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Death-Agony and Birth Pangs: Inheritors of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania under German Occupation 1915–1918 死亡的痛苦和出生的阵痛:1915-1918年德国占领下立陶宛大公国的继承者
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1718452
J. Gierowska-Kałłaur
ABSTRACT The Ober-Ost administration instated in 1915 covered a fragment of the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania; a territory contested by Germany and Russia, inhabited by a nationally and religiously diverse society, with the Polish-Jewish city of Wilno as its central point. The German policies exploited the national aspirations of both the Lithuanians and the Belarusian leaders to dissolve the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Contrary to the Belarusian leaders focused on short-term benefits, the Lithuanian politicians proved more resourceful in using the seemingly pro-Lithuanian and pro-Belarusian policies towards obtaining their own nation state. The Germans discriminated the Lithuanian Poles in terms of rights to political activity, even when conducted without subsidies from the occupier. The disunity with the local society progressed and benefited the supporters of Polish national policies, however few in Wilno in 1915. The German authorities successfully pushed the Lithuanian Poles, so far seeking consensus with other local communities, towards merging with the post-war Polish state announced by the Act of 5th November 1916. The Germans backed the creation of small, interdependent Lithuanian and Belarusian states. The Lithuanians however issued a second declaration of independence (16.02.1918), thus becoming the only ones to benefit from Germany's military defeat.
1915年成立的奥伯-奥斯特政府覆盖了前立陶宛大公国的一小部分;这是德国和俄罗斯争夺的领土,居住着一个民族和宗教多样化的社会,波兰犹太人城市威尔诺是它的中心。德国的政策利用了立陶宛人和白俄罗斯领导人解散前波兰立陶宛联邦的民族愿望。与白俄罗斯领导人关注短期利益相反,立陶宛政治家在利用看似亲立陶宛和亲白俄罗斯的政策来建立自己的民族国家方面表现得更加机智。德国人在政治活动权利方面歧视立陶宛波兰人,即使在没有占领者补贴的情况下也是如此。与当地社会的不团结使波兰国家政策的支持者受益,但在1915年的威尔诺很少。德国当局成功地推动立陶宛波兰人与其他当地社区达成共识,并于1916年11月5日通过法案宣布与战后波兰国家合并。德国支持建立相互依存的立陶宛和白俄罗斯两个小国。然而,立陶宛人发表了第二次独立宣言(1918年2月16日),从而成为唯一一个从德国军事失败中受益的人。
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引用次数: 0
The Impact of the First World War and the Polish-Soviet War on the ‘Culture of Suffering’ in Post-1914 Polish Fiction 第一次世界大战和波苏战争对1914年后波兰小说“苦难文化”的影响
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1709019
K. Zechenter
ABSTRACT Using Jeffrey C. Alexander’s theory of cultural trauma, this article focuses on the three major types of narratives of suffering which appeared in Polish fiction, after Poland regained political independence in 1918, outside the strong myth-creating narrative of the Polish Legions’ role in the war for independence. It argues that Polish post-1918 fiction developed these three major paths in the face of suffering inflicted on Polish lands, during WWI and Polish-Soviet War. These paths were to: 1) continue the narrative of Polish suffering within the framework of heroic, and selfless, sacrifice for Poland that has been well established since Romanticism; 2) present suffering as the universal fate of humanity outside the notion of national identity, due to the monstrosity of modern bureaucratic systems wherein human beings are treated as objects; and 3) present suffering as the result of modern warfare, but told outside of “patriotic phraseology” – thus suggesting a growing need as to finding a solution to national conflicts outside narrowly defined identities.
本文运用亚历山大的文化创伤理论,分析了1918年波兰重新获得政治独立后,波兰小说中出现的三种主要的苦难叙事类型,以及波兰军团在独立战争中所扮演的强大神话创造叙事。它认为,1918年后的波兰小说在第一次世界大战和波苏战争期间,面对波兰土地上遭受的苦难,发展了这三条主要道路。这些路径是:1)在英雄主义和无私的波兰牺牲框架内继续叙述波兰的苦难,这种牺牲自浪漫主义以来就已经确立;2)在国家认同的概念之外,由于现代官僚体系的畸形,人类被视为客体,因此将苦难视为人类的普遍命运;3)现代战争导致的苦难,但在“爱国主义措辞”之外讲述——因此表明越来越需要在狭隘的身份定义之外寻找解决民族冲突的办法。
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引用次数: 0
The Forging of the Polish Army, 1918-1919 波兰军队的锻造,1918-1919
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1709020
Andrzej Suchcitz
ABSTRACT With the regaining of independence by Poland in November 1918 it was essential to create a unified homogenous army, the more so that Poland was faced by conflict from its neighbours at a time when the borders of Poland were by no means formed let alone finalised. There were at least four seperate Polish armies and a plethora of local formations springing up all over the country. From these four formations: the Polish Military Organisation, the Polnische Wermacht, the Greater Poland Army and the Polish “Blue” Army in France. Moreover, the officer and NCO corps came from four distinct traditions. Those of the wartime Legions (Polish tradition) and of the three partitioning powers. All had different military traditions and training. An important factor was also that many of the them had only a rudimentary knowledge of the Polish language having served in garrisons far from the Polish lands. Faced with wars with the Ukrainians for Lwów and the south eastern lands, with the Germans over the Province of Greater Poland, Pomerania and Silesia, with the Czechs over Teschen and above all with Bolshevik russia in the east it was essential that the Polish Army unified as quickly as possible. That this was done within the year and eventually resulted in Poland winning the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1919-1920 and securing its borders and independence was in no small measure a result of the rapid unification and creation of an homogenous Polish Army with a single command structure and organisation. The binding glue was the deep rooted sense of national pride and desire to live and work in a free Poland.
随着1918年11月波兰重新获得独立,建立一支统一的军队变得至关重要,更重要的是,波兰面临着来自邻国的冲突,而当时波兰的边界根本没有形成,更不用说最终确定了。至少有四支独立的波兰军队,大量的地方部队如雨后春笋般遍布全国。从这四个编队中:波兰军事组织、波兰国防军、大波兰军和在法国的波兰“蓝军”。此外,军官和非政府组织来自四个不同的传统。战时军团(波兰传统)和三个瓜分国的军队。他们都有不同的军事传统和训练。另一个重要的因素是,他们中的许多人对波兰语只有基本的了解,因为他们在远离波兰土地的驻军中服役。面对与乌克兰人争夺Lwów和东南部土地的战争,与德国人争夺大波兰省、波美拉尼亚和西里西亚的战争,与捷克人争夺特申的战争,尤其是与东部的布尔什维克俄国的战争,波兰军队必须尽快统一。这在一年内就完成了,并最终导致波兰赢得了1919-1920年的波布战争,并确保了其边界和独立,这在很大程度上是快速统一和建立一支具有单一指挥结构和组织的同质波兰军队的结果。牢固的纽带是根深蒂固的民族自豪感,以及在自由的波兰生活和工作的愿望。
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引用次数: 0
Poland Restored, Reborn, Regained: One Hundred Years On 波兰的复兴,重生,收复:百年来
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1718449
R. Butterwick
The many people gathered in this lecture theatre hold some very different convictions about the past, present and future. We cannot ignore the all too evident fact that the Polish, British and American nations today are all divided, polarized, riven . . . Riven to an extent I do not remember in half a century. We can no longer assume that it is normal to discuss the problems of pursuing the common good within shared human values. Institutions, communities, families and friends have been riven by the demagogues’ claims that whoever is not with us is against us; whoever thinks differently from ‘us’ serves the enemy; therefore ‘they’ must be barbarians, fanatics, criminals, or traitors. Politicians and journalists routinely sling historical terms such as ‘targowica’ as cheap insults. Historians are not immune from such pressures, especially when the politics of history and memory are an ideological fault-line. No doubt next year’s anniversary events will be especially difficult. For the moment, we are marking the centenary of 1918. Is it possible to discuss not only the facts, but also their significance, without party political point-scoring? I hope so. Polish historians and historians of Poland – the two are not the same, although there is a large overlap – are about as politically divided as any other professional group. They have, however, repeatedly shown themselves capable of calm and reasoned debate over emotive questions of the recent and not so recent past. Historians’ professional ethic obliges them to weigh up evidence carefully, and to subject narratives to sceptical criticism. It is impossible to lock the past in the past. The answer to the political manipulation of history is not less history, but better history. We can, I expect, look forward to some profound disagreements and lively polemics today. But I also trust that, both among our invited speakers and among the audience, that all arguments will be made ad rem, never ad personam. The subtitle of the conference is ‘one hundred years on’. Not all that long ago, only just beyond the limits of adult memory. A very few people can still remember those events from their childhood. Many more can remember the reminiscences of their parents or grandparents.
聚集在这个演讲厅的许多人对过去、现在和未来持有非常不同的信念。我们不能忽视一个非常明显的事实,即波兰、英国和美国今天都是分裂的、两极化的、分裂的……分裂到我半个世纪都不记得的程度了。我们不能再假设在人类共同的价值观中讨论追求共同利益的问题是正常的。机构、社区、家庭和朋友被煽动者的言论撕裂,他们声称,谁不支持我们,谁就是反对我们;与“我们”有不同想法的人是在为敌人服务;因此,“他们”一定是野蛮人、狂热分子、罪犯或叛徒。政客和记者经常把“targowica”这样的历史词汇当作廉价的侮辱。历史学家也不能幸免于这种压力,尤其是当历史和记忆的政治是意识形态的断层线时。毫无疑问,明年的周年纪念活动将特别困难。目前,我们正在纪念1918年战争一百周年。是否有可能不仅讨论事实,而且讨论它们的意义,而不进行政党政治得分?我希望如此。波兰历史学家和波兰历史学家——两者并不相同,尽管有很多重叠之处——在政治上的分歧与其他任何专业团体一样大。然而,他们一再表明自己有能力冷静而理性地辩论最近和不太近的过去的情感问题。历史学家的职业道德迫使他们仔细权衡证据,并使叙述受到怀疑的批评。把过去锁在过去是不可能的。政治操纵历史的答案不是减少历史,而是创造更好的历史。我想,今天我们可以期待一些深刻的分歧和激烈的争论。但我也相信,在我们的受邀演讲者和听众中,所有的论点都将是针对他人的,而不是针对个人的。会议的副标题是“百年”。不是很久以前,只是刚刚超出了成年人的记忆范围。很少有人还能记得童年时发生的那些事。更多的人可以回忆起他们的父母或祖父母。
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引用次数: 0
The Experiences of a Polish Family from the Eastern Borderlands (1914–1921): The Protassewiczes of Borki 一个来自东部边疆的波兰家庭的经历(1914-1921):波尔基的普罗塔塞维奇家族
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2020.1718451
Hubert Zawadzki
ABSTRACT This article examines how two generations of a large Polish landed family from the Grodno governorate in the Russian Empire were affected by the political and social upheavals brought about by World War One, the Russian Revolution, the threat of Bolshevism, and the rebirth of a Polish state. The Protassewiczes, like other landed noble families in the region, despite their Polish- Lithuanian identity, enjoyed a privileged social status in tsarist Russia. Marriage and work took many of the family’s members to Wilno (Vilnius) and Siberia, while a younger member studied in Austrian Galicia where he joined Piłsudski’s organisation. The article describes the evacuation to Taganrog in 1915 of the senior Protassewicz and his subsequent return to Borki in 1918 to face the ensuing Polish-Soviet War. Two members of the family who were engaged in railway building in Siberia met a tragic end. The younger generation participated in Polish military efforts in the east in 1919–21 and adapted successfully to life in restored Poland. Attention is paid to issues of national identity raised by rival Polish and Lithuanian claims to Wilno in the context of the fall of empires and the emergence of new national states.
本文考察了一个来自俄罗斯帝国格罗德诺省的波兰大地主家族的两代人是如何受到第一次世界大战、俄国革命、布尔什维克主义的威胁和波兰国家重生所带来的政治和社会动荡的影响的。与该地区其他有土地的贵族家庭一样,普罗塔塞维茨家族尽管具有波兰-立陶宛的身份,但在沙皇俄国享有特权的社会地位。由于婚姻和工作,这个家庭的许多成员都去了维尔纽斯和西伯利亚,而一个年轻的成员在奥地利加利西亚学习,并加入了Piłsudski的组织。这篇文章描述了1915年,老普罗塔塞维茨撤退到塔甘罗格,并于1918年返回博尔基,面对随后的波苏战争。在西伯利亚从事铁路建设的两名家庭成员遭遇了悲惨的结局。年轻一代参加了1919年至1921年波兰在东部的军事行动,并成功地适应了恢复后的波兰的生活。在帝国衰亡和新民族国家出现的背景下,波兰和立陶宛对威尔诺的主权主张引起了人们对国家身份的关注。
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引用次数: 0
From Empires to Nation-State: Remaking the Roman Catholic Church in an Independent Poland 从帝国到民族国家:在独立的波兰重建罗马天主教会
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1709017
James Bjork
ABSTRACT Roman Catholicism is most often imagined as an element of continuity in Poland’s turbulent history: even when a Polish state was absent from the map of Europe from the late eighteenth through early twentieth centuries, a recognizably ‘Polish’ church has been presumed to provide a robust institutional anchor for the Polish nation. This article, however, argues that the creation of a ‘Polish’ Roman Catholic church was a belated and protracted process, one that was only getting started in the years following the achievement of Polish independence in 1918. The church’s ‘Polonization’ was only partially a matter of emancipation from imperial-era restrictions. It often also involved the defence and attempted extrapolation of laws, practices and institutions that had developed under the auspices of the German, Austrian or Russian states and that the Catholic hierarchy viewed as healthy and desirable building blocks for a future Polish church. These imperial precedents continued to provide crucial points of reference in ongoing debates about what ‘Polish’ Catholicism was and what it should become.
罗马天主教通常被认为是波兰动荡历史上的一个延续因素:即使从18世纪末到20世纪初,波兰国家从欧洲地图上消失,一个公认的“波兰”教会也被认为为波兰民族提供了一个强大的制度支柱。然而,这篇文章认为,“波兰”罗马天主教会的建立是一个姗姗来迟的漫长过程,直到1918年波兰独立后的几年才开始。教会的“波兰化”只是从帝国时代的限制中解放出来的部分问题。它还经常涉及捍卫和试图推断在德国、奥地利或俄罗斯国家的支持下发展起来的法律、惯例和制度,天主教等级认为这些是未来波兰教会健康和理想的基石。这些帝国先例继续为正在进行的关于“波兰”天主教是什么以及它应该成为什么的辩论提供了关键的参考点。
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引用次数: 0
Map of the Rebirth of the Polish State, 1918-1923 波兰国家重生地图,1918-1923
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1718450
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引用次数: 0
Orientalist Body Politics. Intermedia Encounters between German and Polish Jews around 1800 东方主义的身体政治。1800年左右德国犹太人和波兰犹太人之间的媒介接触
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1684794
Kathrin Wittler
ABSTRACT In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the transformation of the German Jews’ appearance was often defined in terms of Europeanization and modernization, whereas the so-called Polish Jews were reproached for clinging to their outdated ‘Oriental’ caftans, beards, and head coverings. Inner-Jewish differences were moulded in the terms of a simultaneity of the non-simultaneous, as Polish Jews were stylized into anachronistic, semi-Oriental figures by their German peers. The paper retraces the genesis of this pattern of thought and analyses its functions. Bringing together a disparate range of textual and pictorial evidence, it asks how and why the spatial-temporal divide of West/Present and East/Past came to be established in late-eighteenth-century debates about Jewish Emancipation and in what ways it helped Christians and Jews alike to stylize the European Enlightenment into a civilizing mission which had to be enforced by means of a ‘Western’ body regime. In sum, it argues that the body politics which helped organize the sociocultural changes of Jewish life around 1800 were premised on modern Orientalism and on modern concepts of history, including emphatic notions of progress and perfectibility.
在18世纪末和19世纪初,德国犹太人的外貌变化通常被定义为欧洲化和现代化,而所谓的波兰犹太人则因坚持他们过时的“东方”长袍、胡须和头巾而受到指责。犹太人内部的差异被塑造成非同时的同时性,就像波兰犹太人被他们的德国同辈塑造成不合时宜的半东方人物一样。本文回顾了这种思维模式的起源,并分析了其功能。汇集了不同范围的文本和图像证据,它询问了西方/现在和东方/过去的时空划分是如何以及为什么在18世纪晚期关于犹太人解放的辩论中建立起来的,以及它以何种方式帮助基督徒和犹太人将欧洲启蒙运动形式化为一种文明使命,这种使命必须通过“西方”身体政权来执行。总之,它认为,帮助组织1800年左右犹太人生活的社会文化变革的身体政治是以现代东方主义和现代历史概念为前提的,包括强调进步和完美性的概念。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: The Jewish Body 引言:《犹太人的身体
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1684781
Cornelia Aust
The Jewish body has long caught the interest of historians and anthropologists. For both Jews and non-Jews, the body of the Jew had features which distinguished it essentially from a non-Jewish body, similar to the way a male body is conceived of as essentially different from a female body. Often, these bodily features were imagined as unchangeable. The following set of articles aims to contribute to scholarship compiled since the 1980s on the history of the body, according to which the body is not understood as a biological and invariable constant but rather as a social construction, formed through discourse, and changing over time. The perception of the body depends on both the one who inhabits the body and the outside observer, who sees and perceives the body of the other according to his/her own ideas and perceptions. Thus, we look at an imagined body, which we only get to know through descriptions that are deeply influenced by the observer’s cultural concepts and ideas. The ways contemporaries wrote, spoke, or thought about the body – their own and that of the other – formed and altered this very body. The articles in this volume aim at deconstructing the discourses which contributed to shaping the Jewish body. The following example illustrates how central the question of the body and its features could be. The early modern Frankfurt ‘ethnographer’ of the Jews, Johann Jacob Schudt (1664–1722) had no doubt that ‘one could identify a Jew immediately among many thousands of people.’He argued that it was easy to recognize a Jew, even when he tried to hide his identity. Outward signs ‘partly physical, partly in relation to his mind, partly in his lifestyle’ could easily reveal his Jewishness. Moreover, he claimed that distinguishing features of the Jew included the nose, lips, eyes and ‘the whole body-posture’. Jews and non-Jews had a long tradition of discussing and ruminating about such an imagined Jewish body, and they also marked the Jewish body to make it recognizable. The question of distinguishability and the markers of difference were among the core issues in JewishChristian relations and were often directly related to the (Jewish) body and included the question whether a conversion could turn a Jew into a Christian or some inherent and
长期以来,历史学家和人类学家一直对犹太人的身体感兴趣。无论是犹太人还是非犹太人,犹太人的身体都有一些特征,这些特征本质上区别于非犹太人的身体,就像男性的身体被认为与女性的身体有本质上的区别一样。通常,这些身体特征被认为是不可改变的。以下这组文章旨在为20世纪80年代以来编纂的关于身体历史的学术研究做出贡献,根据这些研究,身体不是被理解为一个生物的、不变的常量,而是被理解为一种社会结构,通过话语形成,并随着时间而变化。对身体的感知既取决于居住在身体内的人,也取决于外部观察者,后者根据自己的想法和感知来观察和感知他人的身体。因此,我们看到的是一个想象中的身体,我们只有通过描述才能了解它,而这些描述深受观察者的文化观念和思想的影响。同时代人书写、说话或思考身体的方式——他们自己的或他人的——形成并改变了这个身体。本卷中的文章旨在解构有助于塑造犹太人身体的话语。下面的例子说明了身体及其特征的问题是多么的重要。早期现代法兰克福犹太人“民族志学家”约翰·雅各布·舒特(1664-1722)毫不怀疑,“一个人可以在成千上万的人中立即识别出一个犹太人。”他认为犹太人很容易被认出来,即使他试图隐藏自己的身份。外在的迹象“部分是身体上的,部分是他的思想上的,部分是他的生活方式上的”可以很容易地揭示他是犹太人。此外,他还声称,犹太人的特征包括鼻子、嘴唇、眼睛和“全身姿势”。犹太人和非犹太人长期以来都有讨论和思考这种想象中的犹太人身体的传统,他们也在犹太人的身体上做了标记,使其可识别。可区别性问题和差异标记是犹太-基督教关系中的核心问题之一,通常与(犹太人)身体直接相关,包括皈依是否会使犹太人成为基督徒或某些固有的问题
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引用次数: 1
Covering the Female Jewish Body. Dress and Dress Regulations in Early Modern Ashkenaz 遮盖犹太女性的身体。近代早期德系犹太人的服饰和服饰规定
IF 0.5 2区 历史学 Q2 HISTORY Pub Date : 2019-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/14790963.2019.1684782
Cornelia Aust
ABSTRACT Attempts to regulate, monitor, and sanction dress and outward appearance was a typical feature of the early modern period. Religious and secular authorities aimed at controlling its subjects’ spending as well as the upkeep of estate boundaries. This development did not leave untouched Jewish society in central and east-central Europe. Internal Jewish sumptuary laws from the late sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries as well as moral literature were an attempt of the communal lay and religious elites to exercise control over the communities. Increasingly, dress ordinances pertained to women and moral writings of rabbis scolded women for their haughtiness and too lavish and expensive dress, especially for adapting non-Jewish styles of dress. This article explores these developments; and how the regulation of dress aimed also at gaining control over the female Jewish body.
试图规范、监督和制裁服装和外表是近代早期的一个典型特征。宗教和世俗当局的目标是控制臣民的支出,并维持地产边界。这种发展并没有使中欧和中欧东部的犹太社会不受影响。从16世纪末到18世纪,犹太内部的奢侈品法以及道德文学都是世俗和宗教精英试图控制社区的一种尝试。越来越多的关于妇女的服装法令和拉比的道德著作谴责妇女的傲慢和过于奢华和昂贵的服装,特别是适应非犹太风格的服装。本文探讨了这些发展;以及对着装的规定也是为了控制犹太女性的身体。
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引用次数: 2
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Central Europe
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