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The Paris Commune: Reviving Assemblies, Building Global Movements 巴黎公社:复兴集会,建立全球运动
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1943290
Suren Moodliar
With the sesquicentennial anniversary of the Paris Commune (18 March–28 May 2021) Socialism and Democracy, having previously addressed the topic on several occasions, reproduces two reflections on the Commune from organizers within active social movements. Howie Hawkins, long time Green Party organizer and its most recent US presidential candidate, revisits the Commune’s influence on Green conceptions of grass-roots democracy before examining its echo in the besieged Rojava (North and East Syria). Not oblivious to the geostrategic challenges that Rojava creates for the global antiimperialist left, Hawkins focuses on the internal practices of the movement. Following Murray Bookchin, Hawkins implores activists to democratize the grass roots and rebuild movements with a municipal focus. He notes that longstanding obstacles to democracy prevalent at the state and federal levels of governance are formidable but not as effective at the local level. As such, Hawkins argues that – more than principle – grass-roots democracy is themost practical politics available to Greens under present political conditions. If Hawkins is animated by the political–strategic impasse facing the Greens as a third party in a hostile political context, Gustave Massiah is similarly inspired to understand the Commune’s lessons for the Alterglobalization movement, itself confronting early promise but an uncertain trajectory, one reflected in World Social Forum process. Turning to its social content, Massiah draws connections between, on the one hand the Commune’s working-class character and cross-class alliances and, on the other hand, the complex bloc of actors constituting the Alterglobalization movement. While prominent and central, the latter-day working class finds its concerns, expressions, networks and concrete challenges overlapping, articulated, woven in and resonating with broader civilizational questions including the
在巴黎公社成立一百周年之际(2021年3月18日至5月28日),《社会主义与民主》此前曾多次讨论过这一主题,本文转载了活跃社会运动组织者对巴黎公社的两次反思。Howie Hawkins,长期的绿党组织者和最近的美国总统候选人,回顾了公社对绿色基层民主概念的影响,然后研究了它在被围困的罗贾瓦(叙利亚北部和东部)的回响。霍金斯并没有忘记罗贾瓦为全球反帝国主义左翼所带来的地缘战略挑战,他关注的是该运动的内部实践。继默里·布克金之后,霍金斯恳请活动人士将基层民主化,并以市政为重点重建运动。他指出,长期以来在州和联邦政府层面普遍存在的民主障碍是可怕的,但在地方层面却没有那么有效。因此,霍金斯认为,在目前的政治条件下,草根民主对绿党来说是最实际的政治,而不仅仅是原则。如果说霍金斯被在敌对的政治背景下绿党作为第三党所面临的政治战略僵局所鼓舞,那么古斯塔夫·马西亚同样受到启发,理解公社对另类全球化运动的教训,它本身面临着早期的承诺,但轨迹不确定,这反映在世界社会论坛的进程中。谈到公社的社会内容,马西哈一方面描绘了公社的工人阶级特征和跨阶级联盟之间的联系,另一方面描绘了构成另类全球化运动的复杂行动者集团之间的联系。尽管现代工人阶级是突出和核心的,但他们发现自己的关切、表达、网络和具体挑战与更广泛的文明问题重叠、清晰、交织在一起,并产生共鸣
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引用次数: 0
Classic Writings in Anarchist Criminology: A Historical Dismantling of Punishment and Domination; Beyond Survival: Strategies and Stories from the Transformative Justice Movement 无政府主义犯罪学经典著作:对惩罚与统治的历史解构超越生存:变革正义运动的策略和故事
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1893572
K. Williams
The murder of George Floyd and the unrest that followed have thrown the entirety of our justice system into question. But the critique of the police, the courts, and the penitentiary is not new, an...
乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被谋杀和随后发生的骚乱使我们的整个司法体系受到质疑。但对警察、法院和监狱的批评并不新鲜,而且……
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引用次数: 0
The Rise of Right-Wing Populism, Authoritarianism & Fascism 右翼民粹主义、威权主义和法西斯主义的兴起
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1949778
L. Mestres
President Obama fears a loss of democracy in the US. Joe Biden and Kamala Harris echo similar warnings. Bernie Sanders calls us to unite against rising authoritarianism in a popular front. Cornel West speaks of the danger of fascism looming over the country. We hear similar concerns from Europe and Latin America. Liberal democracies are in crisis around the world. Why is this happening and what can we do about it?
奥巴马总统担心美国失去民主。乔·拜登和卡玛拉·哈里斯也发出了类似的警告。伯尼·桑德斯(Bernie Sanders)呼吁我们团结起来,在民众阵线上反对正在崛起的威权主义。康奈尔·韦斯特谈到了法西斯主义正在逼近这个国家的危险。我们听到欧洲和拉丁美洲也有类似的关切。世界各地的自由民主国家都处于危机之中。为什么会发生这种情况,我们能做些什么?
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引用次数: 1
Road to Empire: POWs and Total War in Korea 通往帝国之路:朝鲜战俘和全面战争
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1907160
Thomas Powell
The capture and internment of prisoners of war (POWs) became the most complex issue of the entire Korean War. This was due to the efforts of both the US and China to use the POWs as pawns in a gran...
俘虏和关押战俘成为整个朝鲜战争中最复杂的问题。这是由于美国和中国在一场战争中都把战俘当作棋子……
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引用次数: 0
The Marx Revival: Key Concepts and New Interpretations 马克思复兴:关键概念与新解读
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1908807
Clint Jones
The role of Marx today is an open-ended question because many theorists have begun to treat capitalism as if it is dying or already dead. McKenzie Wark, for instance, posits that capitalism is inde...
马克思今天的角色是一个开放式的问题,因为许多理论家已经开始把资本主义视为垂死或已经死亡。例如,麦肯齐•沃克(McKenzie Wark)假定资本主义确实……
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引用次数: 1
Challenges Facing the US Left 美国左翼面临的挑战
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1945370
There is no revolution without crisis. But crisis does not necessarily lead to revolution. Over the last months, diverse movements, rallying under the banner #BlackLivesMatter, outraged by repression and exhausted by forced isolation, have stood up to militarized cops in every U.S. state, knowing that doing so risks horrific outcomes – losing an eye to a rubber bullet or gas canister, contracting the coronavirus, even death. And yet these protests have spread globally, with massive demonstrations in dozens of cities over five continents. This is a time for guarded optimism and bold mobilization. Caught in the moment of rebellion but constrained by a deadly pandemic as well as by the limits of present Left political capacities, we ask, How should socialists respond to these re-emerging social movements? In what spirit should we engage the unfolding debates and contests on the streets and in the voting booths? Four strategic considerations stand out: (1) the need for coordinated mass organization; (2) new opportunities for synthesis around race and class; (3) the exposed weakness of capitalist state institutions and ideology; and (4) the fundamentally international character of the crisis.
没有危机就没有革命。但是危机并不一定导致革命。在过去的几个月里,在“黑人的生命也重要”(#BlackLivesMatter)的旗帜下集会的各种运动,对镇压感到愤怒,对被迫孤立感到疲惫,他们在美国每个州与军事化的警察对抗,他们知道这样做可能会带来可怕的后果——被橡皮子弹或瓦斯罐击中眼睛,感染冠状病毒,甚至死亡。然而,这些抗议活动已经蔓延到全球,在五大洲的数十个城市举行了大规模示威活动。现在是谨慎乐观和大胆动员的时候。我们被困在叛乱的时刻,但受到致命的流行病以及当前左翼政治能力的限制,我们问,社会主义者应该如何应对这些重新出现的社会运动?我们应该本着什么样的精神参加在街头和投票站展开的辩论和竞争?突出了四个战略考虑:(1)需要协调一致的群众组织;(2)围绕种族和阶级的新综合机会;(3)资本主义国家制度和意识形态暴露出的弱点;(4)危机的本质是国际性的。
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引用次数: 1
Marxist Literary Criticism Today 今天的马克思主义文学批评
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1953429
M. Schultz
While correctly described by its publisher as a basic introduction to Marxist literary criticism, Barbara Foley’s book is also a fresh renovation of its subject both for those familiar with the literature and those committed to socialist politics. Marxist Literary Criticism Today, unlike some previous introductions, does not take the occasion to covertly revise the tradition according to the point of view or sect of the author by setting down slanted foundational assumptions. Instead, Foley’s stated aim is to use the collectively produced, widely accepted “building blocks [that] have been supplied by earlier practitioners in the Marxist tradition.” This is an unapologetic (and, admittedly, “polemical”) “return to orthodoxy” (xvii–xviii). However, the goal of the book is in the present as we look toward the classless future. The author intends to demonstrate the current relevance of Marxism as a lens that defines the horizon of our possible advances, a total worldview, not just another literary theory (88). The title’s “Today” accurately reflects this emphasis on the contemporary. Foley’s most compelling arguments for the applicability of Marxism to contemporary critical tasks are enriched by the evidence, throughout, of decades spent putting the theoretical tools of historical materialism into practice as a teacher of college literature. For example, an intermittent series of inset boxes responds substantially to frequently asked questions, objections, or alternative explanations heard in the classroom. These give the text the
虽然出版商正确地将其描述为马克思主义文学批评的基本介绍,但对于那些熟悉文学和致力于社会主义政治的人来说,芭芭拉·福利的书也是对其主题的新鲜革新。《今天的马克思主义文学批评》与之前的一些介绍不同,并没有借机根据作者的观点或派别,通过设定倾斜的基本假设来暗中修正传统。相反,福利宣称的目标是使用集体生产的、被广泛接受的“早期马克思主义传统实践者提供的构建模块”。这是一个毫无歉意的(而且,不可否认,“争论”)“回归正统”(十八至十八)。然而,这本书的目标是在我们展望没有阶级的未来时的现在。作者试图证明马克思主义作为一个透镜的当前相关性,它定义了我们可能进步的视野,一种完整的世界观,而不仅仅是另一种文学理论(88)。标题“今日”准确地反映了这种对当代的强调。作为一名大学文学教师,他花了几十年的时间将历史唯物主义的理论工具付诸实践,这些证据丰富了Foley关于马克思主义适用于当代批判任务的最令人信服的论点。例如,一系列断断续续的插页框对课堂上经常被问到的问题、反对意见或不同的解释做出了实质性的回应。这些给了文本
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引用次数: 0
Scotland’s Independence and the Poetry of Hugh MacDiarmid 苏格兰独立与休·麦克迪亚米德诗歌
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1936875
R. Paul
In the recent parliamentary elections (2021), the Scottish National Party (SNP) won by far the largest number of seats (64), with the Scottish Labour Party, once the dominant political force in Scotland, reduced to 22. In Ireland, the pro-independence republican Sinn Fein, the second biggest party in the country, is calling for a vote on Ulster’s split from the United Kingdom and reunification with Southern Ireland. Independence is in the air and there is now a real prospect of the break-up of imperial Britain. At the same time, the Left in Scotland is still divided over the issue of independence. The clash of opinion in Scotland is certainly understandable given the deep-seated scepticism about the radical credentials of the SNP who have previously promoted neoliberal policies, not least with regard to Scotland’s rich North Sea oil and gas reserves. The ongoing crisis in relation to Brexit and the COVID pandemic has also deepened this process of political, social and economic fragmentation. I want therefore to situate this debate about national self-determination in the context of some classic Marxist interventions on the question. The discussion will also be linked to the figure of Hugh MacDiarmid (1892–1978), Scotland’s most controversial modernist poet, whose combination of communist and nationalist engagement will hopefully help throw a clearer literary and political light on the troubled relationship between Scotland and England. While European Marxism has been generally sensitive to the rights of small nations, it still seems necessary to clarify some of the important ideological distinctions between bourgeois and working-class national liberation. Taken together, these different threads provide a sustained argument about the need to support Scottish independence, much in the same way as the cause of Irish independence has been part of the left political agenda in Britain and elsewhere since the time of Marx.
在最近的议会选举(2021年)中,苏格兰民族党(SNP)赢得了迄今为止最多的席位(64个),而曾经在苏格兰占主导地位的政治力量苏格兰工党(Scottish Labour Party)则减少到22个席位。在爱尔兰,支持独立的共和党新芬党(Sinn Fein)呼吁就阿尔斯特脱离英国、与南爱尔兰统一进行投票。新芬党是爱尔兰第二大政党。空气中弥漫着独立的气息,大英帝国解体的可能性现在真的存在。与此同时,苏格兰左翼在独立问题上仍存在分歧。苏格兰的意见冲突当然是可以理解的,因为人们对苏格兰民族党激进的资历有着根深蒂固的怀疑,苏格兰民族党此前曾推动新自由主义政策,尤其是在苏格兰丰富的北海石油和天然气储备方面。与英国脱欧和新冠疫情有关的持续危机也加深了这一政治、社会和经济分裂的进程。因此,我想把这场关于民族自决的辩论放在一些经典的马克思主义对这个问题的干预的背景下。讨论还将与休·麦克迪亚米德(Hugh MacDiarmid, 1892-1978)这个人物联系在一起,他是苏格兰最具争议的现代主义诗人,他将共产主义和民族主义结合在一起,有望为苏格兰和英格兰之间陷入困境的关系提供更清晰的文学和政治视角。虽然欧洲马克思主义对小国的权利普遍敏感,但似乎仍有必要澄清资产阶级和工人阶级民族解放之间的一些重要意识形态区别。综上所述,这些不同的线索为支持苏格兰独立的必要性提供了一个持续的论据,就像自马克思时代以来,爱尔兰独立事业一直是英国和其他地方左翼政治议程的一部分一样。
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引用次数: 0
China’s Threat to Global Capitalism: Nationalist Nonsense 中国对全球资本主义的威胁:民族主义的无稽之谈
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1890528
Jerry Harris
In both Europe and the US politicians are generating fear over China’s economic success. In the US, it is common for Republicans and Democrats to compete over who takes the toughest stand against China. But now there is a constant uproar over trade, technology, investments, and military issues, enough to disrupt aspects of globalization. Chinese investments in the US and Europe have run into roadblocks. Trade issues have upset the free flow of commodities and supplies. Attacks against Huawei are slowing down the expansion of 5G technology. And China’s grand strategy for expanding global infrastructure is viewed with suspicion and draws accusations of colonialism. But underneath all the rhetoric and attacks, the transnational capitalist class (TCC) keeps investing across borders and into China. Behind the policy shifts is a crisis of legitimacy for global capitalism. The social divisions resulting from decades of neoliberal globalization have exploded into view. Deeply shaken by the 2008 economic crisis and facing deep social problems from COVID-19, Western capitalism needs an enemy other than itself. China, the convenient “Other,” offers the best target. For the majority of the TCC. the preferred path forward is negotiations through transnational institutions, without disruption to cross-border flows of capital and goods. On the other hand, political elites tasked with maintaining legitimacy with an angry population have pursued nationalism as a politically convenient strategy. The resulting contradictions are causing substantial instability for global capitalism. Schooled in Marxism, the political framework of the Chinese leadership leads it to expect the US state to implement policies of the
在欧洲和美国,政界人士都在制造对中国经济成功的担忧。在美国,共和党人和民主党人经常会就谁对中国采取最强硬的立场展开竞争。但现在,在贸易、技术、投资和军事问题上,不断出现骚动,足以扰乱全球化的各个方面。中国在美国和欧洲的投资遇到了障碍。贸易问题扰乱了商品和供应的自由流动。针对华为的攻击正在减缓5G技术的扩展。中国扩大全球基础设施的宏大战略也遭到怀疑,并被指责为殖民主义。但在所有的言论和攻击之下,跨国资产阶级(TCC)仍在跨境投资并进入中国。政策转变的背后是全球资本主义的合法性危机。几十年的新自由主义全球化导致的社会分化已经爆发出来。2008年的经济危机给西方资本主义带来了巨大的冲击,而新冠疫情又给西方资本主义带来了深层次的社会问题。中国,方便的“他者”,提供了最好的目标。对于大多数TCC来说。首选的前进道路是通过跨国机构进行谈判,而不干扰资本和货物的跨境流动。另一方面,政治精英们肩负着在愤怒的民众中维持合法性的任务,他们把追求民族主义作为一种政治上方便的策略。由此产生的矛盾给全球资本主义造成了严重的不稳定。受马克思主义教育的中国领导层的政治框架,使其期望美国政府实施中国的政策
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引用次数: 0
Can the Working Class Change the World? 工人阶级能改变世界吗?
Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/08854300.2021.1920780
Kevin Sapere
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引用次数: 3
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Socialism and Democracy
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