Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.01GET
Robert Getz
The transmitted in line 811b of the Old English poem Elene by Cynewulf has been generally regarded as representing an otherwise unattested adjective mānweorc composite of mān ‘crime’ and weorc ‘work’. Since weorc is unparalleled and unexpected as a second element in an adjectival compound, an alternative explanation of the manuscript reading is proposed here, scribal alteration of an adjective otherwise attested only in the First Cleopatra Glossary, occurring there in the written form . While this adjective is listed under various headword forms in dictionaries, it is probably to be described as mānwrǣce (Anglian mānwrēce ), having the same second element as another adjective in which Old English - wrǣce has often been misunderstood, godwrǣce ‘impious’. The origin of - wrǣce is a Germanic verbal adjective in - i - / - ja - derived from the etymon of Old English wrecan ‘drive’; the original meaning of mānwrǣce may thus have been ‘perpetrating crime’. , corresponding to the Anglian form that Cynewulf would have used in Elene 811b, would have been susceptible to alteration to by a copyist unfamiliar with the word, as comparable instances of scribal transposition of elements suggest.
Cynewulf的古英语诗Elene的第811b行被普遍认为代表了一个未经证实的形容词mānweorc，由mān“犯罪”和weorc“工作”组成。由于weorc作为形容词复合词中的第二个元素是无与伦比的，出乎意料的，因此这里提出了对手稿阅读的另一种解释，即只有在《埃及艳后第一本词汇表》中才证实的形容词的抄写改变，以书面形式出现。虽然这个形容词在词典中以各种标题形式列出，但它可能被描述为mānwrǣce(盎格鲁语mānwrēce)，与古英语中另一个经常被误解的形容词wrǣce有相同的第二个元素，godwrǣce“不虔诚的”。wrǣce的起源是- i - / - ja中的日耳曼语动词形容词，源自古英语wrecan ' drive '的词源;因此，mānwrǣce的原意可能是“犯罪”。，与Cynewulf在公元811b年使用的盎格鲁语形式相对应，很容易被不熟悉这个词的抄写员修改，就像抄写元素调换的类似实例所表明的那样。
{"title":"Old English mānwrǣce and godwrǣce , with an emendation of Elene 811b","authors":"Robert Getz","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.01GET","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.01GET","url":null,"abstract":"The transmitted in line 811b of the Old English poem Elene by Cynewulf has been generally regarded as representing an otherwise unattested adjective mānweorc composite of mān ‘crime’ and weorc ‘work’. Since weorc is unparalleled and unexpected as a second element in an adjectival compound, an alternative explanation of the manuscript reading is proposed here, scribal alteration of an adjective otherwise attested only in the First Cleopatra Glossary, occurring there in the written form . While this adjective is listed under various headword forms in dictionaries, it is probably to be described as mānwrǣce (Anglian mānwrēce ), having the same second element as another adjective in which Old English - wrǣce has often been misunderstood, godwrǣce ‘impious’. The origin of - wrǣce is a Germanic verbal adjective in - i - / - ja - derived from the etymon of Old English wrecan ‘drive’; the original meaning of mānwrǣce may thus have been ‘perpetrating crime’. , corresponding to the Anglian form that Cynewulf would have used in Elene 811b, would have been susceptible to alteration to by a copyist unfamiliar with the word, as comparable instances of scribal transposition of elements suggest.","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"110 1","pages":"1-21"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79263228","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.02WOL
Kirsten Wolf
The article examines the use of the color brown in Old Norse-Icelandic literature, which is encoded by brunn and jarpr . More specifically, it seeks to determine through linguistic categorization the objects about which brown is used and to determine on the basis of its frequency whether for Old Norse-Icelandic brown should be placed in the earlier stages of the evolution of color terms or if it should be assigned to the later stages. The data show that brunn is the more frequently used term, though the earliest texts suggest that both brunn and jarpr were contextually restricted. Gradually, brunn came to be applied to a wider range of objects, whereas jarpr remained a secondary color term. As a basic color term, brunn should be assigned a fairly late stage in the temporal-evolutionary order of basic color terms.
{"title":"The color brown in Old Norse-Icelandic literature","authors":"Kirsten Wolf","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.02WOL","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.02WOL","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the use of the color brown in Old Norse-Icelandic literature, which is encoded by brunn and jarpr . More specifically, it seeks to determine through linguistic categorization the objects about which brown is used and to determine on the basis of its frequency whether for Old Norse-Icelandic brown should be placed in the earlier stages of the evolution of color terms or if it should be assigned to the later stages. The data show that brunn is the more frequently used term, though the earliest texts suggest that both brunn and jarpr were contextually restricted. Gradually, brunn came to be applied to a wider range of objects, whereas jarpr remained a secondary color term. As a basic color term, brunn should be assigned a fairly late stage in the temporal-evolutionary order of basic color terms.","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"1 1","pages":"22-38"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83362996","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.04NIE
H. Nielsen
{"title":"The emergence and development of a spoken standard in England (1400–1926)","authors":"H. Nielsen","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.04NIE","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.04NIE","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"32 1","pages":"255-266"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76931479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.05TER
E. Ternes
Der Artikel behandelt die sog. “Eifler Regel”, eine satzphonetische Erscheinung in westdeutschen Dialekten und im Luxemburgischen. Ein wortauslautendes -n wird unter bestimmten Bedingungen getilgt oder bleibt erhalten. Die Bedingungen, welche phonetischer, grammatischer und lexikalischer Natur sind, werden zum ersten Mal in ihrer vollen Komplexitat beschrieben. Die Beispiele entstammen zum grosten Teil dem Dialekt der Stadt Trier. Es wird aber auch auf einige geographisch bedingte Abweichungen eingegangen. Zum Schlus wird die Erscheinung in einen typologischen Zusammenhang im weiteren deutschsprachigen und germanischen Rahmen gestellt.
{"title":"Die Eifler Regel: Eine Präzisierung Ihrer Gesetzmäßigkeiten (Nebst Einer Typologischen Einordnung Des Phänomens)","authors":"E. Ternes","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.05TER","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.05TER","url":null,"abstract":"Der Artikel behandelt die sog. “Eifler Regel”, eine satzphonetische Erscheinung in westdeutschen Dialekten und im Luxemburgischen. Ein wortauslautendes -n wird unter bestimmten Bedingungen getilgt oder bleibt erhalten. Die Bedingungen, welche phonetischer, grammatischer und lexikalischer Natur sind, werden zum ersten Mal in ihrer vollen Komplexitat beschrieben. Die Beispiele entstammen zum grosten Teil dem Dialekt der Stadt Trier. Es wird aber auch auf einige geographisch bedingte Abweichungen eingegangen. Zum Schlus wird die Erscheinung in einen typologischen Zusammenhang im weiteren deutschsprachigen und germanischen Rahmen gestellt.","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"80 1","pages":"73-88"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87129060","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.04CAL
C. Callender
Building on Callender 2012 , this paper argues that residue from the High German tenues shift may be the result of incomplete lexical diffusion (as opposed to later northern borrowing). Although unshifted forms rarely appear in OHG texts (see Braune 2004 [1886] ), an examination of the TITUS corpus and Schutzeichel 1995 revealed that their shifted counterparts were also largely absent. This suggests that these forms were simply not the types of words written in OHG texts. Incomplete lexical diffusion thus remains a plausible explanation. I also argue that affrication and spirantization may have been phonologically (perceptually) abrupt. Furthermore, there was little distinction between the two post-vocalically for old short stops, a position where affricates do not survive today.
{"title":"Borrowing, incomplete lexical diffusion and the High German tenues shift","authors":"C. Callender","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.04CAL","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.04CAL","url":null,"abstract":"Building on Callender 2012 , this paper argues that residue from the High German tenues shift may be the result of incomplete lexical diffusion (as opposed to later northern borrowing). Although unshifted forms rarely appear in OHG texts (see Braune 2004 [1886] ), an examination of the TITUS corpus and Schutzeichel 1995 revealed that their shifted counterparts were also largely absent. This suggests that these forms were simply not the types of words written in OHG texts. Incomplete lexical diffusion thus remains a plausible explanation. I also argue that affrication and spirantization may have been phonologically (perceptually) abrupt. Furthermore, there was little distinction between the two post-vocalically for old short stops, a position where affricates do not survive today.","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"19 1","pages":"57-72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74255073","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.07CON
Aidan Conti
{"title":"Pons-Sanz (2013). The Lexical Effects of Anglo-Scandinavian Linguistic Contact","authors":"Aidan Conti","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.07CON","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.07CON","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"110 1","pages":"97-105"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86123873","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.01ROM
S. Rombouts
This paper attempts to explain the origin and development of a subgroup of the Proto-Germanic weak verbs of class I (Gothic bugjan, waurkjan, þugkjan, þagkjan, sokjan and brukjan). The core of this group consists of Proto-Indo-European zero-grade primary *-ie/o presents, which all developed a j-present, ablauting preterit and *-to- participle in Early Proto-Germanic. In so doing, they came to violate the requirement that each ablauting verb must possess distinct present and preterit stems. With the introduction of a new preterit plural vowel in the ablaut model of classes V and VI, this problem was solved for the primary *-ie/o presents belonging to these. Owing to the dominance of the present tense within the strong paradigm, a remodelling of the preterit was also the preferred solution for the remaining verbs, and this was eventually found in the innovation of new weak forms through an analogy involving their *-to- participle.
{"title":"The Proto-Germanic irregular weak verbs of class I","authors":"S. Rombouts","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.01ROM","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.01ROM","url":null,"abstract":"This paper attempts to explain the origin and development of a subgroup of the Proto-Germanic weak verbs of class I (Gothic bugjan, waurkjan, þugkjan, þagkjan, sokjan and brukjan). The core of this group consists of Proto-Indo-European zero-grade primary *-ie/o presents, which all developed a j-present, ablauting preterit and *-to- participle in Early Proto-Germanic. In so doing, they came to violate the requirement that each ablauting verb must possess distinct present and preterit stems. With the introduction of a new preterit plural vowel in the ablaut model of classes V and VI, this problem was solved for the primary *-ie/o presents belonging to these. Owing to the dominance of the present tense within the strong paradigm, a remodelling of the preterit was also the preferred solution for the remaining verbs, and this was eventually found in the innovation of new weak forms through an analogy involving their *-to- participle.","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"30 1","pages":"121-134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86168168","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.08LAR
Niels-Erik Larsen
{"title":"Seiler (2014). The Scripting of the Germanic Languages. A Comparative Study of “spelling difficulties” in Old English, Old High German and Old Saxon","authors":"Niels-Erik Larsen","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.08LAR","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.1.08LAR","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"460 1","pages":"106-113"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73555046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.05HAN
Erik W. Hansen, H. Nielsen
{"title":"Editorial epilogue: The autonomy of historical linguistics","authors":"Erik W. Hansen, H. Nielsen","doi":"10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.05HAN","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/NOWELE.70.2.05HAN","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"6 1","pages":"267-274"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82268932","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-01-01DOI: 10.1075/nowele.70.1.09bra
K. Braunmüller
{"title":"Kristina Kotcheva. Adversativkonnektoren in den nordgermanischen Sprachen. Synchronie und Diachronie","authors":"K. Braunmüller","doi":"10.1075/nowele.70.1.09bra","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.70.1.09bra","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41411,"journal":{"name":"NOWELE-North-Western European Language Evolution","volume":"20 16","pages":"114-120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2017-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1075/nowele.70.1.09bra","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72373993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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