La atención educativa al alumnado procedente de las migraciones en España se viene realizando desde los años ‘90 en términos de “integración”. Sin embargo esta es entendida de forma asimilacionista/compensadora. Ello limita propiciar el inicio de procesos de integración intercultural donde los resultados puedan ser estructurales, y crear una realidad nueva. El artículo analiza el surgimiento, desarrollo y situación actual de algunas de las políticas educativas más representativas en el país en la materia. Para ello se presenta la evolución de las cifras de la realidad migratoria en los espacios educativos formales; se analizan varias experiencias de actuaciones de atención educativa a dicho alumnado en tanto que paradigmas de “buenas” y “malas prácticas”; y se realiza una aproximación crítica a los instrumentos de evaluación existentes para conocer el estado de salud de las políticas educativas de integración de la población migrante en el país, en concreto MIPEX. Finalizamos con unas notas conclusivas sobre las implicaciones que los enfoques de gestión de la diversidad analizados han tenido –y están teniendo– en términos de integración.
{"title":"Desgranando la integración educativa: experiencias de políticas de atención al alumnado migrante en España","authors":"Antonia Olmos Alcaraz, Nazaret Lastres Aguilar","doi":"10.17583/hse.10272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.10272","url":null,"abstract":"La atención educativa al alumnado procedente de las migraciones en España se viene realizando desde los años ‘90 en términos de “integración”. Sin embargo esta es entendida de forma asimilacionista/compensadora. Ello limita propiciar el inicio de procesos de integración intercultural donde los resultados puedan ser estructurales, y crear una realidad nueva. El artículo analiza el surgimiento, desarrollo y situación actual de algunas de las políticas educativas más representativas en el país en la materia. Para ello se presenta la evolución de las cifras de la realidad migratoria en los espacios educativos formales; se analizan varias experiencias de actuaciones de atención educativa a dicho alumnado en tanto que paradigmas de “buenas” y “malas prácticas”; y se realiza una aproximación crítica a los instrumentos de evaluación existentes para conocer el estado de salud de las políticas educativas de integración de la población migrante en el país, en concreto MIPEX. Finalizamos con unas notas conclusivas sobre las implicaciones que los enfoques de gestión de la diversidad analizados han tenido –y están teniendo– en términos de integración.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84319277","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ane Lopez de Aguileta Jaussi, Elisabeth Torras-Gómez, O. Ríos-González, Sandra Racionero-Plaza
There is scientific and rich literature about sexual-affective relationships in the nightlife. Some of the contributions analyze the freedom or the harassments in those relationships. Less has been researched about to what extent the origin and evolution of the promotion and extension of the participation of young people in the nightlife was motivated by their demand for freedom or by the nightlife business. This article presents results of the research about this matter within the framework of the Horizon 2020 Allinteract project. In addition to desk research and a literature review, the research includes interviews to participants in the young nightlife from 1960 until 2022. Besides the diversity of ages and genders of interviewees, the results show three coincidences among all of them: a) they and their friends paid more for less on drinks than in any other consumption they made; b) the motivation for this payment was the will to feel attractive for others; c) disdainful hookups were normalized among those who do not feel attractive enough.
{"title":"Who promoted the nightlife of flirts? Freedom or capitalist bussiness?","authors":"Ane Lopez de Aguileta Jaussi, Elisabeth Torras-Gómez, O. Ríos-González, Sandra Racionero-Plaza","doi":"10.17583/hse.11244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.11244","url":null,"abstract":"There is scientific and rich literature about sexual-affective relationships in the nightlife. Some of the contributions analyze the freedom or the harassments in those relationships. Less has been researched about to what extent the origin and evolution of the promotion and extension of the participation of young people in the nightlife was motivated by their demand for freedom or by the nightlife business. This article presents results of the research about this matter within the framework of the Horizon 2020 Allinteract project. In addition to desk research and a literature review, the research includes interviews to participants in the young nightlife from 1960 until 2022. Besides the diversity of ages and genders of interviewees, the results show three coincidences among all of them: a) they and their friends paid more for less on drinks than in any other consumption they made; b) the motivation for this payment was the will to feel attractive for others; c) disdainful hookups were normalized among those who do not feel attractive enough.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-10-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83729890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. Joanpere, Ana Burgués-Freitas, Marta Soler, Emilia Aiello
The precedents of the MeToo University movement, both in USA and Spain, has been led since the 1990s both by people who have taken a stand against sexual harassment in universities. The present study reflects the history of the MeToo University in Spain with an emphasis in the start of organized movement in 2013, also simultaneously with the one organized in the USA. For this purpose, in-depth interviews were conducted with people who led this transformation since its beginnings, as well as with others who have joined recently, in order to learn about the historical scope of this movement from a qualitative approach. Those people have suffered from isolating gender violence for daring to break the silence, being a loudspeaker and putting a name to a problem still silenced in Spanish universities and in the world. The movement has achieved great advances in academic settings, such as the obligation of all universities to have protocols for action in case of sexual harassment or gender violence, the legislation of isolating gender violence, and an unstoppable number of people who come out to tell their cases.
{"title":"History of MeToo University movement in Spain","authors":"M. Joanpere, Ana Burgués-Freitas, Marta Soler, Emilia Aiello","doi":"10.17583/hse.10545","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.10545","url":null,"abstract":"The precedents of the MeToo University movement, both in USA and Spain, has been led since the 1990s both by people who have taken a stand against sexual harassment in universities. The present study reflects the history of the MeToo University in Spain with an emphasis in the start of organized movement in 2013, also simultaneously with the one organized in the USA. For this purpose, in-depth interviews were conducted with people who led this transformation since its beginnings, as well as with others who have joined recently, in order to learn about the historical scope of this movement from a qualitative approach. Those people have suffered from isolating gender violence for daring to break the silence, being a loudspeaker and putting a name to a problem still silenced in Spanish universities and in the world. The movement has achieved great advances in academic settings, such as the obligation of all universities to have protocols for action in case of sexual harassment or gender violence, the legislation of isolating gender violence, and an unstoppable number of people who come out to tell their cases.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"237 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73639814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Existe un abundante corpus bibliográfico sobre los embates contra la libertad de cátedra que se han producido en nuestra historia de la educación, pero se detecta una carencia de los que incluyen la variable género. Así, las mujeres docentes que, ejerciendo su derecho a la libertad de cátedra, han desafiado con sus prácticas educativas las limitaciones impuestas por doctrinas patriarcales y que, por dicho motivo han sido sancionadas, han sido invisibilizadas y silenciadas. Los casos de las normalistas Josefa Úriz y Carmen García de Castro, expulsadas de sus cátedras por la difusión de doctrinas calificadas de disolventes y peligrosas para sus alumnas, son reflejo de los conflictos existentes en la sociedad de comienzos del siglo XX entre secularización y clericalismo, y entre libertad o limitación de los contenidos de la educación de las mujeres por razones de género. Mediante el análisis de documentación de fuentes primarias y artículos de prensa, nos acercaremos a las causas argumentadas para seguir contra ellas procesos punitivos durante la Dictadura primorriverista y su período inmediatamente anterior, deteniéndonos también en los episodios de sororidad desarrollados por sus compañeras ante las propuestas sancionadoras.
{"title":"Represión de la libertad de cátedra en la educación de las mujeres durante la dictadura primorriverista","authors":"Mª del Carmen Agulló Díaz","doi":"10.17583/hse.10315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.10315","url":null,"abstract":"Existe un abundante corpus bibliográfico sobre los embates contra la libertad de cátedra que se han producido en nuestra historia de la educación, pero se detecta una carencia de los que incluyen la variable género. Así, las mujeres docentes que, ejerciendo su derecho a la libertad de cátedra, han desafiado con sus prácticas educativas las limitaciones impuestas por doctrinas patriarcales y que, por dicho motivo han sido sancionadas, han sido invisibilizadas y silenciadas. Los casos de las normalistas Josefa Úriz y Carmen García de Castro, expulsadas de sus cátedras por la difusión de doctrinas calificadas de disolventes y peligrosas para sus alumnas, son reflejo de los conflictos existentes en la sociedad de comienzos del siglo XX entre secularización y clericalismo, y entre libertad o limitación de los contenidos de la educación de las mujeres por razones de género. Mediante el análisis de documentación de fuentes primarias y artículos de prensa, nos acercaremos a las causas argumentadas para seguir contra ellas procesos punitivos durante la Dictadura primorriverista y su período inmediatamente anterior, deteniéndonos también en los episodios de sororidad desarrollados por sus compañeras ante las propuestas sancionadoras.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"145 9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83083341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rosa Valls-Carol, Lídia Puigvert, A. Vidu, Garazi López de Aguileta
Recent scientific literature analyzes the increasing citizens’ claim against human references that committed in history racist or sexist aggressions. Although newspapers have clarified that Simone de Beauvoir publicly defended the decriminalization of pedophilia and was condemned and removed from teaching due to her own case, few scientific studies acknowledge it. The scientific literature almost entirely situates her as a reference in feminism, portraying four pillars: 1) she was an example of the struggle for sexual freedom against harassment and abuse; 2) she was an anti-Nazi democrat; 3) she was the creator of modern feminism; 4) current feminists learned feminism from The Second Sex. This paper analyzes to what extent these pillars and the concealment of what she did and defended have been presented to individuals currently working on gender-related issues. The methodology includes an in-depth literature review and 15 communicative interviews with feminists from the second half of the 20th century and from the 21st century trained in different social sciences. Results show that de Beauvoir was presented as one of the main feminist references during most participants’ degrees and that they learned about her anti-feminist actions and standpoints in other academic and non-academic dialogic spaces based on scientific evidence.
{"title":"Presenting Beauvoir as a feminist neglecting her defense and accusations of pedophilia","authors":"Rosa Valls-Carol, Lídia Puigvert, A. Vidu, Garazi López de Aguileta","doi":"10.17583/hse.9934","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.9934","url":null,"abstract":"Recent scientific literature analyzes the increasing citizens’ claim against human references that committed in history racist or sexist aggressions. Although newspapers have clarified that Simone de Beauvoir publicly defended the decriminalization of pedophilia and was condemned and removed from teaching due to her own case, few scientific studies acknowledge it. The scientific literature almost entirely situates her as a reference in feminism, portraying four pillars: 1) she was an example of the struggle for sexual freedom against harassment and abuse; 2) she was an anti-Nazi democrat; 3) she was the creator of modern feminism; 4) current feminists learned feminism from The Second Sex. This paper analyzes to what extent these pillars and the concealment of what she did and defended have been presented to individuals currently working on gender-related issues. The methodology includes an in-depth literature review and 15 communicative interviews with feminists from the second half of the 20th century and from the 21st century trained in different social sciences. Results show that de Beauvoir was presented as one of the main feminist references during most participants’ degrees and that they learned about her anti-feminist actions and standpoints in other academic and non-academic dialogic spaces based on scientific evidence.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"359 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-03-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84891788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Los reportajes sobre educación aún han sido poco utilizados por la historiografía educativa, tanto en calidad de fuentes como de objeto de investigación, aunque cada vez más voces se alzan en defensa de su empleo para el estudio de la educación desde el siglo XX (Collelldemont y Padròs, 2020; Warmington et al., 2011). Esta investigación tiene como finalidad desvelar el uso propagandístico que hizo el franquismo de los documentos audiovisuales sobre educación formal que presentaba en el Noticiario Cinematográfico Español conocido como el NO-DO, en aras de sustentar la legitimidad política del régimen. La metodología empleada sigue los parámetros del análisis crítico del discurso (Atienza y Van Dijk, 2010), incluyendo tanto el verbal como el no verbal, precisando éste último aplicar técnicas de análisis audiovisual (Aguilar, 2004). Centrándonos en una serie de temas (concepto de educación y de escuela, valores morales priorizados, papel de las autoridades, apertura internacional), se detecta una evolución en los fundamentos de legitimación del régimen franquista que pretenden lograr un apoyo continuado a la dictadura franquista por parte de la ciudadanía, así como asistimos a transformaciones educativas significativas desde la posguerra al último tardofranquismo.
{"title":"Socialización política en reportajes educativos durante el Franquismo: estudio diacrónico desde el NO-DO (1943-1975)","authors":"Virginia Guichot-Reina","doi":"10.17583/hse.8453","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.8453","url":null,"abstract":"Los reportajes sobre educación aún han sido poco utilizados por la historiografía educativa, tanto en calidad de fuentes como de objeto de investigación, aunque cada vez más voces se alzan en defensa de su empleo para el estudio de la educación desde el siglo XX (Collelldemont y Padròs, 2020; Warmington et al., 2011). Esta investigación tiene como finalidad desvelar el uso propagandístico que hizo el franquismo de los documentos audiovisuales sobre educación formal que presentaba en el Noticiario Cinematográfico Español conocido como el NO-DO, en aras de sustentar la legitimidad política del régimen. La metodología empleada sigue los parámetros del análisis crítico del discurso (Atienza y Van Dijk, 2010), incluyendo tanto el verbal como el no verbal, precisando éste último aplicar técnicas de análisis audiovisual (Aguilar, 2004). Centrándonos en una serie de temas (concepto de educación y de escuela, valores morales priorizados, papel de las autoridades, apertura internacional), se detecta una evolución en los fundamentos de legitimación del régimen franquista que pretenden lograr un apoyo continuado a la dictadura franquista por parte de la ciudadanía, así como asistimos a transformaciones educativas significativas desde la posguerra al último tardofranquismo.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"8 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85957055","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Isabel Grana, Guadalupe Trigueros Gordillo, Victoria Robles Sanjuán
El objetivo del artículo es dar a conocer las aportaciones de las primeras mujeres que ocuparon un escaño en la Asamblea Nacional, durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera. Para ello, nos acercamos a la participación política que tuvieron durante ese periodo, fijándonos fundamentalmente en las organizaciones católicas, feministas o no, y sus ideas sobre la educación femenina, porque una gran mayoría de las elegidas pertenecen a este sector. Analizamos las intervenciones de las asambleístas, que debatieron aquellos temas considerados más importantes para las mujeres del momento y, que hemos establecido alrededor de tres grandes núcleos: Feminismo y derechos de la mujer; Educación, enseñanza y valores, y Beneficencia y Protección a la infancia y a la mujer. Para ello hemos acudido a las fuentes primarias, concretamente a las actas de los diarios de sesiones. Como conclusión fundamental, hay que destacar que la actividad política de estas mujeres supuso modificar su exclusión de un terreno habitualmente definido en masculino, el de la política, que sentó las bases para una movilización femenina por la ciudadanía política que se intensificará durante la segunda república.
{"title":"Participación política y educación de las mujeres durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera: las asambleístas","authors":"Isabel Grana, Guadalupe Trigueros Gordillo, Victoria Robles Sanjuán","doi":"10.17583/hse.9365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.9365","url":null,"abstract":"El objetivo del artículo es dar a conocer las aportaciones de las primeras mujeres que ocuparon un escaño en la Asamblea Nacional, durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera. Para ello, nos acercamos a la participación política que tuvieron durante ese periodo, fijándonos fundamentalmente en las organizaciones católicas, feministas o no, y sus ideas sobre la educación femenina, porque una gran mayoría de las elegidas pertenecen a este sector. \u0000Analizamos las intervenciones de las asambleístas, que debatieron aquellos temas considerados más importantes para las mujeres del momento y, que hemos establecido alrededor de tres grandes núcleos: Feminismo y derechos de la mujer; Educación, enseñanza y valores, y Beneficencia y Protección a la infancia y a la mujer. Para ello hemos acudido a las fuentes primarias, concretamente a las actas de los diarios de sesiones. \u0000 Como conclusión fundamental, hay que destacar que la actividad política de estas mujeres supuso modificar su exclusión de un terreno habitualmente definido en masculino, el de la política, que sentó las bases para una movilización femenina por la ciudadanía política que se intensificará durante la segunda república.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88278243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A comienzos del año 1887, Teresa Mañé y Víctor Ferrer aceptaban la propuesta del pedagogo librepensador Bartolomé Gabarró Borràs de dirigir dos escuelas laicas, una de niñas y otra de niños, en Vilanova i la Geltrú. La llegada de las ideas laicistas a la localidad generó una gran controversia en la prensa local. En definitiva, fueron la chispa que encendió la llama de un conflicto latente entre dos modelos sociales y políticos, que venía gestándose desde hacía años entre la población. Republicanos federales, por un lado, y conservadores, por otro, dirimieron sus diferencias des de las páginas de los periódicos locales, visualizando la fragmentación de la sociedad vilanovense, en sintonía con la dinámica imperante en otros núcleos industriales. Así, en las páginas del Diario de Villanueva, La Defensa, El Mensajero y El Vendaval, se plasmaría un enfrentamiento que hizo derramar ríos de tinta. El análisis discursivo de estas publicaciones antagónicas respecto el laicismo pedagógico, el catolicismo y el federalismo, es el objeto de este artículo que pretende radiografiar la situación vivida en Vilanova i la Geltrú a través de la prensa, reflejo de lo acontecido en otras localidades.
{"title":"La escuela laica y el librepensamiento","authors":"Teresa Abelló, Ginés Puente","doi":"10.17583/hse.9562","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.9562","url":null,"abstract":"A comienzos del año 1887, Teresa Mañé y Víctor Ferrer aceptaban la propuesta del pedagogo librepensador Bartolomé Gabarró Borràs de dirigir dos escuelas laicas, una de niñas y otra de niños, en Vilanova i la Geltrú. \u0000La llegada de las ideas laicistas a la localidad generó una gran controversia en la prensa local. En definitiva, fueron la chispa que encendió la llama de un conflicto latente entre dos modelos sociales y políticos, que venía gestándose desde hacía años entre la población. Republicanos federales, por un lado, y conservadores, por otro, dirimieron sus diferencias des de las páginas de los periódicos locales, visualizando la fragmentación de la sociedad vilanovense, en sintonía con la dinámica imperante en otros núcleos industriales. \u0000Así, en las páginas del Diario de Villanueva, La Defensa, El Mensajero y El Vendaval, se plasmaría un enfrentamiento que hizo derramar ríos de tinta. El análisis discursivo de estas publicaciones antagónicas respecto el laicismo pedagógico, el catolicismo y el federalismo, es el objeto de este artículo que pretende radiografiar la situación vivida en Vilanova i la Geltrú a través de la prensa, reflejo de lo acontecido en otras localidades.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80548062","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study traced historical footprints of national identity discourses production through high school history textbooks. The main question is, what did the New Order's politics look like to the national history of Indonesia? The method used was qualitative research that focused on analyzing the content of history textbooks. This research examined nine history textbooks from three national curriculums. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used to analyze the content of the textbooks. The results show that New Order was discoursing Indonesian national identity as a nation that runs a modern and militaristic society. The discourse of modernity presents Western culture as the only source of Indonesian progression. As a result, national history exclusively narrates many of the Dutch colonial policies as a determinant factor for the development of the Indonesian people. In contrast, history textbooks negated indigenous culture as traditional that is inappropriate for modern life. On the other hand, militaristic discourse exposing the army's success in defending Indonesian independence. Instead, civil government and diplomatic negotiation were negated as the loser.
{"title":"Politics of History","authors":"Hieronymus Purwanta, Victor Novianto","doi":"10.17583/hse.9606","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.9606","url":null,"abstract":"This study traced historical footprints of national identity discourses production through high school history textbooks. The main question is, what did the New Order's politics look like to the national history of Indonesia? The method used was qualitative research that focused on analyzing the content of history textbooks. This research examined nine history textbooks from three national curriculums. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used to analyze the content of the textbooks. The results show that New Order was discoursing Indonesian national identity as a nation that runs a modern and militaristic society. The discourse of modernity presents Western culture as the only source of Indonesian progression. As a result, national history exclusively narrates many of the Dutch colonial policies as a determinant factor for the development of the Indonesian people. In contrast, history textbooks negated indigenous culture as traditional that is inappropriate for modern life. On the other hand, militaristic discourse exposing the army's success in defending Indonesian independence. Instead, civil government and diplomatic negotiation were negated as the loser.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89076767","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bárbara de las Heras Monastero, Patricia Delgado Granados
This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historiographical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct Andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of identity construction of the Spanish referent (Spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued.
{"title":"The Feminine Section and the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship (1940-1975)","authors":"Bárbara de las Heras Monastero, Patricia Delgado Granados","doi":"10.17583/hse.9916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.17583/hse.9916","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the political instrumentalization of flamenco dance during the Franco dictatorship through the Feminine Section of Traditionalist Spanish Falange and the National Syndicalist Offensive Boards (hereinafter, FET and JONS). The research method used for this work is the historiographical based on a systematic study of primary sources consisting mainly of periodic, graphic and oral publications, as well as official documents of the time, in addition to the already published works that have addressed succinct Andalusian folklore during the Franco period (1940-1975). The results show a first autarchic stage, that of the forties, in which flamenco dance is instrumentalized under the myth of the unity of the homeland, for from the fifties, as part of the developmental strategy in the economic and openness in politics, flamenco becomes a weapon of political indoctrination to reinforce and symbolize the new national identity. In this way, the idea of identity construction of the Spanish referent (Spanishness) generated by flamenco dance and its indoctrination mechanisms is valued.","PeriodicalId":41118,"journal":{"name":"HSE-Social and Education History","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79881329","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：