Pub Date : 2019-07-15DOI: 10.1080/09637499408431664
Srdjan Vrcan
IIt is a legitimate, intriguing and urgent challenge to contemporary sociological research to enquire into the role of religion in the Yugoslav crisis. The question involves more than simply the relationship between religion and war: it involves the earlier and wider question of the role of religion in deepening social divisions and cleavages until they reach the point of fracture and in exacerbating social conflicts until they reach maximum incandescence. It also involves the question of the rela tionship of religious confessions to each other, and to the otherness of the others, in an area with mixed population, muIticonfessional, multinational and multicultural. Two fundamental a priori objections may of course be made to asking the question at all. Firstly, some will point out that the war has been characterised as a religious one by the propaganda apparatus of one or other of the conflicting parties with the purely propagandistic aim of concealing the real nature of the war and creating (at least) confusion in international public opinion. It is more or less obvious, however, that this war has not been a religious war. It is evidently a political war, caused by politi cal strategies which since the beginning of the Yugoslav crisis have been on a colli sion course. It is a war which fully confirms the well-known formula of Klausewitz that war is but a continuation of politics by other means. However, this does not mean that religion has nothing to do with the war. It is also more or less obvious that the three major confessions of the region, Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam, have all been implicated and involved in the conflict in some way and to some degree. Here we see an analogy with the civil war in Lebanon and the chronic conflict in Northern Ireland. In both these cases the wars have not been 'religious' in terms of the classical definition of a 'holy war'; I but at the same time it has been obvious that religion has not been a purely passive onlooker but has been actively engaged in the conflict. Consequently at an impressionistic level the assertions of F. Vreg sound a convincing note: Amongst the demons of destruction of the processes of cultural rapproche ment in the European area have been not only growing ethnicism, which frequently turns into the malignant tumour of nationalism, but also reli gious mysticism. We have seen a brutal eruption not only of national feel ings with their political symbols, but of religious feelings and symbols too, and this has been wrongly understood as a religious rebirth. Croatian soldiers wear not only HDZ badges, but Catholic crosses too; Serbian soldiers do not carry photographs of Milo~evic but Orthodox crosses. Muslim fundamentalists and mujaheddins kill under the slogan of Allah.
{"title":"The War in Former Yugoslavia and Religion","authors":"Srdjan Vrcan","doi":"10.1080/09637499408431664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09637499408431664","url":null,"abstract":"IIt is a legitimate, intriguing and urgent challenge to contemporary sociological research to enquire into the role of religion in the Yugoslav crisis. The question involves more than simply the relationship between religion and war: it involves the earlier and wider question of the role of religion in deepening social divisions and cleavages until they reach the point of fracture and in exacerbating social conflicts until they reach maximum incandescence. It also involves the question of the rela tionship of religious confessions to each other, and to the otherness of the others, in an area with mixed population, muIticonfessional, multinational and multicultural. Two fundamental a priori objections may of course be made to asking the question at all. Firstly, some will point out that the war has been characterised as a religious one by the propaganda apparatus of one or other of the conflicting parties with the purely propagandistic aim of concealing the real nature of the war and creating (at least) confusion in international public opinion. It is more or less obvious, however, that this war has not been a religious war. It is evidently a political war, caused by politi cal strategies which since the beginning of the Yugoslav crisis have been on a colli sion course. It is a war which fully confirms the well-known formula of Klausewitz that war is but a continuation of politics by other means. However, this does not mean that religion has nothing to do with the war. It is also more or less obvious that the three major confessions of the region, Catholicism, Orthodoxy and Islam, have all been implicated and involved in the conflict in some way and to some degree. Here we see an analogy with the civil war in Lebanon and the chronic conflict in Northern Ireland. In both these cases the wars have not been 'religious' in terms of the classical definition of a 'holy war'; I but at the same time it has been obvious that religion has not been a purely passive onlooker but has been actively engaged in the conflict. Consequently at an impressionistic level the assertions of F. Vreg sound a convincing note: Amongst the demons of destruction of the processes of cultural rapproche ment in the European area have been not only growing ethnicism, which frequently turns into the malignant tumour of nationalism, but also reli gious mysticism. We have seen a brutal eruption not only of national feel ings with their political symbols, but of religious feelings and symbols too, and this has been wrongly understood as a religious rebirth. Croatian soldiers wear not only HDZ badges, but Catholic crosses too; Serbian soldiers do not carry photographs of Milo~evic but Orthodox crosses. Muslim fundamentalists and mujaheddins kill under the slogan of Allah.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84964826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper provides a detailed summary and analysis of “Slicing Off the Tumour,” a text written by two sons of Muhammad Yusuf (d. 2009), founder of the Nigerian Jihadi movement known as “Boko Haram,” and recently (2018) published by the Islamic State. The paper argues that although obviously biased, this book provides important insights into the history of Jihad in Nigeria as seen through the lenses of Global Jihadi actors, which the analysts should not dismiss. In the conclusion, the author questions the heuristic usefulness of the term “Boko Haram” in the literature on local and global manifestations of Jihad in contemporary Nigeria. Finally, the author locates his position in the recent debate around the nature of the global links entertained by Nigerian Jihadi actors and around the role of these links in the development of the “Boko Haram phenomenon.”
{"title":"BETWEEN A PHENOMENON AND MOVEMENT: BOKO HARAM, JIHADIST INSURGENCIES IN TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY NIGERIA","authors":"A. Brigaglia","doi":"10.54561/prj1202","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1202","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides a detailed summary and analysis of “Slicing Off the Tumour,” a text written by two sons of Muhammad Yusuf (d. 2009), founder of the Nigerian Jihadi movement known as “Boko Haram,” and recently (2018) published by the Islamic State. The paper argues that although obviously biased, this book provides important insights into the history of Jihad in Nigeria as seen through the lenses of Global Jihadi actors, which the analysts should not dismiss. In the conclusion, the author questions the heuristic usefulness of the term “Boko Haram” in the literature on local and global manifestations of Jihad in contemporary Nigeria. Finally, the author locates his position in the recent debate around the nature of the global links entertained by Nigerian Jihadi actors and around the role of these links in the development of the “Boko Haram phenomenon.”","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41486802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Being a traditionally religious country, the role of religion in Philippine politics is quite neglected as scholars are used to frame religious actors based on either interest group politics or theological interpretations. This paper employs a new approach called public theology. Using the Reproductive Health Debate from 2010 – 1012 as a case to analyze, the public theology approach fleshes out a marginalized religious sector who became influential in reshaping the religiopolitical discourse about the morality of a politician voting in favor of the Reproductive Health Bill. This marginalized sector, the progressive religious leaders both from Catholic and Protestant, tradition is influential for providing an alternative moral criterion which served as an opportunity for the President and Congress members to defy the moral and political threat posed by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines.
{"title":"REVISITING THE PHILIPPINE REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH POLITICS VIA THE LENS OF PUBLIC THEOLOGY: THE ROLE OF PROGRESSIVE CATHOLIC AND PROTESTANT SECTOR","authors":"Brian U. Doce","doi":"10.54561/prj1202285d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1202285d","url":null,"abstract":"Being a traditionally religious country, the role of religion in Philippine politics is quite neglected as scholars are used to frame religious actors based on either interest group politics or theological interpretations. This paper employs a new approach called public theology. Using the Reproductive Health Debate from 2010 – 1012 as a case to analyze, the public theology approach fleshes out a marginalized religious sector who became influential in reshaping the religiopolitical discourse about the morality of a politician voting in favor of the Reproductive Health Bill. This marginalized sector, the progressive religious leaders both from Catholic and Protestant, tradition is influential for providing an alternative moral criterion which served as an opportunity for the President and Congress members to defy the moral and political threat posed by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44747278","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Latin America was considered for many years the main bastion of Catholicism in the world by the number of parishioners and the influence of the church in the social and political life of the región, but in recent times there has been a decrease in the catholicity index. This paper explores three variables that have modified the identity of Catholicism in Latin American countries. The first one refers to the conversion processes that have expanded the presence of Christian denominations, by analyzing the reasons that revolve around the sense of belonging that these communities offer and that prop up their expansion and growth. The second variable accounts for those Catholics who still belong to the Catholic Church but who in their practices and beliefs have incorporated other magical or esoteric scheme in the form of religious syncretisms, modifying their sense of being Catholics in the world. The third factor has a political reference and has to do with the concept of laicism, a concept that sets its objective, not only in the separation of the State from the Church, but for historical reasons in catholicity restraint in the public space which has led to the confinement of the Catholic to the private, leaving other religious groups to occupy that space.
{"title":"PRAISE OF THE CONVERT: BELIEVE AND BELONG FROM THE CATHOLICITY OF LATIN AMERICA","authors":"Felipe Gaytán Alcalá","doi":"10.54561/prj1202327a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1202327a","url":null,"abstract":"Latin America was considered for many years the main bastion of Catholicism in the world by the number of parishioners and the influence of the church in the social and political life of the región, but in recent times there has been a decrease in the catholicity index. This paper explores three variables that have\u0000modified the identity of Catholicism in Latin American countries. The first one refers to the conversion processes that have expanded the presence of Christian denominations, by analyzing the reasons that revolve around the sense of belonging that these communities offer and that prop up their expansion and growth. The second variable accounts for those Catholics who still belong to the Catholic Church but who in their practices and beliefs have incorporated other\u0000magical or esoteric scheme in the form of religious syncretisms, modifying their sense of being Catholics in the world. The third factor has a political reference\u0000and has to do with the concept of laicism, a concept that sets its objective, not only in the separation of the State from the Church, but for historical reasons in\u0000catholicity restraint in the public space which has led to the confinement of the Catholic to the private, leaving other religious groups to occupy that space.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47163280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The refutation and disregard of the influence of religion in politics has implications for national integration. The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of contemporary Islamic movements and trends in the Muslim world. One of the most effective and influential political thinkers of Islamism is Sayyid Qutb, a leading member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950’s and 1960’s and theorist of violent Jihad. As the father of modern Islamic fundamentalism, his ideas provide a framework and ideological foundation for many Islamic groups, like al-Qaeda, Boko Haram and the ISIS, around the world. While there are cases where political elites manipulate religion to mobilize support and further narrow political interests, it is erroneous and dangerous for policy to continue to perceive religion as incapable on its own to generate divisions in a society. This paper examines the features of Political Islam in three main areas: cultural-ideological, political and socio-economic, from the perspective of Sayyid Qutb political thought, and reflects on how these beliefs could impact on the dimensions of national integration in Nigeria. The paper argues that Political Islam is incompatible with national integration and as such the future of national integration is threatened in Nigeria.
{"title":"THE INCONGRUITY OF SAYYID QUTB’S POLITICAL ISLAM AND NATIONAL INTEGRATION IN NIGERIA: A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS","authors":"Dodeye U. Williams","doi":"10.54561/prj1202245w","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1202245w","url":null,"abstract":"The refutation and disregard of the influence of religion in politics has implications for national integration. The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of contemporary Islamic movements and trends in the Muslim world. One of the most effective and influential political thinkers of Islamism is Sayyid Qutb, a leading member of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood in the 1950’s and 1960’s and theorist of violent Jihad. As the father of modern Islamic fundamentalism, his ideas provide a framework and ideological foundation for many Islamic groups, like al-Qaeda, Boko Haram and the ISIS, around the world. While there are cases where political elites manipulate religion to mobilize support and further narrow political interests, it is erroneous and dangerous for policy to continue to perceive religion as incapable on its own to generate divisions in a society. This paper examines the features of Political Islam in three main areas: cultural-ideological, political and socio-economic, from the perspective of Sayyid Qutb political thought, and reflects on how these beliefs could impact on the dimensions of national integration in Nigeria. The paper argues that Political Islam is incompatible with national integration and as such the future of national integration is threatened in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44905633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“AGAINST THE RUN OF PLAY: HOW AN INCUMBENT PRESIDENT WAS DEFEATED IN NIGERIA”","authors":"Igboin Benson Ohihon","doi":"10.54561/prj1202375o","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1202375o","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42148722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper examines the nature, operations and driving force behind the Boko Haram insurgence in Nigeria. It argues that while portending Islamic fundamentalist credentials, Boko Haram is also representative of the socio-economic aspirations of most ordinary citizens in the Northeast of Nigeria who are excluded from the socio-economic spheres in modern Nigeria. Boko Haram posits both the irrelevance and decadence of the state and the need for its violent overthrow and establishment of pure Islamic society. It argues that even though Boko Haram cannot be fully explained by socio-economic factors, extant structural and socio-economic conditions in the Northeast produce many frustrated and deprived young people who feed into the fundamentalist aspirations of Boko Haram. Thus, the coincidence between socio-economic conditions in the Northeast which compares unfavorably with other zones in Nigeria; the structural deficiencies of the state and a long history of Islamic fundamentalism creates the conducive atmosphere for violent extremism represented by Boko Haram.
{"title":"ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM AND RELIGIOUS CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA: REFLECTIONS ON THE BOKO HARAM INSURGENCE","authors":"Edlyne E. E. Anugwom","doi":"10.54561/prj1202225a","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1202225a","url":null,"abstract":"The paper examines the nature, operations and driving force behind the Boko Haram insurgence in Nigeria. It argues that while portending Islamic fundamentalist credentials, Boko Haram is also representative of the socio-economic aspirations of most ordinary citizens in the Northeast of Nigeria who are excluded from the socio-economic spheres in modern Nigeria. Boko Haram posits both the irrelevance and decadence of the state and the need for its violent overthrow and establishment of pure Islamic society. It argues that even though Boko Haram cannot be fully explained by socio-economic factors, extant structural and socio-economic conditions in the Northeast produce many frustrated and deprived young people who feed into the fundamentalist aspirations of Boko Haram. Thus, the coincidence between socio-economic conditions in the Northeast which compares unfavorably with other zones in Nigeria; the structural deficiencies of the state and a long history of Islamic fundamentalism creates the conducive atmosphere for violent extremism represented by Boko Haram.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46130299","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Antisemitism has long been found on both the political far-right and farleft. The recent rise in antisemitism worldwide raises the question of whether current antisemitism is found more with the far-right or far-left, the former a function of right-wing populism and the latter with what has been termed the new antisemitism. This paper uses data from the 2014 round of the European Social Survey in 20 nations to test for the connection between ideological selfplacement and antisemitic attitudes in mass publics. Analysis finds greater levels of antisemitism with the extreme far-right compared to the far-left, but extreme leftists appear slightly more antisemitic than moderate leftist. Further, there is less antisemitism than anti-Muslim and anti-Roma (Gypsy) attitudes at all positions on the left-right continuum. The conclusion puts the findings into context and suggests directions for future research.
{"title":"LEFT, RIGHT, AND ANTISEMITISM IN EUROPEAN PUBLIC OPINION","authors":"Jeffrey Е. Cohen","doi":"10.54561/prj1202341c","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1202341c","url":null,"abstract":"Antisemitism has long been found on both the political far-right and farleft. The recent rise in antisemitism worldwide raises the question of whether current antisemitism is found more with the far-right or far-left, the former a function of right-wing populism and the latter with what has been termed the new antisemitism. This paper uses data from the 2014 round of the European Social Survey in 20 nations to test for the connection between ideological selfplacement and antisemitic attitudes in mass publics. Analysis finds greater levels of antisemitism with the extreme far-right compared to the far-left, but extreme leftists appear slightly more antisemitic than moderate leftist. Further, there is less antisemitism than anti-Muslim and anti-Roma (Gypsy) attitudes at all positions on the left-right continuum. The conclusion puts the findings into context and suggests directions for future research.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-02-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46698093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The separation of church and state is a major component of the American political system and its civil religious mythol ogy. As an article of faith, it is widely regarded as a unique American heritage, constitutionally created and legally sustained. This paper challenges both its singularity and its legal dependence by placing the United States in comparative and cross-cultural perspec tive. Even within such nominally religious states as Indonesia, Pakistan, Sweden, and Thailand, there is far more separation than is widely supposed, as religion provides more political piety than governing influence. Since the similarities with the United States are at least as important as the differences, and since "separation" in these contexts is not a legal phenomenon, a more general sociopolit ical explanation seems in order. Hence, this paper offers a series of reasons for the gap between religion and government, drawing both on the politics of the state and on the societal position of religion itself. Not to put too fine a point on the matter, religion's capital is frequently maximized when it is not a capital religion.
{"title":"Religious Capital and Capital Religions: Cross-Cultural and Non-Legal Factors in the Separation of Church and State","authors":"J. Demerath","doi":"10.4324/9781315193588-8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315193588-8","url":null,"abstract":"The separation of church and state is a major component of the American political system and its civil religious mythol ogy. As an article of faith, it is widely regarded as a unique American heritage, constitutionally created and legally sustained. This paper challenges both its singularity and its legal dependence by placing the United States in comparative and cross-cultural perspec tive. Even within such nominally religious states as Indonesia, Pakistan, Sweden, and Thailand, there is far more separation than is widely supposed, as religion provides more political piety than governing influence. Since the similarities with the United States are at least as important as the differences, and since \"separation\" in these contexts is not a legal phenomenon, a more general sociopolit ical explanation seems in order. Hence, this paper offers a series of reasons for the gap between religion and government, drawing both on the politics of the state and on the societal position of religion itself. Not to put too fine a point on the matter, religion's capital is frequently maximized when it is not a capital religion.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77553740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Secularism and the State: Towards Clarity and Global Comparison","authors":"N. Keddie","doi":"10.4324/9781315193588-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315193588-9","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90376460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：