Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0041
Mojtaba Ebrahimian
Abstract Scholars of Persian literature approach ‘Abd al-Rahim Talebof’s Kitab-i Aḥmad (1890–1894) either as a pedagogical treatise exemplifying his stance on the importance of modern education for Iranian children or as an informative text presenting modern European-style scientific advances and discoveries to Iranians. Moreover, they look at contemporary European intellectuals and intellectual thought informing Talebof’s work, especially Jean Jacques Rousseau’s Émile, ou de L’Éducation (1763). In this way, they overlook the role of the contemporary Iranian intellectual discourse in forming Talebof’s work and thought. This article demonstrates that Talebof wrote his book in conversation with the works of both his eminent Iranian intellectuals and their European counterparts. Building upon the current scholarship, this article argues that in Kitab-i Aḥmad, Talebof, in addition to promoting his educational mission and informative goals, lays out his most developed social philosophy, in particular, his theorization of “nationality” (millīyat) or allegiance to an imagined nation. Talebof espouses the idea that Iranians need to own moral and religious commitment to a national community and posits “nationality” as the essential framework within which modern educational and sociopolitical reforms can be implemented.
研究波斯文学的学者将Abd al-Rahim Talebof的《Kitab-i Aḥmad》(1890-1894)视为一篇教学论文，阐述了他对伊朗儿童现代教育重要性的立场，或者将其视为向伊朗人展示现代欧洲风格的科学进步和发现的信息文本。此外，他们着眼于当代欧洲知识分子和知识分子思想，尤其是让·雅克·卢梭的Émile, ou de L ' Éducation(1763)。以这种方式，他们忽略了当代伊朗知识分子话语在形成塔勒夫的作品和思想中的作用。这篇文章表明，Talebof是在与伊朗知名知识分子和欧洲同行的著作进行对话的基础上撰写这本书的。本文以目前的学术研究为基础，认为在《Kitab-i Aḥmad》中，塔勒伯夫除了宣扬他的教育使命和信息目标外，还展示了他最发达的社会哲学，特别是他对“民族”(millyat)或对一个想象中的国家的忠诚的理论化。Talebof认为，伊朗人需要对国家共同体承担道德和宗教责任，并将“民族”作为实施现代教育和社会政治改革的基本框架。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0140
Allison Kanner-Botan
As the story of mad love par excellence, Dick Davis’s translation of Niẓāmī’s Laylī u Majnūn is a welcome addition to world literature. Davis’s translation provides a readable and teachable way for students and scholars of Persian, Middle Eastern, and medieval literature to engage with a canonical work previously only available in Rudolph Gelpke’s prose summation. The introduction, despite its many digressions, effectively contextualizes the work within a broader web of Helleno-Islamic narratives and makes compelling use of literary comparisons with Shakespearean style so as to acquaint the unacquainted reader with the work’s overall narratological and rhetorical force.The translation itself resembles Davis’ other translations—notably of Gurgānī’s Vīs u Rāmīn—in its attempt to balance literary quality with fidelity to the original. Davis acknowledges problems in the manuscript tradition (there is no surviving manuscript within 200 years of Niẓāmī’s death) and comments that he relies almost exclusively on Bihruz Sarvatiyan’s 1984 edited edition. The rhyming couplets give readers a sense of the flavor of a mathnavī (a long narrative poem composed in rhyming couplets) and demonstrate Davis’ own literary feat; some lines, such as the description of Laylī’s beauty as “She seemed life’s hidden beauty and in truth/The best line in a poem praising youth,” are likely to be as memorable in Davis’ English translation as in the Persian. The persistence of rhyming couplets, however, risks lulling the English reader into a state of sedation not necessarily intended by the dialogic encounters of the original. There are operative breaks in the translation that provide the reader with cues to thematic shifts in the text, most usefully signaling metatextual reference from narrative.At times the specialist reader will run into fidelity issues as a result of Davis’s literary choices that risk altering the overall sentiment. For example, in a homily after Majnūn’s father’s death, Davis translates “When you’ve been harmed, this wasn’t done by those/Whom you believe to be your mortal foes/All of the harmful things they seemed to do/Derived in truth from no one else but you,” which leaves the reader with an overall sense of karmic retribution and of evil as self-inflicted. The latter half of the original (bad bā tu nakard har ki bad kard/kān bad bi yaqīn bi jā-yi khud kard),1 however, leaves the sense of external evil intact and is more accurately rendered—“Whoever did you wrong did not do you wrong/For that badness was certainly inflicted upon himself.” Such lapses inevitably result from literary translation, but they need not come at the expense of altering meaning. Davis also overreads Majnūn’s prayer at the Ka’ba as sounding like a Zoroastrian prayer; while this is one option for the term for murmuring (zamzama), its proximity to other Islamic points of reference such as the well of Zamzam are not considered or referenced in the footnotes.2 As such, the reader is le
禁欲主义因宗教传统而异，没有理由认为Niẓāmī的呼吁需要被解读为对人类性行为的否认。此外，Niẓāmī的修辞技巧常常使这种二分法难以维持——人们只需要看一下这样的时刻，即在一篇将真爱与肉欲分开的布道中，他自己的忏悔的元文本参考，就能知道文本参与了一场关于欲望本身本质的复杂对话(232)。戴维斯坚持认为Niẓāmī被解读为“拘谨而恰当，甚至可能是审查的”(xxiv)。戴维斯的介绍可能因此受益于伊斯兰传统的禁欲主义维度，这将为作品对爱和欲望的看法提供更贴切的背景化。相反，在解释文本的叙事层次及其重要性时，他将术语分解;对于戴维斯来说，不像Gurgānī的v . s . u . Rāmīn，它“完全是世俗的和肉欲的，不包含任何苏菲主义的暗示，”Niẓāmī的laylu Majnūn引入了“一种说教的，精神的，隐含的伊斯兰的，或者至少是苏菲的，浪漫叙事的维度”(xxiii)。列出的选项数量明显不精确，熟悉圣徒文学的学者知道，在丰富的苏菲传统中，有许多伟大的谢赫的例子，如Aḥmad-i Jām或abysa ' īd abyl - khayr，他们精确地从事世俗和肉体的壮举，以证明他们自己的精神男子气概。值得注意的是，戴维斯在引言的最后提出了这首诗是否应该被解读为苏菲派的问题。为了回答这个学者和读者一直在问的问题，戴维斯在Jan Rypka和Asghar Seyed-Gohrab之间进行了对话。虽然戴维斯将他的阅读与赛义德-戈拉布的主张(即这首诗在取向上绝对是苏菲派的)保持距离，但他既没有参与朱莉·斯科特·梅萨米对Niẓāmī作品中爱情作品的伦理解读，也没有提供另一种选择。相反，因为没有“真正的”爱情场景(即，明显的性)，戴维斯回到说，layl '和Majnūn的爱应该以一种精神的，神秘的方式来解释，尽管他在与莎士比亚作品的比较中有一个“现实主义/缺乏现实主义连续体”的有益阅读。这种对诗中对超越和爱的诉求的连续性的理解作为宇宙正义的一种形式(对12世纪的宫廷观众来说有潜在的政治意义)允许肉体和精神之爱之间的二分法被打破，并提供了一种更合适的方式来理解文本对ishq的不断呼吁，既在情爱之中，也在情爱之外。回到作品的整体语境化，应该回顾的是，这个翻译的读者可能不仅仅是那些熟悉中东文学的人。因此，戴维斯错过了在引言中更直接地参与阿拉伯文学背景和古兰经在故事中的引用的机会。引言谨慎地将Niẓāmī“波斯化”这个故事的含义置于语境中，戴维斯将自己与阿卜杜勒·侯赛因·扎林库布(Abdol Hossein Zarrinkub)等人划清界限，这些人把谴责阿拉伯文化的内容读进了文章，但阿拉伯背景本身又如何呢?Jaroslav Stetkeyvch, As al - ad Khairallah, Ruqayya Khan和其他人都写了大量关于“udhri”传统对后来伊斯兰化的爱情观念的影响的文章，戴维斯忽略了这一点，而倾向于迅速说明这是一个七世纪的故事。此外，尽管在脚注中有很好的解释，优素福和祖莱卡故事的古兰经背景和/或Sulaymān的作用可以提前，以便读者熟悉文本中不断提到的这些人物。也许引言中最有价值的语境化工作就在开头，戴维斯概述了希腊-伊斯兰叙事的地图，将古希腊散文浪漫小说与中世纪波斯作品联系起来。戴维斯利用自己以前的学识，展示了“Ayyūqi”、“Unṣuri”、“Chariton”和“色诺芬”等作者的作品之间的主题和潜在的历史接近性。这张地图有助于将波斯浪漫小说重新定位在一系列前现代叙事中，这些叙事推翻了现代的事实/虚构、历史/文学类别。虽然希腊文学的学者们认为希腊化的散文作品是小说的，可能是虚构的，但在多大程度上，波斯的数学符号是明显虚构的，这一问题还有待进一步的学术研究。戴维斯只是调侃了虚构的问题，引用了哈特利(L. P. Hartley)的名言“过去是一个外国:他们在那里做的事情不同”(xi)，而是依赖于作者自己认为这些故事在某种意义上是“历史”的事实。 禁欲主义因宗教传统而异，没有理由认为Niẓāmī的呼吁需要被解读为对人类性行为的否认。此外，Niẓāmī的修辞技巧常常使这种二分法难以维持——人们只需要看一下这样的时刻，即在一篇将真爱与肉欲分开的布道中，他自己的忏悔的元文本参考，就能知道文本参与了一场关于欲望本身本质的复杂对话(232)。戴维斯坚持认为Niẓāmī被解读为“拘谨而恰当，甚至可能是审查的”(xxiv)。戴维斯的介绍可能因此受益于伊斯兰传统的禁欲主义维度，这将为作品对爱和欲望的看法提供更贴切的背景化。相反，在解释文本的叙事层次及其重要性时，他将术语分解;对于戴维斯来说，不像Gurgānī的v . s . u . Rāmīn，它“完全是世俗的和肉欲的，不包含任何苏菲主义的暗示，”Niẓāmī的laylu Majnūn引入了“一种说教的，精神的，隐含的伊斯兰的，或者至少是苏菲的，浪漫叙事的维度”(xxiii)。列出的选项数量明显不精确，熟悉圣徒文学的学者知道，在丰富的苏菲传统中，有许多伟大的谢赫的例子，如Aḥmad-i Jām或abysa ' īd abyl - khayr，他们精确地从事世俗和肉体的壮举，以证明他们自己的精神男子气概。值得注意的是，戴维斯在引言的最后提出了这首诗是否应该被解读为苏菲派的问题。为了回答这个学者和读者一直在问的问题，戴维斯在Jan Rypka和Asghar Seyed-Gohrab之间进行了对话。虽然戴维斯将他的阅读与赛义德-戈拉布的主张(即这首诗在取向上绝对是苏菲派的)保持距离，但他既没有参与朱莉·斯科特·梅萨米对Niẓāmī作品中爱情作品的伦理解读，也没有提供另一种选择。相反，因为没有“真正的”爱情场景(即，明显的性)，戴维斯回到说，layl '和Majnūn的爱应该以一种精神的，神秘的方式来解释，尽管他在与莎士比亚作品的比较中有一个“现实主义/缺乏现实主义连续体”的有益阅读。这种对诗中对超越和爱的诉求的连续性的理解作为宇宙正义的一种形式(对12世纪的宫廷观众来说有潜在的政治意义)允许肉体和精神之爱之间的二分法被打破，并提供了一种更合适的方式来理解文本对ishq的不断呼吁，既在情爱之中，也在情爱之外。回到作品的整体语境化，应该回顾的是，这个翻译的读者可能不仅仅是那些熟悉中东文学的人。因此，戴维斯错过了在引言中更直接地参与阿拉伯文学背景和古兰经在故事中的引用的机会。引言谨慎地将Niẓāmī“波斯化”这个故事的含义置于语境中，戴维斯将自己与阿卜杜勒·侯赛因·扎林库布(Abdol Hossein Zarrinkub)等人划清界限，这些人把谴责阿拉伯文化的内容读进了文章，但阿拉伯背景本身又如何呢?Jaroslav Stetkeyvch, As al - ad Khairallah, Ruqayya Khan和其他人都写了大量关于“udhri”传统对后来伊斯兰化的爱情观念的影响的文章，戴维斯忽略了这一点，而倾向于迅速说明这是一个七世纪的故事。此外，尽管在脚注中有很好的解释，优素福和祖莱卡故事的古兰经背景和/或Sulaymān的作用可以提前，以便读者熟悉文本中不断提到的这些人物。也许引言中最有价值的语境化工作就在开头，戴维斯概述了希腊-伊斯兰叙事的地图，将古希腊散文
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Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0145
Sholeh A. Quinn
Kathryn Babayan’s The City as Anthology: Eroticism and Urbanity in Early Modern Isfahan is a groundbreaking, original study that sheds new light on many aspects of Safavid history. Babayan introduces and utilizes a wealth of under-studied and under-utilized sources that fall under the category of anthologies, both written (majmūʿa) and visual (muraqqaʿ). She uses these anthologies as a lens through which to “read” urban Isfahan, the Safavid capital established by Shah ʿAbbas I. In particular, she focuses on what household anthologies tell us about human relationships in a city that was undergoing social, cultural, and religious transformations. Through wide-ranging and original analysis of this material, she takes us beyond the Isfahan of kings and clerics to shed light on friendships, families, individuals, and the refined and homoerotic culture that was part of the city. Rather than confining herself to a single, artificially imposed, genre of source material, Babayan effortlessly and brilliantly takes us through her readings of a broad variety of material. This includes poetry, letters, historical chronicles, paintings, individual buildings, and the entire public square of Isfahan. Instead of situating the anthologies “outside” of the urban landscape, she links the formation of these texts to how residents experienced Isfahan itself. As a result, readers themselves will gain a new, richer, and deeper understanding of the city.Chapter 1 of City as Anthology places the city of Isfahan at the center of the book’s analysis, and Shah ʿAbbas in the center of the city. The chapter opens with a description of Safavid chronicler Natanzī’s detailed and fascinating account of Isfahan’s inauguration as the new capital city. Babayan explains how Natanzī’s description likened the colorful spectacle of the inauguration to the “night of resurrection,” thereby making Isfahan the “city of paradise.”Babayan then turns to the built city, reading the Imperial Square (maydān) and paying particular attention to the Shaykh Lutfullah Mosque and the Friday Prayer Mosque. Analyzing not only the inscriptions but also the tilework and colors of the mosque, she argues that the Shaykh Lutfullah mosque may be understood as a non-denominational “God’s Mosque,” representing the sun rising in the east. As for the Friday Prayer Mosque, it also can be read as a book, educating visitors about the Twelver Shiʿi succession and the rewards for the righteous as described in Q: 76 (Time).The notion of Shah ʿAbbas as cupbearer also appears in the mosque, in connection with a story inscribed on its walls about ʿAli as the cupbearer.This motif of Shah ʿAbbas being the cupbearer is carried into a mural in the Chihil Sutūn palace, created during the reign of Shah ʿAbbas II. Here, Babayan takes us through a reading of the various scenes depicted in this famous mural. She shows how the mural reflects many aspects of the politics of eros at the court, including scenes depicting intoxication, t
他画作中的其他重要主题包括使用纪律棒作为师徒关系的一部分。Babayan解释说，这种不对称的关系与男人之间更对称的爱情和友谊关系共存，而不管他们的等级地位如何。穆罕默德Qāsim在1627年也画了沙阿·阿巴斯，画中沙阿·阿巴斯和他的酒政亲密地拥抱在一起。这些以“同性恋社交环境”为背景的画作反映了同性恋之爱的节奏。有趣的是，穆罕默德Qāsim也为vahshi ' s的故事Farhād和shishr ān的副本画了画，其介绍也可以在Khānsāri的选集中找到。这表明，尽管这两个人存在差异，但他们是同一个城市世界的一部分。正如Babayan所指出的，在Khānsārī和Qāsim的选集中都可以看到精神和肉体的爱以及性欲等主题。第三章介绍了两种写作类型:友谊书信和shahrashūb(“城市骚乱”)文本。在这里，Babayan主要关注以这些体裁写作的两个人之间的通信。第一封是一封友谊的信，是由一个名叫r Rukn al- d<e:1> n的人写给他的朋友Aqā Mansūr的。作为对这封信的回应，Aqā Mansūr撰写了本章分析的第二篇文章，这是一本关于伊斯法罕的流行行为手册shahrashūb。Babayan解释说，友谊信件是一种独特的通信类型，经常被收集在家庭选集中。这些信件包含了一些常规的内容，例如要求亲自见面。此外，选集还包括一些结拜的友谊证书。与友谊信件一起，它们有助于解释萨法维时代友谊作为一种社会制度的本质。Babayan分析了Mir Rukn al- d<e:1>给Aqā Mansūr的信，在信中他透露了他对朋友的秘密渴望。Aqā Mansūr没有回复另一封信，而是以行为手册的形式写了一份“困扰恋人的指南”。这篇文章也被抄写进了许多家庭选集。Babayan带我们通过她对Aqā Mansūr文本的分析，将其作为一种“城市干扰”，将伊斯法罕提升为一个感性的，同性恋的空间。文本中的细节通过不隶属于法院或宗教机构的人的眼睛告诉我们很多关于伊斯法罕的事情。Aqā Mansūr列出了在这个城市里可以看到最好的男美女的地方，包括一家特定的咖啡馆和一个香水贩的摊位。文本用于指导男性气质的韵律，并提供了一个由同性恋之爱定义的城市的愿景。Babayan解释了aqha Mansūr在某种意义上是如何用他的文本挑战权威的，通过“扰乱”沙阿巴斯的帝国政治，就像她在第一章讨论的壁画所代表的那样。第四章探讨近代早期伊斯法罕的文学体裁。Babayan解释了16世纪诗歌形式的ghazal是如何在17世纪演变成友谊书信的。这些信件是一种非常流行的类型，被收集成选集。这一章以对男人间情书的分析开始。Babayan指出，这些信件包含了同性恋的信息，表达了友谊、爱和欲望。从其他地区搬到伊斯法罕的人通过写信与朋友和家人保持联系，并安排在城市内面对面的访问。Babayan分析了这一章中的几封信。特别是从m ī rzal - al - Akbar到Zāhid Khān，揭示了前者与adab的决裂，表达了他想在身体和精神上与心爱的人团聚的愿望，从而揭示了他对Zāhid Khān的爱。这一章接着讨论了友谊书信是如何以书信手册的形式编纂的，这些手册也被抄写进了选集。这些手册提供了关于写信的常规要素的指导，并举例说明了信件的类型，包括“要求会面”的信件和投诉的信件，谴责收信人没有保持联系。本章最后讨论了阅读信件的人的肖像。在那段时间里写的信中包含了对爱人肖像的要求，Babayan分析了许多这样的肖像。有趣的是，16世纪描绘两个男性朋友的画作在17世纪中期变成了单身男子读诗或写信的画作。例如，在阿夫扎尔·侯赛因的一幅画中，心爱的人的形象被描绘在一个垫子上，年轻人躺在上面休息。Babayan注意到，在这个时候，像阅读或背诵诗歌这样的行为被理解为代表亲密。她还提出了这样一种可能性，即像友谊信件一样在当时非常受欢迎的肖像可能包含在发送的信件中。 第五章着重于一本由Urdūbādī家族保存并于1697年完成的选集。Babayan把这本选集看作是一个官僚和文人家庭的档案。随着时间的推移，这本选集经历了一些变化，在1722年阿富汗入侵后，它从伊斯法罕被运送到伊朗西北部的Urdūbād，随后又被拆开并重新装订。重要的是，选集中包含了与总理有关的材料，因此提出了一种有趣的可能性，正如Babayan所说，类似的材料可能是萨法维国家档案的一部分，早已消失。在介绍文集之后，巴巴扬根据其传统元素和创新特点分析了其序言(dībācha)。然后，她转向本章的中心主题——女性友谊——以分析穆罕默德艺术品中女性友谊的视觉表现开始讨论Qāsimī。这一节包括对一些与友谊有关的习俗和仪式的解释，例如姐妹誓言。这种关系是非常强大的，因此具有威胁性，这一点可以从《Aqā Jamāl Khānsārī》的《阿克奈·尼西》等文本中得到证明，这些文本嘲笑女性的友谊，从而揭示了这种关系引起的各种男性焦虑。Babayan关注的Urdūbādī选集的主要文本是一位寡妇写的masnavi，她的名字不为人知，但她嫁给了一位名叫mā rzha ā k ā l的寡妇，他曾担任萨法维国王Sulaymān的首席秘书。这位寡妇在丈夫去世后前往麦加朝圣，可能是为了克服失去丈夫的痛苦，还有一个更隐秘的原因:她与一位女伴的友谊迫使她被迫分开，这位女伴在人们对她们的关系产生怀疑的情况下不得不离开伊斯法罕。不幸的是，在我们了解寡妇最终发生了什么之前，故事就结束了。但是巴巴扬的分析帮助我们理解了寡妇表达的与她对女性伴侣、丈夫和上帝的爱有关的未解决的紧张关系。《城市选集》为许多非专业读者提供了很多东西，包括研究友谊、性、情色、都市等历史的学者。专家们，既然Babayan已经开辟了道路，将会想要追求选集中丰富的未开发的材料，这些材料与Babayan的书一起，已经改变了我们对萨法维时期的理解。人们希望，在这本书的致谢中提到的为选集建立一个网站的可能性将成为现实。这本书有丰富的插图，许多视觉和文字来源，Babayan引用，包括有用的地图和附录，列出了书中使用的一个选集的内容。那些想要进一步探索Babayan使用的资料来源的人可能偶尔会遇到困难，因为有时缺少引文和书目信息。例如，在chūb-i tar<e:1> qat(秩序之杖)的描述中，前往沙阿(Tahmāsb)宫廷的旅行者Michele membr<s:1>在他的旅行叙述中描述了这种做法，在叙述中被引用，但在参考书目中没有提及或列出。此外，这本书本可以更广泛地与已经产生的关于萨法维王朝的不断增长的学术机构联系起来。使用chūb-i tartarqat的相同示例，没有引用Alexander H. Morton关于该主题的文章。然而，这一切都不能削弱这本鼓舞人心的书的重要性。
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Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0134
Gianni Izzo
During the Islamic Middle Period emerged cadres of Timurid literati, deploying their abilities in the New Persian language in the pursuit of historical and literary writing that became the receptacle for the victories, lore, and virtues of various monarchies and their statesmen. These conventions were imitated by succeeding generations of Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal historians. In their chronicles lives a story of sorts, a narrative featuring conventional elements reiterated and refined according to regional tastes and imperial interests, passed from one historian to another. The theme of movement permeates Sholeh A. Quinn’s Persian Historiography across Empires, an absorbing book that tracks both the physical movement of Persianate chroniclers of history and the movement of ideas animated by the Persian language. Quinn’s work features six chapters, comprising four individual case studies of chronicles, bookended by an introduction and conclusion. Strictly historiographic boundaries prove porous among these cases. Many sources that fit under the broader canopy of historically relevant chronicles are admitted, including poetry, biographical compendia, and works in the style of mirrors for princes. In narrowing the massive field of literature, Quinn is focused on historical works composed in Persian. So, while Ottoman Turkish was the language of choice for most Ottoman works, the fewer Ottoman Persian sources are still illuminative of the use and transmission of Persian literary and cultural influences.Chapter 2, “Continuity and Transformation,” explores how the most salient conventions of this period of Persianate historical writing originated in Timurid texts, principally the Zafarnāma of Sharaf al-Dīn ʿAlī Yazdī (d. 1454) and Rawzat al-Safāʾ of Mīrkhvānd (d. 1433/4). Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal authors evince styles and techniques borrowed and adapted from the preceding Timurid epoch. These historians adjusted certain narratives and conventions, while at the same time circumventing or originating others. Quinn accents four such conventions, including the benefits of history, bibliographies, genealogies, and dream narratives. These conventions, however, turn out to be mostly semi-conventions that are either absent in one gunpowder paradigm, such as those of the benefits of history and bibliographies among Ottoman chronicles, or a marginal phenomenon, such as the former category among Mughal chronicles. Quinn nonetheless includes insightful observations about patterns of sixteenth-century Persianate historical writing. These authors ideate history as a form of ʿilm or, per Quinn, a “field of science” (26), whose advantages include preserving a vision of events and figures of the past that bear on the present. Knowing history not only provides empirical and practical advantages but also instills psychological benefits, including cheerfulness and patience vis-à-vis the divine will, exercised in and through time (29).Chapter 3, “Historiography an
除了某些例外，Khvāndamīr删除了所有对救世主(al- qal - khim)的提及，并尽量减少了12位Imāms在irbili的Kashf al-Ghumma中的影响，并在Ḥabīb al-Siyar中融入了对Shāh ismha - khim的公正和吉祥规则的微妙暗示。虽然Ḥabīb al- siyar的总体目标是保持Imāms-while的中心地位，保留救世主为Shāh ismhi - al，而不是Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan al- al- al- al- askari“al- mahdi”，但在Qānūn中，所有关于Imāms和救世主预言的引用都被删除了。然而，数字12受到特别关注的这一特点在波斯编年史中并不一致。奎因在奥斯曼著作中只列出了一个包含其重要性的例子:Muṣṭafā al ' s(公元1600年)Cami ' l-kemalat，其中包含了Muḥammad b. al . -Ḥasan al- al- al- askari作为第十二伊玛目的提及，但似乎与Khvāndamīr(101)只有松散的联系。第四章“世界的第一位国王”是这本书中最令人印象深刻的部分。在这里，奎因找到了一个新颖的角度来追求普遍历史提出的难以捉摸的问题。通过调查萨法维王朝、奥斯曼帝国和莫卧儿王朝用波斯语撰写的世界历史中卡尤马尔人的叙述，奎因发现了一种共同的方式，将作者的环境与神话般的过去联系起来。Quinn的分析倾向于Maria E. Subtelny的说法，即当琐罗亚斯德教不再对波斯东部统治者的社会政治设计构成任何真正的挑战时，Kayumars被用在萨曼人支持的作品中，比如巴尔·阿姆斯的tar<e:1> kh-i巴尔·阿姆斯(Tārīkhnāma)，作为宣传哈纳菲逊尼主义的一个整体项目的一部分。神话中的国王卡尤马尔斯(Kayumars)对他的起源进行了广泛的叙述，在不同王朝的背景下不断变化，这使得普世历史作家能够引入政治上的新奇，比如卡尤马尔斯是如何获得王位的，以及谁授予了王位。在《巴尔·阿姆》提供的叙述中，卡尤马尔被上帝提名为世界之王。卡尤马斯通过第一次布道(khuṭba)促进了这一提名，并呼吁圣经族长凯南(Qinan)承认他的权威，区别于后者是神的指定，而不是凯南自己指定的继任者。《巴尔·阿姆》调和了伊朗和伊斯兰的王权观念，不仅建立了一种联系，而且建立了王权优先于父权代理的界限。在第一部关于奥斯曼帝国起源的波斯通史中，作者Mawlānā Shukr Allāh Rūmī(1488/1489年)排除了卡尤马尔的布道，但保留了巴尔·阿姆斯的tartarkh中包含的凯南恳求。Rūmī也修改了凯南授予Kayumars的君主授权，后者作为代理人的权威，继承自塞特，亚当和夏娃的第三个儿子(123)。奎因将这些差异与政治发展相结合。《巴尔·拉姆》保留了萨曼王朝对王权和宗教之间天然兄弟关系的强调，同时加入了萨曼王朝传播逊尼派伊斯兰教的叙述，Rūmī将宗教权威提升到世俗的变化之上，这一观点与塞尔柱人的立场一致。他们各自的观点在时间和观点上都有差异。同样，萨法维对卡尤马尔叙述的挪用也经历了修改，比如Khvāndamīr的Ḥabīb al-Siyar，它以Mīrkhānd的Rawzat al- safal - allah为模型，但包含了修改和一些遗漏。在解释这些编辑决定时，奎因接受了这样的猜测:也许Shāh ismmu ā mu īl想在1504/1505年占领亚兹德后与琐罗亚斯德教保持良好的关系;因此，Khvāndamīr省略了他的祖父对他们的智力的轻视，插入后者的Kayumars帐户(130-31)。也许Khvāndamīr，刚进入莫卧儿宫廷的人，不想引起波澜，因此遗漏了《罗扎特·萨夫塔》中关于卡尤马尔作为第一位波斯国王的起源的细节(132)。也许Khvāndamīr省略了对卡尤马尔正义的描述，等同于Jahāngīr的版本，以狮子和羔羊之间的和平为象征，因为该描述的原始来源是以赛亚书11:6(132-33)中的“末世论内涵”。无论这个猜想多么有帮助，对Mas - ūd b. al- Usman Kūhistānī的Tarikh-i Abu al-Khayr Khānī的简短评论，除了表明Kūhistānī复制了Khvāndamīr的Ḥabīb al-Siyar的元素，同时注入了诗意的风格之外，几乎没有增加卡尤马尔在波斯世界历史中的作用。这些模糊并没有贬低奎因关于叙事调制的主要观点，即故事的互文元素和模仿模式在精神和时间两极之间摇摆。 第五章“镜子、纪念物和混合流派”是最参差的一章，从萨法维王朝和莫卧儿王朝君主的各种美德的主题跳过，除了共同的后帖木儿时代波斯遗产和议程之外，几乎没有对其重要性进行分析，也没有对塔兹基拉文学的零碎信息进行分析。关于Shāhs阿克巴尔和Abbās统治的第十七年的章节显得特别令人费解。当然，阿克巴参与了对古吉拉特邦的征服，而阿卜杜拉Abbās在他们各自统治的这一年参与了对大不里士的夺回，但在其他年份中，无论是关于征服还是其他帝国活动，都没有类似的巧合吗?为什么编年史家们特别重视这一年呢?它如何说明君主、士兵和臣民之间的相互依赖，即所谓的“正义圈”?这些问题在这一节的结尾萦绕不去。在第5章调查历史写作的tazkirah组成部分的更有说服力的部分中，我们发现更多的传记条目等于更多的声望和政治合法性。对于奎因来说，这揭示了统治者的才能与他的内部轨道之间的相互关系，其中tazkirah展示了明智的顾问，行政人员和艺术家的影响。通过这种方式，萨法维宫廷的一位值得信赖的秘书Iskandar Beg munshyi(1633/4年)在他的Tārīkh-i - Ālam-ārā-yi - Abbāsī中包含了与Khvāndamīr的Ḥabīb al-Siyar相似的tazkirah信息。munsh ' s的传记目录中，除其他外，还包括埃米尔、可汗、苏丹和维齐尔，放大了这些作者在他们的作品中赞扬的领导人的凭据和荣誉。公司的统治者保留了他们所目睹的事情，无论这些事情是杜撰的还是经过修饰的，以及模仿、修改或省略的来源，都为新的政治目的和领导人服务。举个例子，传记选集允许Muṣliḥ al- d<e:1> n al-Lārī(1572年)在他的世界历史中，Mir - āt al-Adwār wa Mirqāt al-Khbār，在奥斯曼帝国大维齐尔索科鲁·穆罕默德·帕<e:1>的赞助下撰写，发布对萨法维迫害逊尼派学者的批评。最近出版了大量的波斯史学著作，其中许多被Sholeh A. Quinn的《波斯帝国史学》所引用。奎因作品的主要特征，包括在作者压力下的适应和修改模式，她详细准确地记录了这些特征，使其与其他作品区别开来。特别有用的是编年史者及其作品的附录，由参考书目的信息补充，它本身可能是一个有价值的参考，特别是关于不太知名的人物，如莫卧儿历史学家Muḥammad sharsharf vuqqal - yi Nayshāpūrī (d. 1593/94)。奎因书中最明显的问题是缺乏奥斯曼帝国的例子。正因为如此，跨帝国的波斯史学将更好地表述为萨法维和莫卧儿
{"title":"Persian Historiography across Empires","authors":"Gianni Izzo","doi":"10.5325/intejperslite.8.0134","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.8.0134","url":null,"abstract":"During the Islamic Middle Period emerged cadres of Timurid literati, deploying their abilities in the New Persian language in the pursuit of historical and literary writing that became the receptacle for the victories, lore, and virtues of various monarchies and their statesmen. These conventions were imitated by succeeding generations of Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal historians. In their chronicles lives a story of sorts, a narrative featuring conventional elements reiterated and refined according to regional tastes and imperial interests, passed from one historian to another. The theme of movement permeates Sholeh A. Quinn’s Persian Historiography across Empires, an absorbing book that tracks both the physical movement of Persianate chroniclers of history and the movement of ideas animated by the Persian language. Quinn’s work features six chapters, comprising four individual case studies of chronicles, bookended by an introduction and conclusion. Strictly historiographic boundaries prove porous among these cases. Many sources that fit under the broader canopy of historically relevant chronicles are admitted, including poetry, biographical compendia, and works in the style of mirrors for princes. In narrowing the massive field of literature, Quinn is focused on historical works composed in Persian. So, while Ottoman Turkish was the language of choice for most Ottoman works, the fewer Ottoman Persian sources are still illuminative of the use and transmission of Persian literary and cultural influences.Chapter 2, “Continuity and Transformation,” explores how the most salient conventions of this period of Persianate historical writing originated in Timurid texts, principally the Zafarnāma of Sharaf al-Dīn ʿAlī Yazdī (d. 1454) and Rawzat al-Safāʾ of Mīrkhvānd (d. 1433/4). Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal authors evince styles and techniques borrowed and adapted from the preceding Timurid epoch. These historians adjusted certain narratives and conventions, while at the same time circumventing or originating others. Quinn accents four such conventions, including the benefits of history, bibliographies, genealogies, and dream narratives. These conventions, however, turn out to be mostly semi-conventions that are either absent in one gunpowder paradigm, such as those of the benefits of history and bibliographies among Ottoman chronicles, or a marginal phenomenon, such as the former category among Mughal chronicles. Quinn nonetheless includes insightful observations about patterns of sixteenth-century Persianate historical writing. These authors ideate history as a form of ʿilm or, per Quinn, a “field of science” (26), whose advantages include preserving a vision of events and figures of the past that bear on the present. Knowing history not only provides empirical and practical advantages but also instills psychological benefits, including cheerfulness and patience vis-à-vis the divine will, exercised in and through time (29).Chapter 3, “Historiography an","PeriodicalId":40138,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Persian Literature","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135738306","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0061
Farshad Sonboldel
Abstract This article explores the concept of avant-garde artistic expression and argues that it should be regarded as a transcultural phenomenon that surpasses geographical boundaries. It emphasizes the importance of adopting a transnational perspective to fully grasp the intricate interactions between diverse avant-garde movements across cultures and regions. To illustrate this point, the article focuses on the Iranian avant-garde poet Tondar Kia, challenging the perception that his work is merely a replication of Western movements. Instead, it proposes that a transnational lens enables a more comprehensive understanding of the distinctive contributions made by Iranian avant-garde poets to the global avant-garde movement. The article extensively examines Kia’s work within the local context of Persian literary evolution while also shedding light on the transnational aspects present in his compositions. It highlights Kia’s critique of established aesthetic norms, particularly the notion of organic unity, and explores his innovative approaches to rhythm, tone, and polyphony in Persian poetry.
{"title":"Another Avant-Garde: Rethinking Tondar Kia’s Approach to Poetic Expression in a Transnational Context","authors":"Farshad Sonboldel","doi":"10.5325/intejperslite.8.0061","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.8.0061","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article explores the concept of avant-garde artistic expression and argues that it should be regarded as a transcultural phenomenon that surpasses geographical boundaries. It emphasizes the importance of adopting a transnational perspective to fully grasp the intricate interactions between diverse avant-garde movements across cultures and regions. To illustrate this point, the article focuses on the Iranian avant-garde poet Tondar Kia, challenging the perception that his work is merely a replication of Western movements. Instead, it proposes that a transnational lens enables a more comprehensive understanding of the distinctive contributions made by Iranian avant-garde poets to the global avant-garde movement. The article extensively examines Kia’s work within the local context of Persian literary evolution while also shedding light on the transnational aspects present in his compositions. It highlights Kia’s critique of established aesthetic norms, particularly the notion of organic unity, and explores his innovative approaches to rhythm, tone, and polyphony in Persian poetry.","PeriodicalId":40138,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Persian Literature","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135738308","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0109
Mahmud Farjami
Abstract This article deals with Siyāḥat-i Sharq, a remarkable self-satirizing autobiography of an Iranian mullah (clergy) called Āqā Najafī Qūchānī (1878–1944). By offering a close reading of Siyāḥat-i Sharq, this article sheds light on “autobiography” as a very rare genre among Muslim clergies and high-ranked Shiʿa ulema. This article also focuses on the techniques of humor used by Āqā Najafī in his autobiography, among which “self-mockery” is the most notable.
{"title":"Self-Mockeries of a Mullah: An Overview of the Humorous Autobiography of Āqā Najafī Qūchānī (1878–1944)","authors":"Mahmud Farjami","doi":"10.5325/intejperslite.8.0109","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.8.0109","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article deals with Siyāḥat-i Sharq, a remarkable self-satirizing autobiography of an Iranian mullah (clergy) called Āqā Najafī Qūchānī (1878–1944). By offering a close reading of Siyāḥat-i Sharq, this article sheds light on “autobiography” as a very rare genre among Muslim clergies and high-ranked Shiʿa ulema. This article also focuses on the techniques of humor used by Āqā Najafī in his autobiography, among which “self-mockery” is the most notable.","PeriodicalId":40138,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Persian Literature","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135738309","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0022
Sara Khorshidi
Abstract This article offers some thoughts on the ethical manifold in speaking about others’ stories and pain, where there is an inevitable tension between the need to narrate a traumatic situation and the impossibility of narration. In Reading Lolita in Tehran; A Memoir on Books (2003), Azar Nafisi bears witness to the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s and its effect on people’s lives, while keeping a close eye on Henry James’s personal life and works. Facing difficulties in narrating suffering in the said period, Nafisi brings Henry James to the scene not merely because of his position as an author, but because, like herself, his life collapses in the face of, and due to, war in his narrations. This essay is a parallel analysis of speakability and unspeakability, thus staking out the framework within which both Nafisi and James unfold their ethical position in speaking about pain in the “other.”
{"title":"The Ethics of Speaking about Pain: A Dialogue between Azar Nafisi and Henry James","authors":"Sara Khorshidi","doi":"10.5325/intejperslite.8.0022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.8.0022","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article offers some thoughts on the ethical manifold in speaking about others’ stories and pain, where there is an inevitable tension between the need to narrate a traumatic situation and the impossibility of narration. In Reading Lolita in Tehran; A Memoir on Books (2003), Azar Nafisi bears witness to the Iran-Iraq war of the 1980s and its effect on people’s lives, while keeping a close eye on Henry James’s personal life and works. Facing difficulties in narrating suffering in the said period, Nafisi brings Henry James to the scene not merely because of his position as an author, but because, like herself, his life collapses in the face of, and due to, war in his narrations. This essay is a parallel analysis of speakability and unspeakability, thus staking out the framework within which both Nafisi and James unfold their ethical position in speaking about pain in the “other.”","PeriodicalId":40138,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Persian Literature","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135738302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0086
Behrooz Mahmoodi-Bakhtiari, Mahsa Manavi
Abstract In efforts to pay homage to the establishment of nationalities, there is precedence in creating a binary opposition of “us” and “them” in some narrative contexts. This discursive construction within the narrative starts with the labeling of social elements, then proceeds to generalize the negative attributions, and then culminates elaborately in justifying the exclusion of many and the inclusion of some. Discourse Historical Analysis is a critical attempt to study power relations as reflected in the language of a (literary) text. The Book of Esther in the Old Testament recounts the story of the exiled Jews in Persia and the ill-fated conspiracy of the Persian prince to exterminate them. The most common opinion about the time and date of its composition is that it was composed among the Jewish diaspora in Persia during the reign of Xerxes I. The consolidation of their own Jewish nationality was indispensable while living an exiled life in Persia. As such, they cling to the idea of positive Jew and negative Persian representation in their recounts of the story of Esther in the Persian court. The interest in this biblical story has been maintained in numerous literary works. The focus of the present study is on the six late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century American plays that speak to this phenomenon. In light of Ruth Wodak’s DHA (2003), the present article studies the power relations between the Persian regal host and the expatriate Jews in these dramatic texts. Essentially concerned with the study of conflicting ideologies in the social and political spheres, the discursive function of language in the construction of a diasporic nationality is highlighted herein.
{"title":"From the Ancient Persian Court to the Early American Drama: A Discourse Historical Analysis of the Representation of Esther and Persia","authors":"Behrooz Mahmoodi-Bakhtiari, Mahsa Manavi","doi":"10.5325/intejperslite.8.0086","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.8.0086","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In efforts to pay homage to the establishment of nationalities, there is precedence in creating a binary opposition of “us” and “them” in some narrative contexts. This discursive construction within the narrative starts with the labeling of social elements, then proceeds to generalize the negative attributions, and then culminates elaborately in justifying the exclusion of many and the inclusion of some. Discourse Historical Analysis is a critical attempt to study power relations as reflected in the language of a (literary) text. The Book of Esther in the Old Testament recounts the story of the exiled Jews in Persia and the ill-fated conspiracy of the Persian prince to exterminate them. The most common opinion about the time and date of its composition is that it was composed among the Jewish diaspora in Persia during the reign of Xerxes I. The consolidation of their own Jewish nationality was indispensable while living an exiled life in Persia. As such, they cling to the idea of positive Jew and negative Persian representation in their recounts of the story of Esther in the Persian court. The interest in this biblical story has been maintained in numerous literary works. The focus of the present study is on the six late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century American plays that speak to this phenomenon. In light of Ruth Wodak’s DHA (2003), the present article studies the power relations between the Persian regal host and the expatriate Jews in these dramatic texts. Essentially concerned with the study of conflicting ideologies in the social and political spheres, the discursive function of language in the construction of a diasporic nationality is highlighted herein.","PeriodicalId":40138,"journal":{"name":"International Journal of Persian Literature","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135738307","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0002
Esmaeil Najar
Abstract Iraj Mirzā has a reputation for excessive sexual content in his poetic oeuvre. His “forbidden literature,” so to speak, and to quote Paul Sprachman, has suffered unjustly from charges of frivolity, and while vanity and profanity do indeed feature prominently, these allegations disregard the artistic high-mindedness that is ever-present in the prince’s extensive canon. Recent scholarship has attempted to rehabilitate his reputation by highlighting the formalistic aspects of his poetry as well as by emphasizing the striking intricacies of his particular poetic perspective. In this article, I will delineate Iraj’s line of poetic maturity—especially when interlaced with thoroughgoing thoughts of Constitutional Revolution—and will discuss how, juxtaposing the stylistic decorum of classical Persian poetry with interlocution and colloquialism, he could impact the upcoming movement of new poetry (she‘r-e no) in Iran. More emphatically, I will illuminate how Iraj Mirza’s attitude toward women is self-contradictory—though in some places he seems sympathetic toward women, criticizing the restrictions placed on them in Qajar Iran, he ultimately betrays them by degrading them to the status of sex objects as in ‘Ārefnāmeh, where he depicts the veil as an obstacle to women’s and the country’s progress and he contaminates women’s chastity by justifying his (character’s) raping. Iraj’s boldness in addressing female genitalia and sexual intercourse pushed the boundaries of literature in transitional Qajar era; however, seen from a feminist perspective, his poetry equates the Persian literary woman to the fictionalized demimonde who wished to be sexually abused.
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Pub Date : 2023-09-01DOI: 10.5325/intejperslite.8.0001
Editorial| September 01 2023 Editor’s Note International Journal of Persian Literature (2023) 8: 1. https://doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.8.0001 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn Email Tools Icon Tools Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Editor’s Note. International Journal of Persian Literature 1 September 2023; 8 1. doi: https://doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.8.0001 Download citation file: Zotero Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All Scholarly Publishing CollectivePenn State University PressInternational Journal of Persian Literature Search Advanced Search This is our eighth issue, and we are ecstatic about the articles herein as they are an amalgam of themes, each approaching a less-studied niche in Persian literary studies. Since the publication of our issue 7, a dear friend and scholar has left us. Ahmad Mahdavi Damghani was not just any scholar: a memory as large as the Harvard HOLLIS library system, a heart as wide as the widest plains, and a soul always in flight like the phoenix: truly one of the most revered giants in the field ever and not only in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Professor Mahdavi passed away as he always wanted and where he always wanted: AMONGST HIS BOOKS, intent on poring over the writings of some of the greatest scholars the Persian and Arabic literatures have ever seen. I always dedicate the issues of IJPL to one individual and that, rightfully so, is... You do not currently have access to this content.
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