were at once the descendants of the revolutionary Sixties and a departure from them. The worldwide revolution of 1968 appeared to many, especially in the San Francisco Bay Area, to be bringing with it the overthrow of the US government and the replacement of capitalism by socialism. When these hopes were dashed, they left in their wake a great many stranded radicals who sought both to maintain their commitment to social transformation and to explain the failure of analysis that led them to believe revolution was imminent in 1969. A number of theories were advanced that gained widespread and uncritical acceptance loosely grouped under the banner of Socialism and Democracy, 2021 Vol. 35, Nos. 2–3, 1–16, https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2007637
{"title":"Of Wolves in Sheep's Clothing and the Damage Done","authors":"B. Epstein, M. Callahan","doi":"10.1080/08854300.2021.2007637","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2007637","url":null,"abstract":"Barbara Epstein is the well-known author of several books, including Political Protest and Cultural Revolution: Nonviolent Direct Action in the Seventies and Eighties, Cultural Politics and Social Movements, and most recently, The Minsk Ghetto, 1941–1943: Jewish Resistance and Soviet Internationalism. She was for many years a member of the faculty of the History of Consciousness Department at the University of California, Santa Cruz (UCSC). She began teaching at UCSC in 1973, even before receiving her PhD in history at UC Berkeley in 1975. In 1984, Barbara was invited to join the faculty of the History of Consciousness Department and she taught there until her retirement in 2013. Between 1973 and 2013 the world experienced a number of epochal events from the US defeat in Vietnam to the collapse of the Soviet Union to the terrorist attacks of 9/11 and the subsequent “forever wars,” punctuated by financial crisis, popular revolt and renewed repression. All played out against a backdrop of environmental catastrophe long predicted, long ignored, and now altering life as we know it on this planet. In the midst of the tumult, certain ideas came to prominence in the West which were at once the descendants of the revolutionary Sixties and a departure from them. The worldwide revolution of 1968 appeared to many, especially in the San Francisco Bay Area, to be bringing with it the overthrow of the US government and the replacement of capitalism by socialism. When these hopes were dashed, they left in their wake a great many stranded radicals who sought both to maintain their commitment to social transformation and to explain the failure of analysis that led them to believe revolution was imminent in 1969. A number of theories were advanced that gained widespread and uncritical acceptance loosely grouped under the banner of Socialism and Democracy, 2021 Vol. 35, Nos. 2–3, 1–16, https://doi.org/10.1080/08854300.2021.2007637","PeriodicalId":40061,"journal":{"name":"Socialism and Democracy","volume":"40 1","pages":"1 - 16"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90127154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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