Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199840731-0178
Thomas Kazen
Concepts of purity and impurity are virtually global and can be found in most religions and regions of the world. Purity and impurity function as umbrella terms for a number of conceptions, aversions, taboos, and apotropaic practices. This bibliography discusses conceptions and practices of purity and impurity in ancient Israel and early Judaism, up to and including the earliest church and the Tannaitic period, but not covering rabbinic Judaism or the patristic period as a whole. In Judaism, purity and impurity take on a conspicuous character by their decidedly ritual definition, complemented by various types of figurative and/or rhetorical usages. There is a certain conceptual overlap between purity and holiness. Purity can refer to a positive property. The Hebrew term ṭāhôr/ṭāhārâ, like its Ugaritic cognate, can at times mean “shining,” or “radiance.” More generally, however, purity is conceptualized as the absence of contagion and purification involves the removal of dirt, pollution, or contaminating matter. The Hebrew word for impurity, ṭāmē’/ṭumʾâ, primarily refers to pollution, either as impure physical conditions or in the sense of culpability and moral transgression. The underlying meaning is probably dirt, as in several Semitic cognates. More specifically, concepts of impurity include a diversity of conditions and behaviors, including besmirched items, repelling substances, body fluids, certain physical states and diseases, corpses and carcasses, contagion by contact, food avoidances, disapproved sexual relations, breaches against moral and cultural codes, and various spiritual threats. At the same time, this array of meanings reveals certain common traits. Aesthetic and emotional aspects are present, as both human and divine beings are thought to enjoy that which is whole, clean, and radiant and to shun what is smelly, smeared, and smitten, especially when it threatens human life and order. Consequently, purification suggests the removal of dirt, pollution, or contaminating matter and at times partially overlaps with other concepts, such as sanctification and healing. It is necessitated by breaches of cultic prescriptions, or codes of conduct, including behaviors that evoke divine displeasure or wrath. It may also be necessary in a number of situations which do not involve any willful transgression, but rather belong to the course of normal life, such as birth, death, marriage, and disease. In addition, purification is a natural preparation for situations of heightened religious experience, encountering the divine and visiting sanctuaries to perform regular sacrifices. Some purificatory rituals are self-administered, while others are performed by ritual specialists. Not only persons and objects, but also places, buildings, and in some instances foodstuff and drink can be purified. Since impurity is usually understood as an acquired state that could be entered and exited, purification rituals are repeatable. However, some exceptional imp
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Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199840731-0181
Adia Mendelson-Maoz
The term “minority” usually refers to individuals or groups that are disadvantaged in comparison to those who belong to the dominant group. This type of exclusion is commonly based on race, ethnicity, religion, gender, social and cultural background, and sexual orientation. While in reality boundaries between cultural groups are unclear, defining and relating to minorities always hinges on a definition of the majority or hegemony, thus creating an often misleading concept of binarism. The heterogeneous social and cultural fabric of the Israeli context, and its evolution over the years, problematizes any clear dichotomy between hegemonial and marginal groups. Nevertheless, general distinctions can be made based on what is perceived as the common narrative of Israeli culture. From its inception, the Zionist leadership, while integrating people from different places, cultures, and languages, pursued a melting-pot policy by promoting a monocultural community for the “ingathering of the exiles,” supported by national “standards” such as the “National Poet,” the “National Theater,” the “National Museum” and the “National Library,” where Hebrew was the cultural kernel. These cultural pillars adhered to the Ashkenazi Western secular culture, with certain concepts of masculinity and militarism, to the detriment of other national ethnic and religious groups. Changes in the political arena, and the growing waves of immigration from the 1950s to the 1980s, led to fissures in efforts to structure a homogeneous Jewish-Israeli culture. Alternative narratives and cultures began shaping a multicultural sphere with differing national, ethnic, religious and cultural groups. In the last few decades, this evolution has been mirrored in Hebrew literature and in the field of Hebrew literary criticism. Numerous volumes of prose and poetry have been published and studies have dealt with the Israeli minority literature of specific literary groups or significant authors. This entry clearly cannot cover all these minority groups, but rather focuses on the national minority in Israel in the writing of Palestinian-Israelis, the literatures of ethnic minorities such as Mizrahim who immigrated from North Africa and the Middle East, and immigrants from the former Soviet Union (FSU) and Ethiopia, the literature of religious and ultra-orthodox Israelis, and the literature of the LGBT community in Israel. It does not discuss women’s writing, a broad category that deserves separate attention; the literature of the disabled community, which has still not emerged as a literary group; or authors who write and publish in Israel in different languages such as English, Yiddish, or German. Some of these groups are discussed in Shai Ginsburg’s comprehensive article on Israeli literature in this bibliographic collection.
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Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199840731-0182
Rami Zeedan
The Druze religion began during the reign of the Muslim Fatimid caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah (ruled 996–1021 ce). Al-daʾwa (the call) invited those who believed to join the new faith— al-Tawhid (Unitarianism). After the disappearance of al-Hakim in 1021, the Druze were persecuted by the successor Fatimid caliph, and those captured were either forced to renounce their faith or be killed. As a consequence, the Druze went underground in the hope of survival. A few years later, the call to join the new Druze religion was ended. Since then, one cannot convert to become a Druze, as only one who is born to Druze parents can be considered a Druze. The Druze beliefs and practices are influenced by the Qurʾan as well as by Greek, Persian, and Indian philosophies. The religious texts are known collectively as Kitab al-Hikma (The Book of Wisdom) and include a collection of epistles and correspondence between luminaries. These Epistles of Wisdom are considered secret and are hidden from any Druze Jahil (layperson) as well as from any non-Druze. Based on these texts, the Druze believe in an abstract and direct connection to God, and in the free will of human beings. However, the most significant component of the Druze religion is the belief in the reincarnation of the soul after death. At the End of Times, God will send each soul either to Heaven or Hell, following one’s actions in all of his or her lives. The Druze have similar traditions to other Arabs living in the Middle East and North Africa. They also celebrate the same festivals as other Muslims, such as Eid al-Adha (the sacrifice feast) which honors the sacrifice of a son that Ibrahim was willing to make. The total number of Druze worldwide is not known, but estimates range between 1.5 and 2 million people. Most of the Druze live in the Middle-East, with the largest community in Syria. Others live in Lebanon, Israel, and Jordan. Nowadays, Druze can be found in some European countries, in Canada and the United States, and in many Latin American countries. Druze have lived in the Middle East, including Palestine, since the beginning of the religion, at the beginning of the past millennium. The settlement of the Druze in Palestine was strengthened during the 17th century, but was weakened by the end of the Ottoman period. During the British Mandate over Palestine, the Druze numbered only about ten thousand, or less than 1 percent of the population in Palestine. Following the 1948 war, the Druze—then numbering roughly fifteen thousand—were allowed to stay in their villages owing to agreements made with the newly established state of Israel. In 2018, the Druze in Israel number about 140,000 people, making up around 2 percent of Israel’s population. More than 90 percent of them live in sixteen villages and towns with a Druze majority. Excluding the Druze living in the four Druze villages in the Golan Heights (proclaimed as Syrian territory), the vast majority of the Druze in Israel consider themselves Israel
{"title":"The Druze Community in Israel","authors":"Rami Zeedan","doi":"10.1093/obo/9780199840731-0182","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/obo/9780199840731-0182","url":null,"abstract":"The Druze religion began during the reign of the Muslim Fatimid caliph al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah (ruled 996–1021 ce). Al-daʾwa (the call) invited those who believed to join the new faith— al-Tawhid (Unitarianism). After the disappearance of al-Hakim in 1021, the Druze were persecuted by the successor Fatimid caliph, and those captured were either forced to renounce their faith or be killed. As a consequence, the Druze went underground in the hope of survival. A few years later, the call to join the new Druze religion was ended. Since then, one cannot convert to become a Druze, as only one who is born to Druze parents can be considered a Druze. The Druze beliefs and practices are influenced by the Qurʾan as well as by Greek, Persian, and Indian philosophies. The religious texts are known collectively as Kitab al-Hikma (The Book of Wisdom) and include a collection of epistles and correspondence between luminaries. These Epistles of Wisdom are considered secret and are hidden from any Druze Jahil (layperson) as well as from any non-Druze. Based on these texts, the Druze believe in an abstract and direct connection to God, and in the free will of human beings. However, the most significant component of the Druze religion is the belief in the reincarnation of the soul after death. At the End of Times, God will send each soul either to Heaven or Hell, following one’s actions in all of his or her lives. The Druze have similar traditions to other Arabs living in the Middle East and North Africa. They also celebrate the same festivals as other Muslims, such as Eid al-Adha (the sacrifice feast) which honors the sacrifice of a son that Ibrahim was willing to make. The total number of Druze worldwide is not known, but estimates range between 1.5 and 2 million people. Most of the Druze live in the Middle-East, with the largest community in Syria. Others live in Lebanon, Israel, and Jordan. Nowadays, Druze can be found in some European countries, in Canada and the United States, and in many Latin American countries. Druze have lived in the Middle East, including Palestine, since the beginning of the religion, at the beginning of the past millennium. The settlement of the Druze in Palestine was strengthened during the 17th century, but was weakened by the end of the Ottoman period. During the British Mandate over Palestine, the Druze numbered only about ten thousand, or less than 1 percent of the population in Palestine. Following the 1948 war, the Druze—then numbering roughly fifteen thousand—were allowed to stay in their villages owing to agreements made with the newly established state of Israel. In 2018, the Druze in Israel number about 140,000 people, making up around 2 percent of Israel’s population. More than 90 percent of them live in sixteen villages and towns with a Druze majority. Excluding the Druze living in the four Druze villages in the Golan Heights (proclaimed as Syrian territory), the vast majority of the Druze in Israel consider themselves Israel","PeriodicalId":41057,"journal":{"name":"Nordisk Judaistik-Scandinavian Jewish Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-02-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86708760","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-02-27DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199840731-0180
R. Katsman, B. Frankel
On August 8, 1887, Shmuel Yosef was born in Buchach, Galicia (today located in Ukraine) to Shalom Mordechai and Esther Czaczkes, the family being a traditional, religious observant Jewish family. Agnon learnt in a “cheder,” and received a traditional Jewish education within the community, and in a more extensive and comprehensive way in personal learning with his father. From a young age, he read classics in German and Hebrew works written during the Haskalah period. He began by writing poetry and prose in Hebrew and Yiddish and, at a more mature age, moved on to writing prose primarily in Hebrew. At the age of twenty-one he immigrated to pre-state Israel, living in Jaffa while leading a secular lifestyle. There he published in 1908 his story “Agunot” (Grass widows), which he signed with his new name Agnon. Four years later the story “Vehaya ha’akov lemishor” (And the crooked shall be made straight) was at first serialized (1912) and later on published as a novella. In 1912, Agnon moved to Berlin. During this time he stayed in the town Bad-Birkenau with Bialik, with whom he had spent time in pre-state Israel in 1909. In Germany he met Gershom Scholem, who became his close friend and translated some of his stories into German, and in 1915 he met his future patron Shlomo Zalman Schocken, who would later publish his stories in Ha’aretz, the newspaper he owned, and as separate editions. In 1919, Agnon met Esther Marx, and they married in 1920; their two children—Emunah and Hemdat—were born in Germany. Agnon’s book of stories Al kapot ha-man’ul (At the handles of the lock) was published in 1922. In a fire that broke out in his home in 1924, his large personal library was destroyed, including the manuscript of his novel Bi-tzror ha-chayim (In the bundle of the living) as well as a collection of Chasidic tales he had edited in collaboration with Martin Buber. This setback led to Agnon’s return to pre-state Israel. While residing in Jerusalem he returned to a religious lifestyle. In 1925, his book Polin: Sipurei agadot (Poland: Fairy-tale stories) was published. In 1927, his home was damaged in an earthquake, and in the 1929 riots, a large part of the house was destroyed. In 1930, after a visit to Leipzig in connection with the publication of his books, Agnon paid a visit to his birthplace (the novel Oreakh nata lalun [A guest for the night], first printed in installments and coming out as a book in 1939, was based on this visit). In 1931, the novel Hakhnasat kala (Bridal canopy) and the cycle of stories Sefer hama’asim (The book of deeds) were published, that year also marked the first publication of a complete edition of all of his stories, published by Schocken in Berlin, in four volumes. In 1937, two anthologies prepared by Agnon were published. The first, Yamim nora’im (High holidays), contained excerpts from the Bible, midrashim, customs, acts of sages, and Chasidic tales about the High Holidays. The second, Sefer, sofer ve-sipur (Book, writer, and
1887年8月8日,Shmuel Yosef出生在加利西亚(今天位于乌克兰)的Buchach,父母是Shalom Mordechai和Esther Czaczkes,这个家庭是一个传统的、宗教虔诚的犹太家庭。阿格农在“啦啦队”中学习,在社区内接受传统的犹太教育,并在父亲的个人学习中接受更广泛和全面的教育。从很小的时候起,他就阅读了哈斯卡拉时期写的德语和希伯来语的经典作品。他开始用希伯来语和意第绪语写诗和散文,到了更成熟的年龄,他开始主要用希伯来语写散文。21岁时,他移民到建国前的以色列,住在雅法,过着世俗的生活。1908年,他在那里发表了自己的小说《草寡妇》(Agunot),并以新名字Agnon作为落款。四年后,他的小说《弯弯曲曲的要改邪归正》(Vehaya ha’akov lemishor)开始连载(1912年),后来作为中篇小说出版。1912年,阿格农搬到了柏林。在此期间,他和Bialik一起住在巴德-比克瑙镇,1909年他和Bialik一起在建国前的以色列度过了一段时间。在德国,他遇到了格肖姆·肖勒姆(Gershom Scholem),后者成为他的密友,并将他的一些故事翻译成德语。1915年,他遇到了他未来的赞助人什洛莫·扎尔曼·肖肯(Shlomo Zalman Schocken),后者后来将他的故事发表在他拥有的《国土报》(Ha’aretz)上,并作为单独的版本发表。1919年,阿格农遇到了埃丝特·马克思,他们于1920年结婚;他们的两个孩子——emunah和hemdat——出生在德国。阿格农的故事集Al kapot ha-man 'ul(在锁柄上)于1922年出版。1924年,在他家中发生的一场大火中,他的大型私人图书馆被毁,其中包括他的小说《生活之束》(Bi-tzror ha-chayim)的手稿,以及他与马丁·布伯(Martin Buber)合作编辑的一本查西德故事集。这一挫折导致阿格农回到建国前的以色列。在耶路撒冷居住期间,他恢复了宗教生活方式。1925年,他的著作《波兰:童话故事》出版。1927年,他的家在地震中被毁,在1929年的骚乱中,房子的大部分被毁。1930年,在访问莱比锡出版他的书之后,阿格农访问了他的出生地(小说Oreakh nata lalun[夜晚的客人],第一次以分期付款的形式印刷,并于1939年出版成书,就是基于这次访问)。1931年,小说《新娘的天篷》(Hakhnasat kala)和故事集《行为之书》(Sefer hama’asim)出版,同年也标志着他所有故事的完整版首次出版,由Schocken在柏林出版,共四卷。1937年,阿格农编写的两本选集出版。第一个,雅米姆诺拉伊姆(节日),包含了圣经的节选,米德拉辛,习俗,圣人的行为,以及关于节日的Chasidic故事。第二个,Sefer, sofer ve-sipur(书,作家和故事),献给Schocken,包含了来自犹太来源的各种文本,涉及创造叙事,写作方法和作者,犹太宗教作品的形成和传播的传统。1941年出版了小说集《关于某某》,1945年出版了小说《只有昨天》。小说《Shira》于1949年开始出版,但阿格农从未完成。在20世纪50年代,Samukh ve-nire(相邻和可见;1951年)和阿德纳(到目前为止;1953)出版。与此同时,阿格农为《充实的城市》(Ir u-mloa)系列写故事;1973年在他死后出版)和Korot bateinu(我们的房屋编年史;该书于1947年开始出版,但在阿格农去世后的1979年才全部出版),这两本书都是关于在大屠杀期间被摧毁的欧洲犹太人社区的。1953年,绍肯出版了《全集》第二版,这一次共七卷,阿格农因此获得了1954年的以色列文学奖。1959年,文集《在西奈》出版,阿格农的作品以前所未有的数量售出。他生前出版的最后一本书是《火与森林》,出版于1962年。1966年,阿格农因“以犹太人生活为主题的极具特色的叙事艺术”获得诺贝尔文学奖(他与犹太裔德裔瑞典女诗人内莉·萨克斯(Nelly Sachs)共同获奖)。一年后,也就是1967年,新版《全集》问世。阿格农一直在编辑和校对他的作品,直到1970年2月17日去世。他被葬在耶路撒冷的橄榄山上。阿格农死后,他的女儿Emunah Yaron-Agnon(与她的丈夫Chaim Yaron一起)承担了出版他以前出版的所有作品的任务。 此外,她还改编并准备了阿格农文学遗产中的印刷书籍:整部小说——《shira》(1971)和《Be-chanuto shel mar Lubli》(在卢布林先生的商店里;1975);与妻子的通信——我亲爱的埃斯特莱因;1983);和他的赞助人s。y Agnon-S。Z. Schocken (1991);与不同的人——mesod chakhamim(圣贤的顾问);2002);他的作品集——意第绪语varen,意第绪语早期作品(1976);在墙上;1976);(前言;1977)Takhrich shel sipurim(一捆故事;1984);《巴力闪托夫的故事》;1987);还有其他的,赛弗没有(书卷);1983)和Mi-atzmi el atzmi (From myself to myself;1976)。阿格农的档案中有数千页(未发表的文学作品的片段、草稿、信件、照片和各种文件),都是他亲手写的。它由该档案馆的创始人拉斐尔·韦瑟(Rafael Weiser)进行分类和编纂,并被珍藏在耶路撒冷以色列国家图书馆的手稿部和微缩希伯来文手稿研究所。耶路撒冷的阿格农之家收集了大量关于阿格农的研究,可以在网站上找到。 此外,她还改编并准备了阿格农文学遗产中的印刷书籍:整部小说——《shira》(1971)和《Be-chanuto shel mar Lubli》(在卢布林先生的商店里;1975);与妻子的通信——我亲爱的埃斯特莱因;1983);和他的赞助人s。y Agnon-S。Z. Schocken (1991);与不同的人——mesod chakhamim(圣贤的顾问);2002);他的作品集——意第绪语varen,意第绪语早期作品(1976);在墙上;1976);(前言;1977)Takhrich shel sipurim(一捆故事;1984);《巴力闪托夫的故事》;1987);还有其他的,赛弗没有(书卷);1983)和Mi-atzmi el atzmi (From myself to myself;1976)。阿格农的档案中有数千页(未发表的文学作品的片段、草稿、信件、照片和各种文件),都是他亲手写的。它由该档案馆的创始人拉斐尔·韦瑟(Rafael Weiser)进行分类和编纂,并被珍藏在耶路撒冷以色列国家图书馆的手稿部和微缩希伯来文手稿研究所。耶路撒冷的阿格农之家收集了大量关于阿格农的研究,可以在网站上找到。
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Review of Moshe Lavee's The Rabbinic Conversion of Judaism: The Unique Perspective of the Bavli on Conversion and the Construction of Jewish Identity (2018)
回顾摩西·拉维的《犹太教的拉比皈依:巴伐利人看待皈依与犹太人身份建构的独特视角》(2018)
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Review of Omer Bartov's Anatomy of a Genocide: The Life and Death of a Town Called Buczacz (2018).
欧默·巴托夫的《种族灭绝剖析:一个叫布扎奇的小镇的生与死》(2018)
{"title":"Local history of Jewish-Gentile relations","authors":"Teuvo Laitila","doi":"10.30752/NJ.74139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30752/NJ.74139","url":null,"abstract":"Review of Omer Bartov's Anatomy of a Genocide: The Life and Death of a Town Called Buczacz (2018).","PeriodicalId":41057,"journal":{"name":"Nordisk Judaistik-Scandinavian Jewish Studies","volume":"308 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78263333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Review of Deutschsprachige Jüdische Migration nach Schweden 1774 bis 1945, edited by Olaf Glöckner and Helmut Müssener (2017).
1774年至1945年《对瑞典的德语迁徙》,奥拉夫·格罗克纳和赫尔穆特合唱团(2017年)。
{"title":"German Jews in Sweden","authors":"K. Gerner","doi":"10.30752/NJ.70331","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.30752/NJ.70331","url":null,"abstract":"Review of Deutschsprachige Jüdische Migration nach Schweden 1774 bis 1945, edited by Olaf Glöckner and Helmut Müssener (2017).","PeriodicalId":41057,"journal":{"name":"Nordisk Judaistik-Scandinavian Jewish Studies","volume":"110 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2018-11-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80538561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Wally V. Cirafesi of University of Oslo and Katharina E. Keim of Lund University briefly present their postdoctoral projects within the area of Jewish Studies. Cirafesi has just completed his dissertation on the Gospel of John within its first-century Jewish environment, entitled ‘John within Judaism: Religion, Ethnicity, and the Shaping of Jesus-oriented Jewishness in the Fourth Gospel’, and has received a postdoctoral fellowship at the Norwegian School of Theology, Religion, and Society (Menighetsfakulteten). Keim completed her dissertation on a work of Jewish bible interpretation at the University of Manchester in 2014, published since as Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer: Structure, Coherence, Intertextuality (Brill, 2016). She has recently begun a postdoctoral fellowship in Jewish studies at Lund University. Both projects are interdisciplinary and concern interaction between Jews and Christians in Antiquity, and in Keim’s case also interaction with Islam.
奥斯陆大学的Wally V. Cirafesi和隆德大学的Katharina E. Keim简要介绍了他们在犹太研究领域的博士后项目。Cirafesi刚刚完成了他关于约翰福音在第一世纪犹太环境中的论文,题为“犹太教中的约翰:宗教,种族,以及在第四福音中以耶稣为导向的犹太人的塑造”,并获得了挪威神学,宗教和社会学院(menighetsakulteten)的博士后奖学金。凯姆于2014年在曼彻斯特大学完成了她关于犹太圣经解释工作的论文,并以Pirqei deRabbi Eliezer:结构,连贯性,互文性(Brill, 2016)出版。她最近开始在隆德大学(Lund University)攻读犹太研究博士后。这两个项目都是跨学科的,涉及古代犹太人和基督徒之间的互动,在凯姆的案例中也涉及与伊斯兰教的互动。
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Introduction to the three conference presentations from the seminar at the University of Oslo in March, 2018.
介绍2018年3月在奥斯陆大学举行的研讨会上的三场会议演讲。
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