{"title":"The Dilemma of Reconciling Traditional, Cultural, and Political Needs: Civil Religion in Israel","authors":"Charles S. Liebman, Eliezer Don-Yehia","doi":"10.1201/9780429338458-4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1201/9780429338458-4","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"161 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-07-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73697831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article exposes the regional context of geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China in Northeast Africa (NEA) against the backdrop of the emerging formation of a new bipolar world order and the messianic ambitions of the superpowers. The author predicts a significant increase in NEA’s geo-economic and strategic importance, due to the dominant vectors of global development and aspects of national interests of each of their superpowers. The article offers a detailed analysis of the evolution of NEA’s confessional space through the last 50 years and of the role of religious factors in the superpower rivalry in the region. The author arrives to the conclusion that the ruling, business and religious elites of the region have taken a wait-and-see attitude in the battle unfolding between the superpowers and do not want to unambiguously associate themselves with either side.
{"title":"RELIGION, ELITES AND SANCTIONS IN NORTHEAST AFRICA: REGIONAL IMPACTS OF SUPERPOWER MESSIANISM","authors":"Leonid L. Fituni","doi":"10.54561/prj1501027f","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501027f","url":null,"abstract":"The article exposes the regional context of geostrategic rivalry between the United States and China in Northeast Africa (NEA) against the backdrop of the emerging formation of a new bipolar world order and the messianic ambitions of the superpowers. The author predicts a significant increase in NEA’s geo-economic and strategic importance, due to the dominant vectors of global development and aspects of national interests of each of their superpowers. The article offers a detailed analysis of the evolution of NEA’s confessional space through the last 50 years and of the role of religious factors in the superpower rivalry in the region. The author arrives to the conclusion that the ruling, business and religious elites of the region have taken a wait-and-see attitude in the battle unfolding between the superpowers and do not want to unambiguously associate themselves with either side.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46039813","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of the article is to analyze the first attempts to forge a relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. The paper considers religious and political preconditions for the rapprochement of the two empires. It is noted that in Russia since the 14th century, the perception of Ethiopians as exemplary Christians had existed, but Russian-Ethiopian contacts for a long time had remained sporadic. However, by the middle of the 19th century, the Russian Empire had become a major power with enormous foreign policy ambitions: it had also developed its own interests in the Horn of Africa region. In the second half of the 19th century, the interest in Abyssinia, its history and religion on the part of the Russian public, including the academic circles, increased noticeably. In the 1880s, the first religious missions were sent to Ethiopia, and contacts between the two churches were established. The development of relations between the two countries in various spheres was also greatly facilitated by the opening of the Embassy of the Russian Empire in Addis Ababa in 1897.
{"title":"THE FIRST RUSSIAN RELIGIOUS MISSIONS TO ETHIOPIA","authors":"T. Denisova","doi":"10.54561/prj1501049d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501049d","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of the article is to analyze the first attempts to forge a relationship between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. The paper considers religious and political preconditions for the rapprochement of the two empires. It is noted that in Russia since the 14th century, the perception of Ethiopians as exemplary Christians had existed, but Russian-Ethiopian contacts for a long time had remained sporadic. However, by the middle of the 19th century, the Russian Empire had become a major power with enormous foreign policy ambitions: it had also developed its own interests in the Horn of Africa region. In the second half of the 19th century, the interest in Abyssinia, its history and religion on the part of the Russian public, including the academic circles, increased noticeably. In the 1880s, the first religious missions were sent to Ethiopia, and contacts between the two churches were established. The development of relations between the two countries in various spheres was also greatly facilitated by the opening of the Embassy of the Russian Empire in Addis Ababa in 1897.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48778663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article intends to present some of the most interesting facts of the development of religious traditions in Ethiopia, and religion influence on the politics and vise verse in the process of the Ethiopian statehood formation. Course of development of the Ethiopian Statehood was inextricably linked to significant and contradictory influence of different religions: Christianity, Islam and Judaism, but Christianity above all. However, it is not only religion influences different sides of the country’s political life. From the Empire, later the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (1987 to 1991), and present-day Federal Democratic Republic, religion has been often exploited for the state’s benefits. Thus, this influence was mutual, but not always mutually beneficial. Realizing the scale and significance of the designated topic of this study, author limits his research ambitions only by highlighting the most general trends in the interrelations of politics and religion within the conditionally allocated three historical stages. Firstly, from 4th century until 1974, or from building and strengthening the Ethiopian Empire since Christianity until the overthrow of the last emperor Haile Selassie I. Secondly, through the attempts to build the socialist state (1974 to 1991). And finally, through the Federate State (1991 – present days).
{"title":"POLITICS AND RELIGION IN THE FORMATION OF THE ETHIOPIAN STATEHOOD: FROM THE EMPIRE THROUGH THE FEDERAL DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC","authors":"","doi":"10.54561/prj1501065m","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501065m","url":null,"abstract":"The article intends to present some of the most interesting facts of the development of religious traditions in Ethiopia, and religion influence on the politics and vise verse in the process of the Ethiopian statehood formation. Course of development of the Ethiopian Statehood was inextricably linked to significant and contradictory influence of different religions: Christianity, Islam and Judaism, but Christianity above all. However, it is not only religion influences different sides of the country’s political life. From the Empire, later the People’s Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (1987 to 1991), and present-day Federal Democratic Republic, religion has been often exploited for the state’s benefits. Thus, this influence was mutual, but not always mutually beneficial. Realizing the scale and significance of the designated topic of this study, author limits his research ambitions only by highlighting the most general trends in the interrelations of politics and religion within the conditionally allocated three historical stages. Firstly, from 4th century until 1974, or from building and strengthening the Ethiopian Empire since Christianity until the overthrow of the last emperor Haile Selassie I. Secondly, through the attempts to build the socialist state (1974 to 1991). And finally, through the Federate State (1991 – present days).","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43813311","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"“DEMOCRATIZATION IN CHRISTIAN ORTHODOX EUROPE: COMPARING GREECE, SERBIA AND RUSSIA”","authors":"G. Giordan","doi":"10.54561/prj1501241d","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501241d","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43736581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Today nuclear weapons are a great global threat to human life and security. Meanwhile, Islamic Republic of Iran has strongly voiced its opposition to nuclear weapons based on the religious and rational measures and teachings. Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of IRI, has also declared prohibited the production and use of nuclear weapons by issuing a Sharia based fatwa. The objective of the present essay is not only the explanation of this fatwa rather the identification of jurisprudential-moral foundations of it. The method used in this essay is documented-analytic. Among the results of this research, one can refer to the fact that Ayatollah Khamenei’s fatwa is a religious fatwa not a merely governmental law and since fatwa is based on the eternal religious sources, it is considered to be strategic, eternal and universal not merely tactical, expediential and temporary. Moreover, rational and Sharia (moral and jurisprudential) documents and reasons in which the present fatwa has its own origin in addition to the subject of “use” includes the prohibition of “production”, possession” and “proliferation” too.
今天，核武器是对人类生命和安全的巨大全球性威胁。同时，伊朗伊斯兰共和国强烈反对基于宗教和理性的措施和教义的核武器。IRI最高领袖阿亚图拉赛义德·阿里·哈梅内伊(Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei)也发布了基于伊斯兰教法的法特瓦，宣布禁止生产和使用核武器。本文的目的不仅仅是解释这一教令，而是确定其法理道德基础。本文使用的方法是文献分析法。在这项研究的结果中，人们可以提到这样一个事实，即阿亚图拉哈梅内伊的法特瓦是一项宗教法特瓦，而不仅仅是一项政府法律，因为法特瓦是基于永恒的宗教来源，它被认为是战略性的，永恒的和普遍的，而不仅仅是战术的，权宜之计和暂时的。此外，理性和伊斯兰教法(道德和法理)文件和理由除了“使用”的主题外，还包括禁止“生产”、“拥有”和“扩散”。
{"title":"THE JURISPRUDENTIAL AND MORAL FOUNDATIONS OF THE AYATOLLAH KHAMENEI’S FATWA ON BAN OF NUCLEAR WEAPON","authors":"Mohsen Shiravand, Abdol-Rasoul Meshkat","doi":"10.54561/prj1501221s","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501221s","url":null,"abstract":"Today nuclear weapons are a great global threat to human life and security. Meanwhile, Islamic Republic of Iran has strongly voiced its opposition to nuclear weapons based on the religious and rational measures and teachings. Ayatollah Sayed Ali Khamenei, the Supreme Leader of IRI, has also declared prohibited the production and use of nuclear weapons by issuing a Sharia based fatwa. The objective of the present essay is not only the explanation of this fatwa rather the identification of jurisprudential-moral foundations of it. The method used in this essay is documented-analytic. Among the results of this research, one can refer to the fact that Ayatollah Khamenei’s fatwa is a religious fatwa not a merely governmental law and since fatwa is based on the eternal religious sources, it is considered to be strategic, eternal and universal not merely tactical, expediential and temporary. Moreover, rational and Sharia (moral and jurisprudential) documents and reasons in which the present fatwa has its own origin in addition to the subject of “use” includes the prohibition of “production”, possession” and “proliferation” too.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46741513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to the study of the African diasporas of modern Great Britain. The focus is primarily on the political and religious characteristics of these communities on the eve of the 2021 census, their similarities and differences. Special attention is paid to the specifics of statistics on Africans from censuses and interim reports. The number and influence of these minorities is steadily increasing, which in the short term will contribute to a change in the ethnic and religious structure of modern British society.
{"title":"AFRICANS IN THE MODERN UK: RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL ASPECTS","authors":"G. Karpov","doi":"10.54561/prj1501131k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501131k","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the study of the African diasporas of modern Great Britain. The focus is primarily on the political and religious characteristics of these communities on the eve of the 2021 census, their similarities and differences. Special attention is paid to the specifics of statistics on Africans from censuses and interim reports. The number and influence of these minorities is steadily increasing, which in the short term will contribute to a change in the ethnic and religious structure of modern British society.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42545109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the post-9/11 scenario, the rise of the Taliban and their coalition with Al-Qaeda have engendered new discourses about Islam and Pakistan. In this paper, I present a multi-sited ethnography of Bari Imam, a popular Sufi shrine in Pakistan while re-evaluating certain suppositions, claims and theories about popular Islam in the country. Have militarization, Shariatisation, and resurgence movements such as the Taliban been overzealously discussed and presented as the representative imageries of Islam? I also explore the Sufi dynamics of living Islam, which I will suggest continue to shape the lives and practices of the vast majority of Pakistani Muslims. The study suggests that general unfamiliarity of people outside the subcontinent with the Sufi attributes of living Islam, together with their lack of knowledge of the varieties of identification, observance and experience of Islam among Pakistanis, limit not only their understanding of the land of Pakistan, but also their perception of its people and their faith (Islam).
{"title":"THE POLITICS OF POPULAR ISLAM: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC EXPLORATION OF ISLAMIC REVIVALISM IN PAKISTAN","authors":"Muhammad Bilal","doi":"10.54561/prj1501193b","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501193b","url":null,"abstract":"In the post-9/11 scenario, the rise of the Taliban and their coalition with Al-Qaeda have engendered new discourses about Islam and Pakistan. In this paper, I present a multi-sited ethnography of Bari Imam, a popular Sufi shrine in Pakistan while re-evaluating certain suppositions, claims and theories about popular Islam in the country. Have militarization, Shariatisation, and resurgence movements such as the Taliban been overzealously discussed and presented as the representative imageries of Islam? I also explore the Sufi dynamics of living Islam, which I will suggest continue to shape the lives and practices of the vast majority of Pakistani Muslims. The study suggests that general unfamiliarity of people outside the subcontinent with the Sufi attributes of living Islam, together with their lack of knowledge of the varieties of identification, observance and experience of Islam among Pakistanis, limit not only their understanding of the land of Pakistan, but also their perception of its people and their faith (Islam).","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41362477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Women’s participation in party politics in Nigeria has been largely marginal. This has led to the clamour for more involvement of women in political decisions and increased presence in political sphere. The objective of this paper is to examine the participation of Muslim women in the Nigerian party politics. Muslim women have made significant contributions in Nigerian society through their efforts in educational, economic, health, and humanitarian services i.e. playing a social responsibility role. Descriptive and analytical methods were adopted for this purpose. The study revealed that the involvement of Muslim women in party politics in Nigeria was impeded by cultural and religious bottlenecks and not lack of participation. It concluded that emphasis should be placed on the complementarity roles between men and women in order to suppress the intolerance often encounter by Muslim women in Nigeria party politics. Hence, there is a need for the existing political parties and most especially the ruling party to take advantage of the complementary differences in order to create balance in political decision-making.
{"title":"MUSLIM WOMEN AND THE NIGERIAN PARTY POLITICS","authors":"AbdulGafar Olawale Fahm","doi":"10.54561/prj1501175f","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501175f","url":null,"abstract":"Women’s participation in party politics in Nigeria has been largely marginal. This has led to the clamour for more involvement of women in political decisions and increased presence in political sphere. The objective of this paper is to examine the participation of Muslim women in the Nigerian party politics. Muslim women have made significant contributions in Nigerian society through their efforts in educational, economic, health, and humanitarian services i.e. playing a social responsibility role. Descriptive and analytical methods were adopted for this purpose. The study revealed that the involvement of Muslim women in party politics in Nigeria was impeded by cultural and religious bottlenecks and not lack of participation. It concluded that emphasis should be placed on the complementarity roles between men and women in order to suppress the intolerance often encounter by Muslim women in Nigeria party politics. Hence, there is a need for the existing political parties and most especially the ruling party to take advantage of the complementary differences in order to create balance in political decision-making.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44742384","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article builds on the Russian understanding of the “soft power” concept as a complex of tools and methods to reach the foreign policy aims through public diplomacy, information and communication technologies, humanitarian assistance and cultural initiatives, civil society interactions, and religious and inter-religious dialogues. “Soft power” tools are regarded as an addition to the traditional diplomatic methods. The article will critically consider the range of Russia’s contemporary “soft power” assets in its foreign policy dialogue with the countries of North and East Africa. The aim is to analyze the aspirations, implementation (during the last decade), results and further prospects of Russia’s “soft power” initiatives within and towards the indicated regions.
{"title":"RUSSIAN “SOFT POWER” IN THE NORTH-EAST AFRICA","authors":"Olga S. Kulkova","doi":"10.54561/prj1501105k","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1501105k","url":null,"abstract":"The article builds on the Russian understanding of the “soft power” concept as a complex of tools and methods to reach the foreign policy aims through public diplomacy, information and communication technologies, humanitarian assistance and cultural initiatives, civil society interactions, and religious and inter-religious dialogues. “Soft power” tools are regarded as an addition to the traditional diplomatic methods. The article will critically consider the range of Russia’s contemporary “soft power” assets in its foreign policy dialogue with the countries of North and East Africa. The aim is to analyze the aspirations, implementation (during the last decade), results and further prospects of Russia’s “soft power” initiatives within and towards the indicated regions.","PeriodicalId":41271,"journal":{"name":"Politics and Religion Journal","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2021-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48349852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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