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Women, Domestic Labour, and Economic Imperialism 妇女、家务劳动和经济帝国主义
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.49
Han Cheng
This chapter discusses the relationship between the oppression of women and economic imperialism. Women’s unpaid domestic labour is a fundamental factor of fast capital accumulation. The oppression of women in production, reproduction, and gender relations are integral parts of neoliberal social structure. In a gendered global division of labour, the consumerist way of life in the developed countries is actually facilitated by the exploitation of labour and body of women from the developing countries. The super-exploitation of women has triggered a global crisis of labour power reproduction as well as the rise of women’s anti-imperialist movements.
这一章讨论了对妇女的压迫与经济帝国主义的关系。妇女的无偿家务劳动是快速资本积累的一个根本因素。在生产、再生产和两性关系中对妇女的压迫是新自由主义社会结构的组成部分。在性别化的全球劳动分工中,发达国家的消费主义生活方式实际上是通过剥削发展中国家妇女的劳动和身体来促进的。对妇女的过度剥削引发了全球劳动力再生产危机,也引发了妇女反帝国主义运动的兴起。
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引用次数: 0
Surplus Labour 剩余劳动力
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.16
C. Scherrer
Informal labour relations and underemployed persons abound in many formerly colonized countries. The abundance of persons offering their labour power in relationship to the limited demand for their labour stems from the insufficient absorption of peasants set free from their land. In many late industrializing countries, most of those who are leaving agriculture do not find gainful employment. In fact, many of the late industrializers are prematurely de-industrializing. Based on a comparison between the conditions prevalent among the early industrializers and present-day latecomers to industry and advanced services, this chapter highlights how the generally violent passage from an agrarian-rural to a capitalist industrial-urban economy is aggravated by imperialist legacies and current post-imperialist practices for many countries of the Global South.
在许多前殖民地国家,非正式的劳动关系和未充分就业的人比比皆是。相对于有限的劳动力需求,提供劳动力的人比较多,这是由于对从土地上解放出来的农民的吸收不够。在许多工业化后期的国家,大多数离开农业的人找不到有收入的工作。事实上,许多后期工业化国家过早地去工业化了。基于对早期工业化国家和当今工业和先进服务业的后发国家之间普遍存在的条件的比较,本章强调了从农业-农村到资本主义工业-城市经济的普遍暴力过渡是如何被帝国主义遗产和当前许多全球南方国家的后帝国主义实践所加剧的。
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引用次数: 0
Eastern Europe’s Post-Transitional Integration into Western Economic Relations through Social Labour Recognition 从社会劳动承认看转型后东欧融入西方经济关系
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.46
Ivan Rubinić, Maks Tajnikar
Hypothesizing that fostering trade facilitates synergic growth and that convergence can overwhelm initial development differences, eastern nation states abandoned their production modes to become part of the European economic area. Accordingly, this chapter furnishes an answer to the question of whether or not the transition rendered an asset or a liability, concerning newly integrated states. Consequently, the transition process is investigated as the principal engine behind the unequal labour exchange, whereas its success is weighted against the extent of cross-country differences regarding social labour recognition. The study reveals the transition countries have experienced a radical capital intensity increase and suffered from below-equilibrium prices obtained at the commodity markets. It appears that the transition countries are homogenizing and catching-up with Western countries. However, this process is far from over and is hindered by the persisting unequal relations, enabling the west to exploit international inequalities and exercise economic dominance over the east.
假设促进贸易可以促进协同增长,并且趋同可以压倒最初的发展差异,东方民族国家放弃了自己的生产模式,成为欧洲经济区的一部分。因此,本章对有关新合并国家的过渡是资产还是负债的问题提供了答案。因此,转型过程被视为不平等劳动力交换背后的主要推动力,而其成功与否则取决于各国在社会劳动认知方面的差异程度。这项研究表明,转型国家的资本密集度急剧增加,商品市场的价格低于均衡水平。转型国家似乎正在同质化并追赶西方国家。然而,这一进程远未结束,并受到持续存在的不平等关系的阻碍,使西方能够利用国际不平等并对东方行使经济支配地位。
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引用次数: 1
Protecting Water and Forest Resources against Colonization in the Indigenous Américas 保护美洲原住民的水和森林资源免受殖民统治
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.18
Macarena Gómez-Barris
This chapter considers recent forms of uprising in the Global South that deal with the legacy of neoliberalism, debt, and economic imperialism that emanate from US economic imperialism and the Washington Consensus. It specifically addresses Chile as a laboratory for neoliberalism and the social and political movements that directly addressed histories of wealth accumulation through extractive and racial capitalism. It also addresses how state violence and an expanding prison and military infrastructure is used to criminalize protest and describe creative strategies of resistance and refusal.
本章考虑了全球南方最近的起义形式,这些起义涉及新自由主义、债务和经济帝国主义的遗产,这些遗产来自美国经济帝国主义和华盛顿共识。它特别指出智利是新自由主义和社会政治运动的实验室,这些运动直接解决了通过采掘和种族资本主义积累财富的历史。它还讨论了国家暴力和不断扩大的监狱和军事基础设施如何被用来将抗议定为犯罪,并描述了抵抗和拒绝的创造性策略。
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引用次数: 0
Colombia and OECD 哥伦比亚和经合组织
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.42
Brayan Camilo Rojas, Ernesto Vivares
This chapter examines how institutional imperialism technically shapes and politically frames national development in the dynamic relations between the world order and regions. The investigation focuses on the political economy of Colombia’s incorporation into the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) between 2010 and 2018. Departing from a critical global political economy (GPE) approach, the investigation critically explores the role assumed by the OECD as neutral and purely technical, analyzing the dynamics of power in the intersections of domestic-international economics. It shows how the OECD technically shapes and politically frames national development in key areas that define the international insertion of the country into the world economy, with domestic laws based on the Washington Consensus and post-Consensus. Three major conclusions are reached. The first is that international organizations can determine domestic policies of development with the aim of inserting peripheral countries within an imperialist economy so as to facilitate the transfer of value, as is shown to be the case with Colombia. The second contribution is how multilateral recommendations become central conditionalities that define the relationship between the international organization and the state but are presented as neutral and technical standards. Finally, the chapter describes how this dynamic of imperialist economic integration took form in several domestic policies in Colombia, presenting them as ‘better policies for development’.
本章考察了制度帝国主义如何在世界秩序和地区之间的动态关系中在技术上塑造和政治上构建国家发展。调查的重点是哥伦比亚在2010年至2018年期间加入经济合作与发展组织(OECD)的政治经济学。从批判性的全球政治经济学(GPE)方法出发,调查批判性地探讨了经合组织作为中立和纯技术性的角色,分析了国内-国际经济学交叉点的权力动态。它展示了经合组织如何在技术上塑造和政治上构建国家发展的关键领域,这些领域定义了一个国家在国际上融入世界经济的程度,以及基于华盛顿共识和后共识的国内法。得出了三个主要结论。第一,国际组织可以决定国内发展政策,目的是把外围国家纳入帝国主义经济,以便促进价值的转移,哥伦比亚的情况就是这样。第二个贡献是多边建议如何成为界定国际组织与国家之间关系的核心条件,但却以中立和技术标准的形式呈现。最后,本章描述了这种帝国主义经济一体化的动力是如何在哥伦比亚的几项国内政策中形成的,并将它们描述为“更好的发展政策”。
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引用次数: 0
Theories of International Trade and Economic Imperialism 国际贸易理论与经济帝国主义
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.3
Bill Dunn
This chapter introduces and reviews a long tradition of theories which highlight unequal trade relations between countries, contesting the Ricardian view of mutual gains. Focussing particularly on mercantilism, ideas of changing terms of trade after Prebisch and Singer, and theories of unequal exchange, the chapter assesses the utility of theories of trade inequality in the twenty-first century. It argues that trade, and trade inequalities, need to be understood in their social and historical context and as one important dimension of the broader construction, reconstruction, and contestation of social relations. Contemporary trade relations therefore need to be understood, in particular, alongside changing class relations within countries and in the context of the expansion of corporate investment, which among other things creates problems for the way trade and the putative gains from trade are measured. Relations of trade also need to be understood in the context of broader relations of international inequality, particularly relations of political power and of money and finance.
本章介绍并回顾了长期以来强调国家之间不平等贸易关系的理论传统,与李嘉图的互利观相抗衡。本章特别关注重商主义,在普雷维什和辛格之后改变贸易条件的想法,以及不平等交换理论,评估了21世纪贸易不平等理论的效用。它认为,贸易和贸易不平等需要在其社会和历史背景下加以理解,并作为更广泛的社会关系建设、重建和争论的一个重要方面。因此,需要理解当代贸易关系,特别是在国家内部不断变化的阶级关系和公司投资扩大的背景下,这在衡量贸易和假定的贸易收益的方式方面造成了问题。贸易关系也需要在更广泛的国际不平等关系的背景下加以理解,特别是政治权力关系、货币和金融关系。
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引用次数: 0
International Exploitation, Capital Export, and Unequal Exchange 国际剥削、资本输出与不平等交换
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.10
Jonathan F. Cogliano, Soh Kaneko, Roberto Veneziani, N. Yoshihara
This chapter discusses how international exploitation and unequal exchange emerge in the global economy by focussing on simple economic models with and without credit markets. Free trade of commodities among rich and poor countries results in a transfer of labour time between countries, allowing the citizens of some countries to consume more of the world’s social labour than they have contributed. Capital movements across borders together with strong restrictions on the movement of people result in net exporters of capital exploiting (or benefitting from unequal exchange at the expense of) net capital importers. Under perfect competition, mutual benefits from free trade in goods and capital can coexist alongside unequal flows of revenue and labour in the world economy. Market imperfections and the open use of coercion are not necessary for international exploitation to emerge. However, they may be central for it to persist over time.
本章讨论了国际剥削和不平等交换是如何在全球经济中出现的,重点放在有和没有信贷市场的简单经济模型上。富国和穷国之间的商品自由贸易导致了各国之间劳动时间的转移,使一些国家的公民消费的世界社会劳动超过了他们所贡献的劳动。跨境资本流动加上对人员流动的严格限制,导致资本净出口国剥削(或以牺牲资本净进口国为代价从不平等交换中获益)。在完全竞争条件下,商品和资本自由贸易带来的互利,可以与世界经济中收入和劳动力的不平等流动共存。市场不完善和公开使用强制手段并不是国际剥削出现的必要条件。然而,它们可能是它长期存在的核心。
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引用次数: 0
Imperialism and Its Critics 帝国主义及其批评者
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.27
Z. Cope
This chapter provides a broad overview of the literature on economic imperialism. The first part of the chapter defines the concept of economic imperialism and the distinctive heuristics according to which related phenomena may be analysed. The second part of the chapter describes five modes of economic imperialism, namely, colonialism, internal colonialism, settler colonialism, investment imperialism, and unequal exchange. Each of these is both predicated upon and reinforces national oppression, that is, the de facto or de jure denial of self-determination to national groups and their capacity to democratically determine their own economic development. The chapter concludes by highlighting the limits of much contemporary ‘anti-imperialism’, and the tendency for ‘anti-imperialist’ discourse to provide cover for authoritarian and imperialist states outside ‘the West’.
本章提供了关于经济帝国主义的文献的广泛概述。本章第一部分对经济帝国主义的概念进行了界定,并对相关现象进行了分析。本章第二部分描述了经济帝国主义的五种模式,即殖民主义、内部殖民主义、定居者殖民主义、投资帝国主义和不平等交换。其中每一项都以民族压迫为前提并加强这种压迫,即在事实上或法律上否定民族集团的自决权及其民主决定其自身经济发展的能力。本章最后强调了许多当代“反帝国主义”的局限性,以及“反帝国主义”话语为“西方”以外的威权主义和帝国主义国家提供掩护的趋势。
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引用次数: 1
Imperialism, the Mismeasurement of Poverty, and the Masking of Global Exploitation 帝国主义,对贫困的错误衡量,以及全球剥削的掩饰
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.17
S. Donnelly
This chapter deconstructs the widely publicized set of statistics purportedly showing that extreme poverty in the world has fallen dramatically since 1990 as articulated by the World Bank and reiterated by leading UN institutions, neoliberal think tanks, publications, and spokespersons. The analytical categories and methodology employed by the World Bank to calculate its poverty statistics are subjected to a systematic critique, demonstrating that they serve the interests of economic imperialism. By artificially reducing global poverty through the statistical manipulation of its poverty metric, the World Bank can trumpet the success of neoliberalism, legitimating its further expansion through US-backed coups in countries such as Haiti and Bolivia. The genocidal misery imposed on the people of the Global South by the World Bank and the IMF through neoliberal policies such as structural adjustment programs and free trade agreements is thereby statistically erased, laying the foundation for a narrative of dramatically falling global poverty in the ‘New Millennium’ at odds with reality. If more reasonable metrics are used, such as the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) $5 per day standard, global poverty has clearly not fallen as claimed. The chapter also shows how neoliberalism itself is a form of economic imperialism. Finally, the rise of the BRICS and China in particular, celebrated by neoliberals and some on the left, is analysed as a development that ultimately fortifies, rather than contradicts, the advance of imperialism in the twenty-first century.
本章解构了一组广为宣传的统计数据,这些数据据称表明,自1990年以来,世界上的极端贫困人口急剧下降,这是世界银行所阐述的,也是联合国主要机构、新自由主义智库、出版物和发言人所重申的。世界银行用于计算其贫困统计数据的分析类别和方法受到了系统的批评,表明它们为经济帝国主义的利益服务。通过对贫困指标进行统计操纵,人为地减少全球贫困,世界银行可以鼓吹新自由主义的成功,通过美国支持的海地和玻利维亚等国的政变,使其进一步扩张合法化。世界银行和国际货币基金组织通过结构调整计划和自由贸易协定等新自由主义政策强加给全球南方人民的种族灭绝痛苦因此在统计上被抹去,为“新千年”与现实不符的全球贫困急剧下降的叙述奠定了基础。如果使用更合理的衡量标准,比如联合国贸易和发展会议(UNCTAD)每天5美元的标准,全球贫困显然没有像声称的那样下降。本章还展示了新自由主义本身是经济帝国主义的一种形式。最后,金砖国家的崛起,尤其是中国的崛起,受到新自由主义者和一些左翼人士的赞扬,被分析为一种发展,最终巩固而不是反对帝国主义在21世纪的发展。
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引用次数: 0
Power Competition and Exploitation in Southeast Asia 东南亚地区的权力竞争与开发
Pub Date : 2022-02-14 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197527085.013.33
Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt
Understanding the economic and political dimensions of imperialism requires a careful theoretical reading and close empirical study of the historical phases involved. This chapter critically examines the historically and contemporary implications of how Southeast Asia was incorporated into the world market. It traces how the rival colonial powers established exploitative mechanisms in order to extract surplus value from the region. US imperialism in the form of export of capital and production did not replace the European former colonial powers but became a supplement to Japanese and British economic imperialism in the region. This chapter challenges the conventional wisdom that American economic imperialism and hegemony was benign and not based on the British and Japanese use of brute force and conquest. In contrast to this view, the chapter argues that American monopoly capital expansion should be viewed by its ‘essential oneness’ between economic, political, and military-strategic objectives/tendencies.
理解帝国主义的经济和政治层面需要仔细的理论阅读和对相关历史阶段的密切实证研究。本章批判性地考察了东南亚如何融入世界市场的历史和当代影响。它追溯了敌对的殖民大国如何建立剥削机制,以便从该地区榨取剩余价值。美帝国主义以资本输出和生产输出的形式并没有取代欧洲前殖民列强,而是成为日本和英国在该地区的经济帝国主义的补充。这一章挑战了传统智慧,即美国的经济帝国主义和霸权是良性的,不是基于英国和日本使用蛮力和征服。与这种观点相反,本章认为,美国垄断资本的扩张应该从经济、政治和军事战略目标/趋势之间的“本质统一性”来看待。
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引用次数: 0
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The Oxford Handbook of Economic Imperialism
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