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HOW INTERNATIONAL TOURISM IMPACTS POLITICAL AND ETHNO-RELIGIOUS ISSUES IN AFRICA? A CASE STUDY OF INTER-GOVERNMENTAL AUTHORITY ON DEVELOPMENT (IGAD) 国际旅游如何影响非洲的政治和民族宗教问题?政府间发展机构案例研究(igad)
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-03-25 DOI: 10.54561/prj1501149s
Anna A. Suchkova
The negative impact of political instability, religious and ethnic conflicts on tourism is well known. The article uses the example of a number of IGAD member countries to consider the reverse impact of tourism on inclusive development, weakening of ethno-religious problems, security and elimination of violence. Analysis of the tourism sector in Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda shows that international tourism, being a driving force of economic development in these countries, is not a neutral factor in gender, religious and ethnic dynamics. Its positive impact is not automatically achieved. The article shows that the rapid growth of tourism-related industries, which is accompanied by an unequal distribution of its benefits between the state, business, local communities and religious organizations, can slow down the resolution of gender equality problems, escalate intercommunal and interreligious conflicts. However, the analysis of travel companies’ business practices shows that the transition to a sustainable tourism model can contribute to the elimination of interethnic and interreligious conflicts. Formation of professional tourism communities aware of their social responsibility will help the hospitality industry together with the state to solve the problems of youth employment and education, gender inequality and security in general.
政治不稳定、宗教和种族冲突对旅游业的负面影响是众所周知的。文章以伊加特一些成员国为例,考虑了旅游业对包容性发展、削弱民族宗教问题、安全和消除暴力的负面影响。对埃塞俄比亚、肯尼亚和乌干达旅游业的分析表明,国际旅游业作为这些国家经济发展的推动力,在性别、宗教和种族动态方面并不是一个中立因素。它的积极影响并不是自动实现的。文章表明,与旅游业相关的行业的快速增长,伴随着其利益在国家、企业、地方社区和宗教组织之间的不平等分配,可能会减缓性别平等问题的解决,加剧社区间和宗教间的冲突。然而,对旅游公司商业实践的分析表明,向可持续旅游模式的过渡有助于消除种族间和宗教间的冲突。建立意识到自己社会责任的专业旅游社区将有助于酒店业与国家一起解决青年就业和教育、性别不平等和总体安全问题。
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引用次数: 0
THE RISE AND FALL OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN SUDAN 苏丹政治伊斯兰的兴衰
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2021-03-25 DOI: 10.54561/prj1501085k
Sergey V. Kostelyanets
In April 2019, Sudan's long-serving President Omar al-Bashir was deposed in a bloodless military coup d'état, which took place amid a major wave of popular protests in the country. The present paper aims to assess the historic path of Sudanese Islamists toward the seizure of power in the course of the 1989 Salvation Revolution and their role in domestic and foreign policies of the Republic of the Sudan in 1989-2019. It will be argued that by the time of the demise of the regime in 2019 political Islam in Sudan had fully eroded and could no longer serve as an effective instrument of legitimization for the government of al-Bashir and that the return of the Islamists to power is improbable.
2019年4月,苏丹长期任职的总统奥马尔·巴希尔在一场不流血的军事政变中被废黜,这场政变发生在该国大规模的民众抗议浪潮中。本文旨在评估苏丹伊斯兰主义者在1989年救世革命中夺取政权的历史道路,以及他们在1989-2019年苏丹共和国国内外政策中的作用。有人会说,到2019年该政权垮台时,苏丹的政治伊斯兰已经被完全侵蚀,不能再成为巴希尔政府合法化的有效工具,伊斯兰主义者不太可能重新掌权。
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引用次数: 0
INDIAN AND PAKISTANI REGIME TRAJECTORIES: SOCIAL HIERARCHY AND MAJORITY RELIGION’S PUBLIC PRESENCE VERSUS DEMOCRACY 印度和巴基斯坦政权轨迹:社会等级和多数宗教的公众存在与民主
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402363n
Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
The hierarchical organisation of society and the lack of distinction between the public and private sphere in Islam and Hinduism are cultural features of India and Pakistan that seem inconsistent with democracy. Reservation policy and the recognition of the most popular regional languages both demonstrate the adjustment of India’s democratic framework to the caste system and the arithmetic of ethnic groups respectively. These measures have helped to pave the way for India's smooth political transition. In contrast to the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League refused to introduce similar solutions in Pakistan. The public presence of Hinduism in India and Islam in Pakistan have barely affected the countries overall political trajectories. However, the recent radicalisation, marked by the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party in India and the emergence of the Islamist political movements, including the Tehreek-e-Labbaik Party in Pakistan, have triggered tendencies towards authoritarianism. This paper concludes by reconsidering the similarities between the impact of the majority religion’s public presence on the post-2014 Indian and Pakistani regime trajectories. By the comparative analysis of the two countries, this study contributes to the contemporary debates in political sciences about the rise of authoritarianism and the demand for identity.
在伊斯兰教和印度教中,社会的等级组织以及公共和私人领域之间缺乏区别,这是印度和巴基斯坦的文化特征,似乎与民主不一致。保留地政策和对最受欢迎的地区语言的承认都分别表明了印度民主框架对种姓制度和民族算术的调整。这些措施为印度顺利的政治过渡铺平了道路。与印度国民大会形成鲜明对比的是,穆斯林联盟拒绝在巴基斯坦引入类似的解决方案。印度教在印度和伊斯兰教在巴基斯坦的公开存在几乎没有影响到这些国家的整体政治轨迹。然而,最近的激进主义,以印度人民党的崛起和包括巴基斯坦人民党在内的伊斯兰政治运动的出现为标志,引发了威权主义倾向。本文最后重新考虑了多数宗教的公开存在对2014年后印度和巴基斯坦政权轨迹的影响之间的相似性。通过对两国的比较分析,本研究有助于当代政治学关于威权主义兴起和身份要求的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
THE ISLAMIC EPISTEME OF POLITIES DEVELOPMENT IN INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS 伊斯兰对国际事务中政治发展的认识
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402445b
Labeeb Ahmed Bsoul
This paper illustrates the contributions of Islamic law to the development of transnational socio-political organisations that transcend racial and geopolitical fixations. Those are best enshrined in the premise of the unıty of believing community and humanity led to the Shari‘ah/Islamic law. Islam advocates the development and consolidation of communities. Thıs study dıscusses the concept of ‘ummah’ (community of believers) according to the tradıtıon of Prophet Muhammad and surveys ıts development throughout the Islamıc caliphates, sultanates, and imamates up untıl colonialısm and modern ‘nation-state’ system. The article argues that there are ontological, epistemological, and normative differences spanning the divide between Muslim and Western worldviews especially concerning the development and management of their polities.
本文阐述了伊斯兰法对跨国社会政治组织发展的贡献,这些组织超越了种族和地缘政治的固定。这些最好是在信仰社区和人类不道德的前提下体现出来的,这导致了伊斯兰教法。伊斯兰教提倡发展和巩固社区。Thı的研究根据先知穆罕默德的传统,阐述了“ummah”(信徒群体)的概念,并调查了伊斯兰哈里发国、苏丹国和伊玛目在殖民主义和现代“民族国家”体系中的发展。文章认为,穆斯林和西方世界观之间存在着本体论、认识论和规范性的差异,尤其是在政治发展和管理方面。
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引用次数: 0
HISTORY OF POLITOLOGY OF RELIGION IN POLAND. А RESEARCH OVERVIEW 波兰宗教政治学史。А研究概述
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402219m
Ryszard Michalak
The aim of the article is to show the circumstances of birth and the development of research in the field of politology of religion in Poland. The presentation of this process includes information about researchers, research centers, publications, as well as scientific events - congresses and conferences, which formed the sub-discipline of religiology and political science to the greatest extent. Apart from factography, the article contains comments on the dominant trends and tendencies in research. In this context, the ways of explaining the politology of religion and its definitions are also presented.
本文的目的是展示波兰宗教政治学研究的诞生和发展情况。这一过程的介绍包括关于研究人员、研究中心、出版物的信息,以及科学活动——大会和会议,它们在最大程度上形成了宗教学和政治学的子学科。除了事实之外,本文还对研究的主要趋势和趋势进行了评论。在此背景下,还提出了解释宗教政治学及其定义的方法。
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引用次数: 0
HOW RELIGION MATTERS: ISLAMOPHOBIA, TERRORISM AND TWITTER 宗教如何重要:伊斯兰恐惧症、恐怖主义和推特
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402383d
Didem Doğanyılmaz Duman, Ece Unur
Twitter, as one of the most used social media tools, helps construction of virtual communities and provides members with opportunity to reflect opinions, thoughts, emotions etc. With respect to the said feature of it, an analysis of public reaction over Twitter was conducted regarding four terrorist attacks in Beirut, Paris of November 2015 and Babil, Brussels of March 2016. The analysis was based on public hashtags created with city name plus the word ‘attack(s)’ - #ParisAttacks, #BeirutAttacks, #BrusselsAttacks, and #BabilAttack; and 9998 tweets posted following four days from the day of the attack were examined. For the purpose of the set examination, qualitative content analysis method was used and posted tweets were categorized with respect to their general meanings. In order to back up this research, it is also essential to introduce the terms terrorism, perpetrator of the aforementioned attacks, the ISIS, and the concepts of worthy and unworthy victims.
推特作为最常用的社交媒体工具之一,有助于虚拟社区的建设,并为成员提供反映意见、想法和情绪等的机会。关于推特的上述功能,对2015年11月发生在巴黎贝鲁特和2016年3月发生在布鲁塞尔巴比尔的四起恐怖袭击事件的公众反应进行了分析。该分析基于用城市名称加上单词“攻击”创建的公共标签——#ParisAttacks、#BeirutAttacks、#BrusselsAttacks和#BabilAttack;对袭击发生四天后发布的9998条推文进行了审查。为了进行集合检验,使用了定性内容分析方法,并根据发布的推文的一般含义对其进行了分类。为了支持这项研究,还必须介绍恐怖主义、上述袭击的肇事者、ISIS以及值得和不值得的受害者的概念。
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引用次数: 0
“DOING THEOLOGY IN THE AGE OF TRUMP. A CRITICAL REPORT ON CHRISTIAN NATIONALISM” “在特朗普时代做神学。基督教民族主义批判报告”
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402503a
José Antonio Abreu Colombrí
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引用次数: 0
FROM AN INTELLECTUAL MOVEMENT TO POLITICAL PARTIES: THE TRANSFORMATION OF TURKISH ISLAMIST GROUPS 从知识分子运动到政党:土耳其伊斯兰团体的转型
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402415c
Gokhan Celen, Ahmet Aykut Altay
Pan-Islamism was one of the political ideas emerged in the Ottoman Empire in the 19thc.This study aims to outline the ideas of the Islamist movement in the Ottoman era and to put forward the agreements or differences of opinion vis-a-vis the Islamist movement in the Republican era with respect to their perspectives on the state and modernization.The main argument of this study is that,contrary to what the current literature claims,the organization of the Justice and Development Party did not mark a third generation,rather,changing their discourses,the Islamists in the Republican era continued their political activities within the body of Felicity Party of National Outlook Movement(NOM).Republican era of Islamists will be examined in the axis of NOM. Firstly,the political ideas of the Ottoman Empire in the 19thc will be introduced.The main aims of political movements in this century will be described and the differences between them will be identified.A detailed examination of the Islamist movement will follow and the ideas of the NOM,which is the main subject of the study and the Republican era generation,will be analyzed.The study will be carried out using the interpretivism method within the scope of politology of religion.
泛伊斯兰主义是19世纪奥斯曼帝国出现的政治思想之一。本研究旨在概述奥斯曼时代伊斯兰运动的思想,并就其对国家和现代化的看法提出与共和时代伊斯兰运动之间的一致或意见分歧。本研究的主要论点是,与当前文献所声称的相反,正义与发展党的组织并没有标志着第三代,而是改变了他们的话语,共和时代的伊斯兰主义者在国家展望运动的费利西蒂党(NOM)内部继续他们的政治活动。伊斯兰主义者的共和时代将在NOM的轴心中被审视。首先介绍19世纪奥斯曼帝国的政治思想。将描述本世纪政治运动的主要目标,并确定它们之间的差异。接下来将对伊斯兰运动进行详细的研究,并分析作为研究主题和共和党时代一代的NOM的思想。这项研究将在宗教政治学的范围内使用解释主义的方法进行。
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引用次数: 1
THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE POLITICAL LIFE OF ARAB-MUSLIM COUNTRIES: EXAMPLES FROM FOR TUNISIA AND LEBANON 妇女在阿拉伯-穆斯林国家政治生活中的作用&以突尼斯和黎巴嫩为例
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402473g
Gyulnara I. Gadzhimuradova, Lujain Rabat
The article emphasizes the importance of women's participation in the socio-political life of a country. While most European countries have already made some progress in the fight for gender equality, for most countries in different parts of the world, including in the Arab-Muslim world, gender equality remains unrealized. Nevertheless the understanding of the need for women's participation in public and political life is becoming increasingly clear. Equal representation of women in local governments, legislative and representative bodies is directly related to the economic and socio-political sustainable development of countries. The authors use the examples of Tunisia and Lebanon, which on one hand belong to the countries of the Arab world, and on the other hand, adhere to secular principles of government at the legislative level to analyze the historical development of ‘women’s' issues in countries where religion and politics are intertwined. The authors consider in detail that in these two countries traditions are still strong and religion is a powerful social and political factor, which influences the current state of gender equality and act as obstacles for women’s participation in politics at different levels of government.s.
文章强调了妇女参与国家社会政治生活的重要性。尽管大多数欧洲国家在争取性别平等的斗争中已经取得了一些进展,但对于世界不同地区的大多数国家,包括阿拉伯穆斯林世界的大多数国家来说,性别平等仍然没有实现。然而,人们对妇女参与公共和政治生活的必要性的理解越来越清楚。妇女在地方政府、立法机构和代表机构中的平等代表权直接关系到各国的经济和社会政治可持续发展。作者以突尼斯和黎巴嫩为例,分析了宗教和政治交织的国家中“妇女”问题的历史发展。突尼斯和黎巴嫩一方面属于阿拉伯世界,另一方面在立法层面坚持世俗政府原则。作者详细考虑到,在这两个国家,传统仍然很牢固,宗教是一个强大的社会和政治因素,它影响着当前的性别平等状况,并成为妇女在各级政府中参与政治的障碍。
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引用次数: 1
BRIDGING THE NATION AND THE STATE: CATHOLIC CHURCH IN POLAND AS POLITICAL ACTOR 民族与国家的桥梁:波兰天主教会的政治行动者
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2020-12-07 DOI: 10.54561/prj1402263k
Joanna Kulska
One of the most recognized features of social-political reality in Poland is the role of Catholicism as the determinant of national-political identity and of Catholic Church as the influential political actor. Being undoubtedly peculiar Polish case can be viewed as the example of the religiosity intertwined with national and civil identity existent in different forms in the CEE (Central and Eastern Europe) region. The article aims at casting specifics of Polish case in the wider context of religious-political nexus in CEE stressing the distinctness of the region compared to some other parts of Europe. The conducted analysis focuses on the evolution of Church-state relations in Poland displayed in the broader framework of similar developments that, in spite of existing historical-political differences, characterize the region. Three fundamental perspectives are considered in the article. The first of them is social-cultural dimension creating the wide context for recognizing the religious factor as more or less fundamental for the given society. The second one is formal-legal framework resembling the specific religion-nation-state entanglement. The third is the role played by the Catholic Church in the context of civil society.
波兰社会政治现实最公认的特点之一是天主教作为国家政治认同的决定因素和天主教会作为有影响力的政治行动者的作用。波兰的情况无疑是特殊的,可以看作是宗教信仰与民族和公民身份交织在一起的例子,以不同的形式存在于中东欧地区。本文旨在将波兰案例的具体情况置于中东欧宗教-政治关系的更广泛背景下,强调该地区与欧洲其他一些地区相比的独特性。所进行的分析侧重于在类似发展的更广泛框架下波兰教会-国家关系的演变,尽管存在历史-政治差异,但这些发展具有该地区的特征。本文考虑了三个基本观点。第一个是社会文化层面,它创造了广泛的背景,使人们认识到宗教因素或多或少是特定社会的基础。第二种是形式-法律框架,类似于特定的宗教-民族-国家纠缠。第三是天主教会在公民社会的背景下所发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 1
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Politics and Religion Journal
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