The Ottoman labour market was shaped around the basic principles and rules determined by the state. According to these principles and rules, among the needs of the state, military needs ranked first, and among them, the labour force requirement of the navy was at the top. Voluntary work was desired in the general labour policy in the Ottoman Empire. However, when labour force cannot be provided by volunteers due to insufficient supply of labour, as a necessity, prisoners were resorted to among alternative sources of labour. In parallel with the expansion of the lands and the growth of the navy in the Ottoman Empire, the labour deficit reached serious dimensions. For this reason, convicts were first employed as oarsmen in the navy from the 16th century onwards. Although there was a significant decrease in the need for oarsmen on ships because of the changes in naval technology, the employment of galley slaves was not abandoned. As a result of this, prisoners began to be employed in shipyards, though not on ships. On the other hand, upon seeing the expected benefit in convict labour, later, with the regulations made in the penal codes of the Tanzimat period, conviction of galley slave became permanent. In this research, the contribution of galley slaves to the labor market is tried to be analysed specifically for the Ottoman navy in the historical process starting from the Ottoman classical period and continuing until after the Tanzimat.
{"title":"Some Findings on the Employment of Galley Slaves as a Labour Force in the Ottoman Navy","authors":"Kaya Göktepe","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1148735","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1148735","url":null,"abstract":"The Ottoman labour market was shaped around the basic principles and rules determined by the state. According to these principles and rules, among the needs of the state, military needs ranked first, and among them, the labour force requirement of the navy was at the top. Voluntary work was desired in the general labour policy in the Ottoman Empire. However, when labour force cannot be provided by volunteers due to insufficient supply of labour, as a necessity, prisoners were resorted to among alternative sources of labour. In parallel with the expansion of the lands and the growth of the navy in the Ottoman Empire, the labour deficit reached serious dimensions. For this reason, convicts were first employed as oarsmen in the navy from the 16th century onwards. Although there was a significant decrease in the need for oarsmen on ships because of the changes in naval technology, the employment of galley slaves was not abandoned. As a result of this, prisoners began to be employed in shipyards, though not on ships. On the other hand, upon seeing the expected benefit in convict labour, later, with the regulations made in the penal codes of the Tanzimat period, conviction of galley slave became permanent. In this research, the contribution of galley slaves to the labor market is tried to be analysed specifically for the Ottoman navy in the historical process starting from the Ottoman classical period and continuing until after the Tanzimat.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68183695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gaius Marius, the pioneer of warlord politicians in the Late Republic, reshaped Roman politics with his methods and was a model for Sulla, Pompeius, Caesar, Antonius, and Augustus, forming the last age of the Republic. The vicissitudes which consisted and transformed Marius’ political methods were also inspiring for populares. During the conflict between optimates, senatorial party, and populares, men of people in the Late Roman Republic, because of restriction populares’ political space by senatorial government and failures of senatorial oligarchy in domestic and foreign affairs caused to transform Marius’ career from typical popular politician to warlord politician. Marius' position in popular politics until the year his first consulate, 107 B.C., his separation from traditional politics, and the condition of senatorial oligarchy in this period, is evaluated in this study.
{"title":"The Emergence of a Warlord Politician: Gaius Marius","authors":"O. Demir, Sinem Aydoğan Demi̇r","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1148716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1148716","url":null,"abstract":"Gaius Marius, the pioneer of warlord politicians in the Late Republic, reshaped Roman politics with his methods and was a model for Sulla, Pompeius, Caesar, Antonius, and Augustus, forming the last age of the Republic. The vicissitudes which consisted and transformed Marius’ political methods were also inspiring for populares. During the conflict between optimates, senatorial party, and populares, men of people in the Late Roman Republic, because of restriction populares’ political space by senatorial government and failures of senatorial oligarchy in domestic and foreign affairs caused to transform Marius’ career from typical popular politician to warlord politician. Marius' position in popular politics until the year his first consulate, 107 B.C., his separation from traditional politics, and the condition of senatorial oligarchy in this period, is evaluated in this study.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49496938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After the occupation of İzmir, the Antalya Association for Defence of National Rights was established, and in September 1919 the Finike and Kaş Association for Defence of National Rights were established. On May 12, 1924, when the Antalya Association for Defence of National Rights was transformed into the Republican People’s Party, the same process was carried out in the districts of Finike and Kaş. It is observed that the district administrations of Finike and Kaş did not have their own buildings in the Republican era but served in different places. After the Second World War, with the start of the construction of the Community Center in the districts, the party was able to own a property. But it took a long time to complete the Finike and Kaş Community Centres (Halkevleri) buildings. Within the scope of the law enacted by the Democratic Party on 8 August 1951, the properties of the Republican People's Party, the Community Centre and the Public Room (Halkodası) were transferred to the treasury. So, the Republican People’s Party had no property in Fenike and Kaş districts. In this study, the activities of the Finike and Kaş District Administration Committees of the Republican People's Party and the construction of the Community Centres there are emphasized.
{"title":"Finike-Kaş District Organization of the Republican People’s Party and Construction of Community Centres (1923-1951)","authors":"Muhammet Güçlü","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1148742","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1148742","url":null,"abstract":"After the occupation of İzmir, the Antalya Association for Defence of National Rights was established, and in September 1919 the Finike and Kaş Association for Defence of National Rights were established. On May 12, 1924, when the Antalya Association for Defence of National Rights was transformed into the Republican People’s Party, the same process was carried out in the districts of Finike and Kaş. It is observed that the district administrations of Finike and Kaş did not have their own buildings in the Republican era but served in different places. After the Second World War, with the start of the construction of the Community Center in the districts, the party was able to own a property. But it took a long time to complete the Finike and Kaş Community Centres (Halkevleri) buildings. Within the scope of the law enacted by the Democratic Party on 8 August 1951, the properties of the Republican People's Party, the Community Centre and the Public Room (Halkodası) were transferred to the treasury. So, the Republican People’s Party had no property in Fenike and Kaş districts. \u0000In this study, the activities of the Finike and Kaş District Administration Committees of the Republican People's Party and the construction of the Community Centres there are emphasized.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68183486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
An important part of the provincial soldiers, who were among the elite units of the classical period Ottoman army, was composed of timar sipahis. In addition to their military obligations, they performed the duties of a different life with their responsibilities as a local law enforcement officer in the countryside, including the continuity of agricultural production, the collection of taxes and the training of soldiers. Compared to the evaluations regarding the military roles of the cavalrymen of timar on the battlefields, a limited number of studies have focused on how they lived in peacetime in the countryside. This study, which focuses on the late 16th and mid-17th centuries, includes evaluations about the life in and around the timarlı sipahi as a state officer and also a village resident in the provinces. It is among the objectives of the study to contribute to future studies on the rural life of the timarli sipahi and his entourage as an actor of social life in the Ottoman countryside.
{"title":"In the Classicial Order: Being Sipahi in the Ottoman Countryside","authors":"Olcay PULLUKÇUOĞLU YAPUCU, Orhan Kurmuş","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1148784","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1148784","url":null,"abstract":"An important part of the provincial soldiers, who were among the elite units of the classical period Ottoman army, was composed of timar sipahis. In addition to their military obligations, they performed the duties of a different life with their responsibilities as a local law enforcement officer in the countryside, including the continuity of agricultural production, the collection of taxes and the training of soldiers. Compared to the evaluations regarding the military roles of the cavalrymen of timar on the battlefields, a limited number of studies have focused on how they lived in peacetime in the countryside. This study, which focuses on the late 16th and mid-17th centuries, includes evaluations about the life in and around the timarlı sipahi as a state officer and also a village resident in the provinces. It is among the objectives of the study to contribute to future studies on the rural life of the timarli sipahi and his entourage as an actor of social life in the Ottoman countryside.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68183719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this study, the life of Ahmed Fuad Baturay and the governorship period of about five years of Urfa governorship will be examined. In the first years of the Republic, while the administration and status of the Urfa Province is determined, the role of the governor will also be emphasized. In the years when the new regime was being tried to establish, a governor who could be in office for about 5 years is likely to have been seen successful. In the paper, documents of the Ottoman Archives and the Archives of the Ministry of Interior will be taken as basis.Urfa was one of the three sancaks of Aleppo Province (Aleppo, Marash and Urfa) at the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1914, Urfa had become an autonomous sancak with five kazas under its administration, Urfa, Birecik, Rakka, Suruç, and Harran. Following the end of the National Struggle, all attached or independent sancaks were converted into vilayets. Thus, Urfa won the province status. These days, except for the central district, Birecik, Suruç and Harran districts were formed. The importance of governors is great in the first years of the National Struggle and the Republic. After the struggle with the invaders, they dealt with the difficulties faced by the new regime. Ismail Izzet Bey was in the governor of Urfa in 1923, when the Republic was proclaimed. After Ismail Izzet Bey's appointment on March 9, 1924, Ahmed Fuad Bey was appointed instead. In this mission, which started on March 30, 1924, it remained for about 4 years and 7 months until October 21, 1928. He previously served in various district governorships. After having been a property inspector for a while, he was appointed to the governor of Urfa. He then served in the governorships of Tekirdağ, Manisa, Kastamonu and Antalya.
{"title":"Ahmed Fuad Baturay and Urfa Governorship (1924-1928)","authors":"Nejdet Bilgi","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1148701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1148701","url":null,"abstract":"In this study, the life of Ahmed Fuad Baturay and the governorship period of about five years of Urfa governorship will be examined. In the first years of the Republic, while the administration and status of the Urfa Province is determined, the role of the governor will also be emphasized. In the years when the new regime was being tried to establish, a governor who could be in office for about 5 years is likely to have been seen successful. In the paper, documents of the Ottoman Archives and the Archives of the Ministry of Interior will be taken as basis.Urfa was one of the three sancaks of Aleppo Province (Aleppo, Marash and Urfa) at the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1914, Urfa had become an autonomous sancak with five kazas under its administration, Urfa, Birecik, Rakka, Suruç, and Harran. Following the end of the National Struggle, all attached or independent sancaks were converted into vilayets. Thus, Urfa won the province status. These days, except for the central district, Birecik, Suruç and Harran districts were formed. The importance of governors is great in the first years of the National Struggle and the Republic. After the struggle with the invaders, they dealt with the difficulties faced by the new regime. Ismail Izzet Bey was in the governor of Urfa in 1923, when the Republic was proclaimed. After Ismail Izzet Bey's appointment on March 9, 1924, Ahmed Fuad Bey was appointed instead. In this mission, which started on March 30, 1924, it remained for about 4 years and 7 months until October 21, 1928. He previously served in various district governorships. After having been a property inspector for a while, he was appointed to the governor of Urfa. He then served in the governorships of Tekirdağ, Manisa, Kastamonu and Antalya.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-07-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49295936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Akarsular, doğa olaylarına karşı alınan tedbirlerin çok daha kısıtlı olduğu eski zamanlarda, günümüze nispeten daha sık taşarak etraflarına önemli miktarda zararlar vermekteydiler. 19. yüzyılda sık bir şekilde taşan nehirlerden birisi de Kütahya’ya bağlı Gediz kasabasının doğusundaki dağlardan kaynağını alan ve 275 km yol aldıktan sonra Ege Denizi’ne dökülen Gediz Nehri idi. 1860-1901 yılları arasında Gediz’in on altı defa taştığı tespit edilebilmiştir. Yaşanan taşkınların sel afetlerine yol açması neticesinde insanlar, hayvanlar, yerleşim birimleri, tarım, ticaret, ulaşım, iletişim, işletmeler ve İzmir Limanı önemli derecede zarar görmüş, büyük miktarda ekonomik kayıplar yaşanmıştır. Merkezi ve yerel hükümetler Gediz Nehri taşkınlarını ve yol açtığı zararları en aza indirmek amacıyla birtakım tedbirler aldıkları gibi taşkınlar sonrasında yardıma muhtaç durumda kalan selzedelerin yaralarını sarmak amacıyla da bazı önemli girişimlerde bulunmuşlardır. Arşiv belgeleri ve dönemin gazeteleri esas alınarak hazırlanan bu çalışma ile Osmanlı doğal afet tarihine ve kısmen de olsa Gediz Havzası’nda bulunan yerleşim birimlerinin tarihine katkı sağlanması hedeflenmiştir.
{"title":"GEDİZ NEHRİ’NDE TAŞKINLAR, ISLAH ÇALIŞMALARI VE AFET YÖNETİMİ (1860-1901)","authors":"Selahattin Satilmiş, Keziban ACAR KAPLAN","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1333303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1333303","url":null,"abstract":"Akarsular, doğa olaylarına karşı alınan tedbirlerin çok daha kısıtlı olduğu eski zamanlarda, günümüze nispeten daha sık taşarak etraflarına önemli miktarda zararlar vermekteydiler. 19. yüzyılda sık bir şekilde taşan nehirlerden birisi de Kütahya’ya bağlı Gediz kasabasının doğusundaki dağlardan kaynağını alan ve 275 km yol aldıktan sonra Ege Denizi’ne dökülen Gediz Nehri idi. 1860-1901 yılları arasında Gediz’in on altı defa taştığı tespit edilebilmiştir. Yaşanan taşkınların sel afetlerine yol açması neticesinde insanlar, hayvanlar, yerleşim birimleri, tarım, ticaret, ulaşım, iletişim, işletmeler ve İzmir Limanı önemli derecede zarar görmüş, büyük miktarda ekonomik kayıplar yaşanmıştır. Merkezi ve yerel hükümetler Gediz Nehri taşkınlarını ve yol açtığı zararları en aza indirmek amacıyla birtakım tedbirler aldıkları gibi taşkınlar sonrasında yardıma muhtaç durumda kalan selzedelerin yaralarını sarmak amacıyla da bazı önemli girişimlerde bulunmuşlardır. Arşiv belgeleri ve dönemin gazeteleri esas alınarak hazırlanan bu çalışma ile Osmanlı doğal afet tarihine ve kısmen de olsa Gediz Havzası’nda bulunan yerleşim birimlerinin tarihine katkı sağlanması hedeflenmiştir.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49602943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Soğuk Savaş Türkiye’sinde Anti-Komünist Söylemin Oluşumunda Azerbaycan Kökenli Düşünürler: Azerbaycan Dergisinde Sovyet - Komünizm Algısı ve Komünizmle Mücadele Meselesi","authors":"C. Kocaoğlu","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1050203","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1050203","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68182876","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"From The Genoese To The Perots: The Genoese Community In Byzantine/Ottoman Constantinople (14th–15th C.)","authors":"F. Ö. Mercan","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1050207","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1050207","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68183059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Because the Assyrian state started to strengthen in the early first millennium BC by acquiring an imperial identity, it gained the capacity to launch military campaigns across remote regions, which, not surprisingly, disturbed and threatened the neighboring states. In this period, which is called the Neo-Assyrian period, Assyrian armies prevailed in a vast geographical region, extending from Egypt to Elam and reaching into even Babylonia and Anatolia. The most important region which Assyrians aimed to reign in the given period was Babylonia. They showed a great interest in the region due to its high economic potential. However, Elam, which was located in the eastern region of Sumerians, was also interested in the same region. Because they aimed to prevent a potential Assyrian hegemony over Babylonia, Neo-Elamites usually supported all anti-Assyrian rebellions. Another reason why Neo-Elamites adopted this policy lied in the fact that they saw it as necessary to prevent Assyrians from being a bordering state. On the other hand, Assyrians organized various military campaigns against both Babylon and Elam in order to control the region as well as conducting diplomatic relations. Therefore, the present study focuses on the struggle among these three states and their diplomatic relations by relying on Assyrian and Babylonian cuneiform texts and modern literature and refers to these cuneiform texts directly and indirectly in different parts of the study. In this way, the present study deals with conflict among Assyria, Elam and Babylon from a political, military and, to a certain extent, economic perspective and analyzes Neo-Elamite and Babylonian policies against hegemonic expansion of the Assyrian state in the first millennium BC and various measures taken by the Assyrian state against this alliance.
{"title":"Southern Policy Of The Neo-Assyrian State And The Elamite-Babylonian Alliance","authors":"Okay Pekşen","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1050208","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1050208","url":null,"abstract":"Because the Assyrian state started to strengthen in the early first millennium BC by acquiring an imperial identity, it gained the capacity to launch military campaigns across remote regions, which, not surprisingly, disturbed and threatened the neighboring states. In this period, which is called the Neo-Assyrian period, Assyrian armies prevailed in a vast geographical region, extending from Egypt to Elam and reaching into even Babylonia and Anatolia. The most important region which Assyrians aimed to reign in the given period was Babylonia. They showed a great interest in the region due to its high economic potential. However, Elam, which was located in the eastern region of Sumerians, was also interested in the same region. Because they aimed to prevent a potential Assyrian hegemony over Babylonia, Neo-Elamites usually supported all anti-Assyrian rebellions. Another reason why Neo-Elamites adopted this policy lied in the fact that they saw it as necessary to prevent Assyrians from being a bordering state. On the other hand, Assyrians organized various military campaigns against both Babylon and Elam in order to control the region as well as conducting diplomatic relations. Therefore, the present study focuses on the struggle among these three states and their diplomatic relations by relying on Assyrian and Babylonian cuneiform texts and modern literature and refers to these cuneiform texts directly and indirectly in different parts of the study. In this way, the present study deals with conflict among Assyria, Elam and Babylon from a political, military and, to a certain extent, economic perspective and analyzes Neo-Elamite and Babylonian policies against hegemonic expansion of the Assyrian state in the first millennium BC and various measures taken by the Assyrian state against this alliance.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"68183175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Mamluks –The Golden Horde Political and Diplomatic Relations The Mamluk State and the Golden Horde are two major political bodies with a pivotal role in the history of the Middle East. Both of the states shaped the history of a wide land of Egypt, Syria, Anatolia, Iran, The Caucasus, Dasht-i Qipchaq and the political bodies governing the above-mentioned land as of the middle of 13 th century. The relationship between the Mamluks and the Golden Horde was established pursuant to a prospective war against a common enemy and was later promoted on various grounds. The intricate relationships were innately built on the existence of the Mamluk State - the Golden Horde and their rivals which exceeded their position and had a pivotal role in the politics of the region. An alliance between the Mamluks and the Golden Horde was established accordingly. This alliance did not reach a common campaign, which the parties mentioned a lot in diplomatic correspondence, but the discourse created in this context itself provided gains as an effective power. Finally, in this study, the political and diplomatic relations of the Mamluk–Golden Horde until the third reign of Sultan an-Nasir Muhammad were tried to be revealed in all aspects and the results produced by them were determined and examined.
{"title":"Başlangıcından Sultan En-Nâsır Muhammed’in Üçüncü Saltanatına Kadar Memlûk – Altın Orda Siyasi ve Diplomatik İlişkileri","authors":"Kazım Uzun","doi":"10.18513/egetid.1050213","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18513/egetid.1050213","url":null,"abstract":"The Mamluks –The Golden Horde Political and Diplomatic Relations The Mamluk State and the Golden Horde are two major political bodies with a pivotal role in the history of the Middle East. Both of the states shaped the history of a wide land of Egypt, Syria, Anatolia, Iran, The Caucasus, Dasht-i Qipchaq and the political bodies governing the above-mentioned land as of the middle of 13 th century. The relationship between the Mamluks and the Golden Horde was established pursuant to a prospective war against a common enemy and was later promoted on various grounds. The intricate relationships were innately built on the existence of the Mamluk State - the Golden Horde and their rivals which exceeded their position and had a pivotal role in the politics of the region. An alliance between the Mamluks and the Golden Horde was established accordingly. This alliance did not reach a common campaign, which the parties mentioned a lot in diplomatic correspondence, but the discourse created in this context itself provided gains as an effective power. Finally, in this study, the political and diplomatic relations of the Mamluk–Golden Horde until the third reign of Sultan an-Nasir Muhammad were tried to be revealed in all aspects and the results produced by them were determined and examined.","PeriodicalId":40948,"journal":{"name":"Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49303773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：