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Flexi-insecurity and the regulation of zero-hours work in the Netherlands 荷兰的弹性不安全感和零时工作制
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221104166
Anja Eleveld
One of the main goals of the Dutch Act on the Employment Contract of 1907 was to offer protection to day labourers who sold their labour on a daily basis as ‘entrepreneurs of themselves’. Under the Act, these workers were classified as ‘employees’, which made them less dependent on market forces and the whims of their employer. One may wonder, however, whether the (lack of) employment protection of the 19th century day labourer differed much from that of todays’ employees performing zero-hours work who, like those day labourers, have to cope with unpredictable working days and hours. This article seeks to answer this question through detailed analysis of the regulation of the zero-hours employment contract under Dutch labour law. In this context it will also address the impact of EU labour law on the regulation of zero-hours work arrangements. Starting with a historical perspective, it is shown how the Dutch legislator’s aim to create a new balance between ‘flexibility and security’ has strengthened the employment protection of zerohours workers, which to some extent gives them advantages over dependent self-employed workers. On the other hand, however, the article reveals how subsequent legislative reforms have legally authorised zero-hours employment contracts and, as such, have legitimised zero-hours workers’ insecure employment conditions. In addition, while both the Dutch and the EU legislator have recognised that the balance between flexibility and security has tipped too much in favour of flexibility, this article argues that new instruments, among which is the EU Directive on Transparent and Predictable Working Conditions (2019/1152/EU), fail to restore this balance sufficiently. It is concluded that instead of achieving the EU policy objective of flexicurity, current employment relations in the Netherlands seem to reflect a state of flexi-insecurity. Before I continue, it should be noted that zero-hours work is a type of work which is not defined in Dutch labour law. It is usually considered a sub-category of on-demand work in that zero-hours workers unlike, for example, workers on a min-max contract, lack guaranteed working hours.
1907年《荷兰雇佣合同法》的主要目标之一是为每天作为"自己的企业家"出卖劳动的日工提供保护。根据该法案,这些工人被归类为“雇员”,这使他们较少依赖市场力量和雇主的心血来潮。然而,人们可能会想,19世纪日工的(缺乏)就业保护是否与今天从事零时工的雇员有很大不同,后者和那些日工一样,必须应对不可预测的工作日和工作时间。本文试图通过详细分析荷兰劳动法对零时工合同的规定来回答这个问题。在这方面,它还将处理欧盟劳动法对零时工作安排规定的影响。从历史的角度出发,展示了荷兰立法者如何在“灵活性和安全性”之间创造新的平衡的目标,加强了对零时工人的就业保护,这在某种程度上使他们比依赖个体经营者更具优势。然而,另一方面,文章揭示了随后的立法改革如何在法律上授权零时工作合同,并因此使零时工人不安全的就业条件合法化。此外,虽然荷兰和欧盟立法者都认识到灵活性和安全性之间的平衡过于倾向于灵活性,但本文认为,新工具,其中包括欧盟关于透明和可预测工作条件的指令(2019/1152/EU),未能充分恢复这种平衡。结论是,荷兰目前的就业关系似乎反映了一种灵活不安全的状态,而不是实现欧盟灵活的政策目标。在我继续之前,应该指出的是,零小时工作是荷兰劳动法中没有定义的一种工作。零时工通常被认为是按需工作的一个子类,因为零时工与签订最低顶薪合同的工人不同,没有工作时间的保证。
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引用次数: 1
Regulating zero-hour contracts in Belgium: From a defensive to a (too?) supportive approach 比利时零时工合同监管:从防守到(也?)支持
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-09 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221104167
E. Dermine, Amaury Mechelynck
The development of on-demand work is one of the recent trends in the organisation of work in industrialised economies. On-demand work is a generic term that includes various work arrangements that ‘involve a continuous employment relationship maintained between an employer and an employee’, but whereby ‘the employer does not continuously provide work for the employee’. Rather, ‘the employer has the option of calling the employee in as and when needed’. This range of work arrangements is meant to meet the flexibility needs of companies that face peaks in work that are irregular and unpredictable. However, there is a risk that employers may misuse this form of work organisation to avoid the application of protective labour law provisions. Moreover, on-demand work raises two major issues regarding the protection of workers. First, the unpredictability of the number of working hours leaves workers in financial insecurity and instability. Second, workers may face difficulties in balancing work with personal life due to the potentially high variability of work schedules. Some on-demand employment contracts indicate the minimum and the maximum number of working hours, but this article focuses on employment relationships in which no minimum number of working hours (and remuneration) is guaranteed: the so-called ‘zero-hours contracts’ (on this notion, see the introduction to this special issue). More precisely, it examines the regulation of zero-hours contracts in Belgium. As in the United Kingdom and unlike the Netherlands, there is no reference in Belgian legislation to the notions of on-demand work or zero-hours contracts. These are not legal terms under
按需工作的发展是工业化经济组织工作的最新趋势之一。按需工作是一个通用术语,包括各种工作安排,“涉及雇主和雇员之间保持持续的雇佣关系”,但“雇主不持续为雇员提供工作”。相反,“雇主可以选择在需要的时候打电话给员工”。这一系列的工作安排是为了满足公司的灵活性需求,这些公司面临着不规律和不可预测的工作高峰。然而,存在雇主滥用这种工作组织形式以避免适用保护性劳动法条款的风险。此外,按需工作提出了关于保护工人的两个主要问题。首先,工作时数的不可预测性使工人处于财务不安全和不稳定状态。其次,由于工作时间表的潜在高度可变性,员工可能在平衡工作与个人生活方面面临困难。一些按需雇佣合同规定了最低和最高工作时间,但本文关注的是没有最低工作时间(和报酬)保证的雇佣关系:所谓的“零工作时间合同”(关于这个概念,请参阅本期特刊的引言)。更准确地说,它考察了比利时对零时工合同的监管。与联合王国一样,与荷兰不同,比利时立法中没有提及按需工作或零时工合同的概念。这些都不是法律术语
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引用次数: 0
Broadening the comparator group in the context of discrimination based on disability 在基于残疾的歧视背景下扩大比较群体
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221105101
M. Kullmann
Case C-16/19 VL/Szpital Kliniczny im. dra J. Babińskiego Samodzielny Publiczny Zakład Opieki Zdrowotnej w Krakowie ECLI:EU:C:2021:64. Provisions: Art 2(1), 2(2)(a) and (b) Directive 2000/78/EC
病例C-16/19 VL/临床医院im。J.Babiński博士克拉科夫独立公共卫生保健部ECLI:EU:C:2021:64。委员会:2000/78/EC指令第2(1)、2(2)(a)和(b)条
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引用次数: 0
Zero-hours contracts and english employment law: Developments and possibilities 零时工合同和英国劳动法:发展和可能性
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-06-03 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221104165
J. Atkinson
The UK has seen a dramatic growth in precarious work over recent decades, including the amorphous category of ‘zero-hours contracts’ which are often regarded as a paradigm example of an exploitative and insecure form of work. Although somewhat overshadowed by litigation and debates surrounding the gig-economy, the regulation of zero hours work continues to be a pressing issue in the UK, and important questions as to the rights that are, and should be, available to individuals with these contracts remain unanswered. This article sets out the detrimental effects that zero hours working arrangements have in the absence of adequate regulatory safeguards and argues that the orthodox treatment of zero hours contracts under English law, and the standard tools of employment law, fail to protect against these economic and social harms. The article then assesses the extent to which recent legislative and common law developments improve the position of zero hours workers, and whether existing legislation might be creatively applied to better protect these individuals. While current statutory frameworks, including reforms and legislation aimed at regulating atypical work, fall short of adequately protecting zero hours workers, the ‘purposive approach’ to employment status developed by the Supreme Court in Uber makes it considerably easier for zero hours contracts to be brought within the protective scope of employment law. It is argued that under this approach many individuals with supposedly ‘zero hours’ working arrangements should in fact now be regarded as employees with overarching contracts of employment. Despite the significance of this, however, it is ultimately concluded that further statutory intervention is necessary to effectively regulate zero hours work in the UK.
近几十年来,英国不稳定的工作急剧增长,包括无定形的“零小时合同”,这通常被视为剥削和不安全工作形式的典型例子。尽管零工经济的诉讼和辩论在一定程度上掩盖了这一点,但在英国,对零小时工作的监管仍然是一个紧迫的问题,关于拥有这些合同的个人现在和应该享有的权利的重要问题仍未得到解答。本文阐述了在缺乏充分监管保障的情况下,零小时工作安排所产生的有害影响,并认为英国法律对零小时合同的正统处理以及就业法的标准工具未能防止这些经济和社会危害。然后,文章评估了最近的立法和普通法发展在多大程度上改善了零时工的地位,以及是否可以创造性地应用现有立法来更好地保护这些人。尽管目前的法定框架,包括旨在监管非典型工作的改革和立法,未能充分保护零时工,但最高法院在优步制定的就业状况“有目的的方法”使零时工合同更容易纳入就业法的保护范围。有人认为,在这种方法下,许多所谓“零小时”工作安排的人现在实际上应该被视为拥有总体雇佣合同的员工。然而,尽管这一点意义重大,但最终得出的结论是,为了有效监管英国的零时工作,有必要进行进一步的法定干预。
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引用次数: 1
Can algorithmic recruitment systems lawfully utilise automated decision-making in the EU? 在欧盟,算法招聘系统能否合法地利用自动决策?
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221093815
Henni Parviainen
Algorithmic recruitment systems are emerging in the EU job market. Such systems could technically rely on AI and automated decision-making, but it is unclear whether it is lawful. In addition to other rules, the ambiguously worded GDPR Article 22 regulates automated decision-making. It remains unresolved whether the main rule in GDPR Article 22(1) grants applicants a right not to be subject to automated decisions or prohibits employers from making automated decisions. Further, it appears undetermined as to what counts as automated decision-making under GDPR Article 22(1) and whether the GDPR Article 22(2) exceptions to the main rule apply in a recruitment context. This article examines the legal boundaries set by GDPR Article 22(1) and (2) on the use of automated decision-making in algorithmic recruitment systems. The aim is to clarify whether employers in the EU are allowed to use algorithmic recruitment systems with automated decision-making capabilities. The examination indicates that, even if deemed a prohibition, GDPR Article 22 does not completely disallow such systems. Instead, the analysis suggests that automated decision-making could be allowed for recruitment under the contractual necessity exception of Article 22(2)(a), for instance, in a case where it would be impossible to go through the abundance of applications by hand in a reasonable time and manner. However, the explicit consent exception of Article 22(2)(c) would only apply in an extremely limited number of recruitment cases, if ever. Consequently, it seems that regardless of the rather strict legal boundaries, algorithmic recruitment systems could utilise automated decision-making in certain limited cases and after diligent assessments. Automated decision-making could be worthwhile, for example, in mass scale recruitment processes which could not reasonably be handled without automation.
算法招聘系统正在欧盟就业市场上兴起。这些系统在技术上可以依赖人工智能和自动化决策,但尚不清楚这是否合法。除其他规则外,措辞含糊的《通用数据保护条例》第22条对自动化决策进行了规范。《通用数据保护条例》第22条第(1)款的主要规则是授予申请人不受自动决策约束的权利,还是禁止雇主做出自动决策,目前尚未解决。此外,根据《通用数据保护条例》第22条第(1)款,什么是自动决策,以及《通用数据管理条例》第二十二条第(2)款对主要规则的例外情况是否适用于招聘环境,似乎尚未确定。本文探讨了《通用数据保护条例》第22条第(1)款和第(2)款关于在算法招聘系统中使用自动决策的法律界限。其目的是澄清欧盟雇主是否被允许使用具有自动决策能力的算法招聘系统。审查表明,即使被视为禁止,《通用数据保护条例》第22条也没有完全禁止此类制度。相反,分析表明,根据第22条第(2)款(a)项的合同必要性例外情况,例如在不可能以合理的时间和方式手工处理大量申请的情况下,招聘可以允许自动决策。然而,第22条第(2)款(c)项的明确同意例外情况只适用于数量极为有限的招聘案件(如果有的话)。因此,似乎无论有多么严格的法律界限,算法招聘系统都可以在某些有限的情况下,经过认真的评估,利用自动化决策。例如,在大规模招聘过程中,如果没有自动化,就无法合理处理自动化决策,这可能是值得的。
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引用次数: 0
The impact of the EU economic governance in Portugal 欧盟经济治理对葡萄牙的影响
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-24 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221093505
C. Carvalho, A. Ribeiro
This article discusses the main changes introduced to the Portuguese labour market following the adoption of the Memorandum of Understanding of 2011. The intent behind the Memorandum's demands was to reduce the costs related to employment contracts, to expand both internal and external flexibility, and to relaunch collective bargaining under a new and more decentralised framework. However, several measures ended up being at odds not only with the Portuguese Constitution, but also with ILO Conventions and the (Revised) European Social Charter. We address the changes to wage policies, working time, employment protection legislation, and collective bargaining, which gave way to a new ‘flexibility-oriented’ labour relations model, characterised by a global reduction of labour protection levels. We argue that not only were these measures unable to fix the problems of the Portuguese labour market, but they also had crippling effects on social rights in general and, most particularly, on workers’ rights. Moreover, despite the overcoming of the economic crisis, as well as the changes to the political scene, the most significant alterations were maintained. This demonstrates that bailout reforms leave their mark, particularly when they correspond to measures previously under discussion and when their implementation is supported by external pressures.
本文讨论了2011年《谅解备忘录》通过后葡萄牙劳动力市场的主要变化。备忘录要求背后的意图是降低与雇佣合同相关的成本,扩大内部和外部的灵活性,并在一个新的、更分散的框架下重新启动集体谈判。然而,有几项措施最终不仅与《葡萄牙宪法》不一致,而且与国际劳工组织公约和(修订的)《欧洲社会宪章》也不一致。我们应对工资政策、工作时间、就业保护立法和集体谈判的变化,这让位于一种新的“以灵活性为导向”的劳动关系模式,其特点是全球降低劳动保护水平。我们认为,这些措施不仅无法解决葡萄牙劳动力市场的问题,而且对总体社会权利,尤其是工人权利产生了严重影响。此外,尽管克服了经济危机,政治形势也发生了变化,但最重大的变化仍然存在。这表明,救助改革留下了自己的印记,尤其是当它们与之前正在讨论的措施相一致时,以及当它们的实施受到外部压力的支持时。
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引用次数: 1
Introduction: The EU new economic governance, labour law and labour lawyers 简介:欧盟新经济治理、劳工法和劳工律师
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-18 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221093487
Marco Rocca
The new economic governance of the European Union emerged as an important legacy of the Eurozone crisis. Although its suspension during the COVID-19 pandemic has somewhat reduced its visibility, the process of the European Semester remains as central as ever in coordinating socio-economic policies of Member States, notably through its link with the Recovery and Resilience Facility. Two of the most relevant tools of the EU Economic Governance, notably Memoranda of Understanding and Country Specific Recommendations, focus, to an important degree, on labour law reforms. As such, it is important to question the role which these instruments have played, and will potentially play in the future, for national systems of labour law as well as for the evolution of EU labour law itself. To do so, it is necessary to go beyond quantitative or macro approaches to the content of the prescriptions of these tools, in order to analyse their impact on specific labour law systems and national contexts. This will generate a better understating of the relevance of the EU economic governance for the field of labour law.
欧洲联盟的新经济治理是欧元区危机留下的重要遗产。尽管在新冠肺炎大流行期间暂停,在一定程度上降低了其知名度,但欧洲学期的进程在协调成员国的社会经济政策方面仍然一如既往地发挥着核心作用,特别是通过其与复苏和复原基金的联系。欧盟经济治理的两个最相关的工具,特别是谅解备忘录和国别建议,在很大程度上侧重于劳动法改革。因此,重要的是要质疑这些文书对国家劳动法体系以及欧盟劳动法本身的演变已经发挥并可能在未来发挥的作用。为此,有必要超越定量或宏观方法来研究这些工具的规定内容,以分析其对具体劳动法律制度和国家背景的影响。这将使人们更好地了解欧盟经济治理与劳动法领域的相关性。
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引用次数: 3
Wage setting and wage moderation in Belgium: A never-ending and already-old story in the wake of the ‘new European economic governance’ 比利时的工资设定和工资调节:在“新欧洲经济治理”之后,一个永无止境的古老故事
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-18 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221093488
Filip Dorssemont
Wage setting can be defined as the procedures which determine the remuneration which needs to be paid to employees as the counterpart of their work. The ancillary relationship between wage moderation and the new economic governance has never been expressed as clearly as in the Europlus Pact. The new economic governance (NEG) of the European Union has fostered wage moderation. This approach to wage setting and wage moderation is analysed from the perspective of the freedom of collective bargaining as a fundamental right, and on the basis of a national case study (Belgium). In order to carry out this analysis, the national wage moderation policies adopted in Belgium prior to the era of the NEG need to be examined first. The recommendations addressed to Belgium to reform the wage-setting system will then be analysed, as well as the impact they had both in confirming the existing system of wage moderation and the attempts to strengthen the restrictions imposed on collective autonomy. In light of these findings, these restrictions of collective autonomy are assessed on the basis of the freedom of collective bargaining, understood as a fundamental right.
工资设定可以定义为确定需要支付给雇员的报酬作为其工作的对应的程序。《欧元+公约》(Europlus Pact)从未像现在这样清楚地表达出工资节制与新经济治理之间的从属关系。欧盟的新经济治理(NEG)促进了工资的适度增长。从作为一项基本权利的集体谈判自由的角度,并根据一项国家案例研究(比利时),分析了这种确定工资和节制工资的办法。为了进行这一分析,需要首先检查比利时在NEG时代之前采取的国家工资调节政策。然后将分析向比利时提出的改革工资确定制度的建议,以及这些建议在确认现有工资节制制度和加强对集体自治的限制的努力方面所产生的影响。根据这些调查结果,这些对集体自治的限制是在被理解为一项基本权利的集体谈判自由的基础上加以评估的。
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引用次数: 1
The effects of neoliberalism in European labour law: The meaning of labour and the need for a different constitutional compromise 新自由主义对欧洲劳动法的影响:劳动的意义和不同宪法妥协的需要
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221093716
Pierluigi Digennaro
This article aims to identify continuity between the main neoliberal schools that had a role in the making the European legal order and the conception of labour and 'work activity' embedded in the European legal framework. The consequences of this contiguity are also discussed. In particular, the concepts of 'working activity' and 'undertaking' elaborated by the Court of Justice are used as a driver of the analysis to detect signs of these influences. A two-phase approach is adopted to develop the research. First, a review is undertaken of relevant ECJ judgments that testify to the Court's position on the topics discussed in the article. Second, the cultural common ground between the interpretation of the legal framework found in case law and specific neoliberal theories is highlighted. The meta-principles that are identified through the analysis are then compared with those derived from the rights recognised in the constitutions proclaimed in the second half of the 20th century to show the significant discontinuity that endangers the very existence of the European Union as a political project and has destabilised the constitutional order of many European countries. As the founding principles of the EU legal order kickstarted a containment of labour and social rights, the call for change at the roots of European constitutional law is becoming increasingly urgent. The formal proclamation of the Charters of Fundamental Rights at the European level (not least because of the way in which rights are recognised) has not in itself proved to be capable per se of transcending the original matrix of the European order.
本文旨在确定在建立欧洲法律秩序中发挥作用的主要新自由主义学派与嵌入欧洲法律框架的劳动和“工作活动”概念之间的连续性。还讨论了这种邻接的后果。特别是,法院阐述的“工作活动”和“承担”概念被用作分析的驱动因素,以检测这些影响的迹象。研究采用了两阶段的方法。首先,对欧洲法院的相关判决进行了审查,这些判决证明了法院对文章中讨论的主题的立场。其次,强调了判例法中对法律框架的解释与特定的新自由主义理论之间的文化共同点。然后,将通过分析确定的元原则与20世纪下半叶颁布的宪法中承认的权利进行比较,以显示严重的不连续性,这种不连续性危及欧盟作为一个政治项目的存在,并破坏了许多欧洲国家的宪法秩序。随着欧盟法律秩序的基本原则开始遏制劳工和社会权利,从欧洲宪法的根源进行变革的呼声变得越来越迫切。《基本权利宪章》在欧洲层面的正式宣布(尤其是因为权利的承认方式)本身并没有被证明能够超越欧洲秩序的原始矩阵。
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引用次数: 0
A new source for (EU) labour law? (欧盟)劳动法的新来源?
IF 0.7 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1177/20319525221093510
Mélanie Schmitt, Marco Rocca
Looking at the instruments of the EU economic governance (Memoranda of Understanding; Country Specific Recommendations) from the perspective of national labour law systems reveals wide differences in their impact. If it is possible to draw a direct link between the demands of a Memorandum and national labour law reforms, the picture is less clear for Country Specific Recommendations. Notably, different Member States show a different degree of ability to ‘resist’ these Recommendations, which appears to be based more on their coherence (or lack thereof) with national political preferences than on the specific situation of the given Member State when it comes to the corrective mechanisms of the EU economic governance. From the perspective of labour law, these instruments still show little in the way of a more ‘social’ approach. Taken together, these conclusions suggest that the instruments of the EU economic governance could hardly provide a productive contribution to the development and enforcement of EU labour law, risking, on the contrary, leading to its fragmentation due to their uneven impact across Member States.
看看欧盟经济治理的工具(谅解备忘录;《国别具体建议》从各国劳动法制度的角度揭示了其影响的巨大差异。如果可以在备忘录的要求与国家劳工法改革之间建立直接联系,国别具体建议的情况就不太清楚了。值得注意的是,不同的成员国表现出不同程度的“抵制”这些建议的能力,这似乎更多地基于它们与国家政治偏好的一致性(或缺乏一致性),而不是特定成员国在欧盟经济治理纠正机制方面的具体情况。从劳动法的角度来看,这些工具仍然没有显示出更多的“社会”方法。综上所述,这些结论表明,欧盟经济治理的工具几乎不能为欧盟劳动法的发展和执行提供富有成效的贡献,相反,由于它们在成员国之间的影响不均衡,有可能导致其分裂。
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引用次数: 1
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European Labour Law Journal
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