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A Grave Reconciliation: The Establishment of German War Cemeteries in Normandy, 1944–1964 坟墓和解:1944年至1964年在诺曼底建立德国战争公墓
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03802003
Zoe Rose Buonaiuto
After the Battle of Normandy, one of the primary concerns in the region was what to do with the bodies of the former occupiers: the German war dead. As the Allied graves registration units left Normandy, local French leaders were responsible for the care of German war graves until the German War Graves Commission (Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsorge, VDK) took over maintenance responsibilities in the mid-1950s and officially inaugurated them as VDK sites in the early 1960s. This essay traces that transition and argues that in the period between 1944 and 1964 it was necessary for Normandy and greater France to assume the role of host to German war dead in perpetuity. The act of hosting German war dead on French soil smoothed the conditions necessary for Franco-German reconciliation in the second half of the 20th century.
诺曼底战役后,该地区最关心的问题之一是如何处理前占领者的尸体:德国战争死者。随着盟军坟墓登记单位离开诺曼底,当地的法国领导人负责照顾德国战争坟墓,直到德国战争坟墓委员会(Volksbund Deutsche Kriegsgräberfürsurge,VDK)在20世纪50年代中期接管了维护责任,并在20世纪60年代初正式将其作为VDK遗址。本文追溯了这一转变,并认为在1944年至1964年期间,诺曼底和大法国有必要永远承担起收容德国战争亡灵的角色。在法国土地上安置德国战死人员的行为为20世纪下半叶法德和解铺平了必要的条件。
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引用次数: 0
Table of Contents 目录
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03802001
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引用次数: 0
The Construction of Transnational Remembrance in the War Cemeteries of the Twentieth Century 20世纪战争公墓的跨国纪念建构
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03802002
K. Lemay
In the anniversary years of 2018 and 2019, it is important to take a close look at the war cemeteries commemorating the world war conflicts. These sites are crucial places for sustaining and even creating transnational, collective memory. By studying the memory work the war cemeteries accomplish, scholars have increased their knowledge of and understanding about these driving, foundational power structures. The following essays focus on the construction, design and reception of war cemeteries, and together the essays reveal complex layering of social, political and cultural contexts of these crucial sites of war memory.
在2018年和2019年的周年纪念日,有必要仔细看看纪念第二次世界大战的战争公墓。这些地点是维持甚至创造跨国集体记忆的关键场所。通过研究战争公墓完成的记忆工作,学者们增加了对这些驱动的、基础的权力结构的认识和理解。下面的文章集中在战争墓地的建设、设计和接待上,这些文章一起揭示了这些重要的战争记忆地点的社会、政治和文化背景的复杂层次。
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引用次数: 2
Politics in the Art of War: The American War Cemeteries 战争艺术中的政治:美国战争墓地
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03802005
K. Lemay
The overseas American war cemeteries, in their aim to achieve “soft power” or cultural diplomacy during the mid-century, created high-value commissions in the American art world. The sought-after commissions resulted in an internal struggle between artists practicing traditional figural Classicism and the avant-garde who had adopted expressionism and abstraction. Additionally, a surging political stream of anti-Communism made artists vulnerable, because modern art seemed to underscore Communism’s abandonment of religion. By adopting demagoguery as political strategy, McCarthyists escalated the perception of Communism as present in the United States by targeting American culture, including artists of the American war cemeteries. Describing the struggles surrounding the creation of the cemeteries, this essay takes into account the artists’ biographies, statements, and actions, arguing that their art-making was not only critical in creating international diplomacy, but also in sustaining American freedom, particularly within an era of American political suspicion.
在本世纪中叶,海外的美国战争墓地旨在实现“软实力”或文化外交,在美国艺术界创造了高价值的委托。这些备受追捧的委托导致了传统人物古典主义艺术家与采用表现主义和抽象主义的先锋派之间的内部斗争。此外,高涨的反共产主义政治浪潮使艺术家变得脆弱,因为现代艺术似乎强调了共产主义对宗教的抛弃。通过将煽动作为政治策略,麦卡锡主义者针对美国文化,包括美国战争墓地的艺术家,升级了对共产主义在美国存在的看法。在描述围绕墓地创作的斗争时,本文考虑了艺术家的传记、声明和行动,认为他们的艺术创作不仅对创造国际外交至关重要,而且对维持美国的自由也至关重要,尤其是在美国政治怀疑的时代。
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引用次数: 0
Burying Friend and Foe: The Employment of German Prisoners of War in the Construction of Military Cemeteries in Normandy after 6 June 1944 埋葬朋友和敌人:1944年6月6日之后在诺曼底建造军事墓地的德国战俘的就业
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03802004
Valentin Schneider
The history of the German prisoners of war of World War II held by British and American authorities in Europe remains a field of study that is largely ignored by historiography. Although the Allies made an extended use of this prisoner manpower for labour purposes, employing hundreds of thousands of captive German soldiers for all kinds of tasks, all but a few material traces of the prisoners’ life and activities in liberated Europe have vanished. An exception to this are several British, American, and German military cemeteries, especially in Normandy, many of which had been built during or immediately after the battle using the workforce of thousands of German soldiers that had been captured in the region during the summer of 1944. This article examines the general organization of the Allied labour service for German prisoners in Normandy and focuses especially on their work on the military cemeteries, before addressing the question of the memory – or rather the absence of memory – of this process, not only in Normandy itself (and in the United States and Great Britain), but also in German society.
英国和美国当局在欧洲掌握的二战德国战俘的历史仍然是一个研究领域,在很大程度上被史学所忽视。尽管协约国长期使用这些战俘作为劳动力,雇佣了数十万被俘的德国士兵从事各种各样的工作,但这些战俘在被解放的欧洲生活和活动的痕迹几乎都消失了。一个例外是英国、美国和德国的一些军事墓地,特别是在诺曼底,其中许多是在战斗期间或战斗结束后建造的,使用的是1944年夏天在该地区被俘的数千名德国士兵的劳动力。本文考察了盟军在诺曼底为德国囚犯服务的一般组织,并特别关注他们在军事墓地上的工作,然后讨论了这一过程的记忆问题——或者更确切地说,是记忆缺失的问题,不仅在诺曼底本身(以及美国和英国),而且在德国社会。
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引用次数: 0
An Empire of Memory: Overseas British War Cemeteries, 1917–1983 记忆的帝国:海外英国战争墓地,1917-1983
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03802006
Sam Edwards
This article examines how a post-1918 Edwardian commemorative aesthetic focused on the “English Garden” was deployed in the later twentieth century as a means to establish an “informal” Empire of memory. The result is an architectural irony and a landscape at odds with the moment that made it: the post-1945 cemeteries of the Imperial War Graves Commission (IWGC) expanded the now defunct Empire’s commemorative possessions just as the actual deeds to land were surrendered. The one exception to this story of contemporaneous political withdrawal and commemorative appropriation nonetheless proves the broader point. For after the bloody imperial war fought in the South Atlantic in 1982 the Commission, at the behest of the British government, built its first and last post-1945 overseas war cemetery. And just as had been the case sixty years earlier, the form and style of this cemetery ensured it became the last outpost of an Edwardian Empire of memory.
这篇文章探讨了1918年后爱德华时代以“英国花园”为中心的纪念美学是如何在20世纪末被用来建立一个“非正式”的记忆帝国的。其结果是一种建筑讽刺,一种与当时不一致的景观:1945年后,帝国战争墓地委员会(IWGC)的墓地在实际的土地契约被交出的同时,扩大了现已不复存在的帝国纪念财产。尽管如此,这个关于同时代政治退出和纪念挪用的故事的一个例外证明了更广泛的观点。因为1982年南大西洋发生血腥的帝国战争后,委员会在英国政府的要求下,建造了1945年后的第一座也是最后一座海外战争墓地。正如60年前的情况一样,这座墓地的形式和风格确保了它成为爱德华时代记忆帝国的最后前哨。
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引用次数: 0
Contents 内容
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-10-20 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03802008
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引用次数: 0
Strike First or Wait Defensively: The Formulation of the idf’s Fighting Strategy after Israel’s War of Independence 先攻还是守备:以色列独立战争后国防军作战战略的制定
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-11 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03801003
Yoram Fried
Two facts related to the fighting strategy adopted by the Israel Defense Forces (idf) following the first Israeli-Arab War of 1948 are well accepted. The first is that after the war, the idf adopted a ‘defensive-offensive’ strategy. The second is that in 1953 this strategy was replaced by an ‘offensive-defensive’ strategy. Over the years, researchers have suggested several explanations for this change. However, opinions remain divided. This article argues that although the ‘offensive-defensive’ strategy was preferred particularly by officials in the planning and operational departments, they reluctantly chose the ‘defensive-offensive’ strategy for economic and strategic reasons. Only a few years later, however, after re-evaluating the premises on which the ‘defensive-offensive’ strategy had been based, the idf switched gears and returned to the strategy it had wanted from the beginning: to strike first.
关于以色列国防军(国防军)在1948年第一次以色列-阿拉伯战争后所采取的战斗战略的两个事实是公认的。第一,战后,以色列国防军采取了“防御-进攻”战略。第二,在1953年,这个战略被“攻守”战略所取代。多年来,研究人员对这种变化提出了几种解释。然而,意见仍然存在分歧。本文认为,尽管计划和作战部门的官员特别喜欢“攻守”战略,但出于经济和战略原因,他们不情愿地选择了“攻守”战略。然而,仅仅几年后,在重新评估了“防御-进攻”战略所基于的前提之后,以色列国防军改变了方向,回到了它从一开始就想要的战略:先打击。
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引用次数: 2
A Prelude to Total War? The Abyssinian War (1935–36) in the Eyes of Foreign Military Observers 全面战争的前奏?外国军事观察员眼中的阿比西尼亚战争(1935-36)
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-11 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03801001
Bastian Matteo Scianna
The conflict between Italy and Ethiopia in 1935–36 has been framed as a prelude to the Second World War and as a watershed towards ‘Total War’. One perspective has so far been neglected: the assessments of foreign military observers. This article examines American, British, German, and Austrian views on the operations and thereby also analyses the mindset of European officers at the time. The core argument emerging from these reports is that the war was perceived as a rather ‘normal’ colonial conflict. Neither the use of gas, nor the employment of aircraft against civilians was seen as a taboo or created significant outrage among the military observers. Instead, they lauded the Italians’ steady logistical efforts and employment of artillery and airpower to overcome nature and the enemy’s resistance.
1935-36年意大利和埃塞俄比亚之间的冲突被认为是第二次世界大战的前奏,也是“全面战争”的分水岭。迄今为止,有一个观点被忽视了:对外国军事观察员的评估。本文考察了美国、英国、德国和奥地利对此次行动的看法,从而分析了当时欧洲军官的心态。这些报告中出现的核心论点是,这场战争被视为一场相当“正常”的殖民冲突。无论是对平民使用天然气还是使用飞机,都没有被视为禁忌,也没有在军事观察员中引起极大的愤怒。相反,他们赞扬了意大利人为克服自然和敌人的抵抗所做的稳定的后勤努力以及火炮和空军的使用。
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引用次数: 2
Two Dogmas of the New War Thesis 新战争论的两条教条
IF 0.1 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2018-06-11 DOI: 10.1163/24683302-03801004
Bria Smith
This article argues that the new war thesis has promulgated at least two dogmas that permeate present day military ethical discourse. First, since the early 20th century, civilian casualties have gradually come to represent an increasing percentage of the overall casualties in warfare. The second dogma is that there has been an increase in ‘risk-transfer war’, which assumes that governments are more willing to risk the lives of noncombatants than the lives of their soldiers. The purpose of this paper is to demonstrate why these empirical claims are problematic. First, we do not yet have the kind of reliable data that would allow us to make accurate claims about trends in civilian casualties. And secondly, a cursory glance at the history of warfare provides us with numerous examples of risk transfer.
本文认为,新战争理论已经颁布了至少两个教条,渗透到今天的军事伦理话语。首先,自20世纪初以来,平民伤亡在战争总伤亡中所占的比例逐渐上升。第二个教条是,“风险转移战争”越来越多,它假设政府更愿意拿非战斗人员的生命冒险,而不是拿士兵的生命冒险。本文的目的是证明为什么这些经验主义主张是有问题的。首先,我们还没有可靠的数据,无法对平民伤亡的趋势做出准确的判断。其次,粗略地看一下战史,我们就会发现很多风险转移的例子。
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International Journal of Military History and Historiography
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