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The Contribution of Tung Wah Hospital to the Repatriation of Deceased Chinese Expatriates in the Early Twentieth Century 东华医院对二十世纪初华人亡故归国的贡献
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402X.2023.2191362
Zhaokun Liu
Since the late nineteenth century, millions of Chinese laborers have left their hometowns in search of better lives overseas; many died before returning home. those close to the deceased expatriates strived to repatriate their remains, believing that it would bring peace to their souls. Most repatriated remains were first transported to Tung Wah Hospital until their townsfolks or relatives claimed them. In 2020, Tung Wah published 300 letters it received between 1929 and 1936. With these new materials, this article reveals details in the daily operations of the hospital's coffin home and the motivations of overseas Chinese nationals to repatriate remains. Although some remains were lost or unclaimed for various reasons, Tung Wah Hospital generally fulfilled its mission as a benevolent association and facilitated the repatriation of hundreds of thousands of deceased compatriots. The hospital served as a critical node of the network connecting overseas Chinese nationals to their homelands.
自19世纪末以来,数以百万计的中国劳工离开家乡到海外寻求更好的生活;许多人在回家之前就死了。那些与死去的侨民关系密切的人努力将他们的遗体运回,相信这将给他们的灵魂带来安宁。大部分遗体先被送往东华医院,直到他们的乡亲或亲属认领。2020年,东华出版了1929年至1936年间收到的300封信。通过这些新材料,本文揭示了医院灵柩之家日常运作的细节,以及海外华人回国的动机。虽然由于种种原因,有些遗骸遗失或无人认领,但东华医院总体上履行了慈善协会的使命,协助数十万已故同胞返乡。该医院是连接海外中国公民回国网络的关键节点。
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引用次数: 0
Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600 中国和欧洲历史上的政治传播,800-1600年
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1515/9789048551002
Xiaojia Hou
Based on a collaboration between historians of Chinese and European politics, Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600 offers a first comprehensive overview of current research on political communication in middle-period European and Chinese history. The chapters present new work on the sources and processes of political communication in European and Chinese history partly through juxtaposing and combining formerly separate historiographies and partly through direct comparison. Contrary to earlier comparative work on empires and state formation, which aimed to explain similarities and differences with encompassing models and new theories of divergence, the goal is to further conversations between historians by engaging regional historiographies from the bottom up.
基于中国和欧洲政治历史学家之间的合作,《中国和欧洲历史上的政治传播,800-1600》首次全面概述了欧洲和中国中期历史上政治传播的当前研究。这些章节部分通过并列和结合以前独立的史学,部分通过直接比较,介绍了欧洲和中国历史上政治传播的来源和过程的新工作。与早期关于帝国和国家形成的比较研究相反,其目的是用包含模型和新的分歧理论来解释相似和差异,其目标是通过自下而上地参与区域历史编纂来进一步促进历史学家之间的对话。
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引用次数: 1
Beyond the Wall: Mapping Christian Fundamentalism in Hunan During the 1920s 墙外:20世纪20年代湖南基督教原教旨主义的映射
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402X.2023.2191360
James J. Hudson
The Hunan Bible Institute (HBI) was a prominent missionary organization based out of the city of Changsha, the provincial capital of Hunan province, located far in China’s interior. By the 1920’s the HBI built a large compound located outside the eastern gate of the city, which mainly functioned as a training school for Chinese converts and missionaries. Despite Hunan’s reputation as one of the most radically anti-foreign regions of China, early efforts of evangelistic outreach were mainly achieved through the efforts of small “colporteur teams,” who were sent out on small boats along Hunan’s complex network of rivers and canals. At the same time, archival evidence has shown how the story of how HBI acquired the property to build its spacious campus initially proved controversial and was indicative of how wealthy foreign institutions maintained a complex relationship with local interests during a very turbulent decade in China’s modern history..
湖南圣经学院(HBI)是一个著名的传教组织,总部位于中国内陆的湖南省省会长沙市。到20世纪20年代,HBI在城市东门外建造了一个大院子,主要作为中国皈依者和传教士的培训学校。尽管湖南被认为是中国最激进的排外地区之一,但早期的福音传播主要是通过小型“通讯员队”的努力来实现的,他们被派往湖南复杂的河流和运河网络上的小船上。与此同时,档案证据显示,HBI如何获得这处房产以建设其宽敞校园的故事最初是如何引起争议的,并表明,在中国现代史上非常动荡的十年里,富有的外国机构如何与当地利益保持着复杂的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Anti-Tank Warfare of the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army in the Korean War 朝鲜战争中中国人民志愿军的反坦克作战
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402X.2023.2191363
Yi-Nou Chang
This article aims to discuss how Chinese People's Volunteer Army responded to the attack from the United Nation Force's tank divisions under unfavorable military condition during the Korean War. This research utilizes an array of primary materials produced by Chinese Communist military authorities and the U.S. Army. Although the Chinese had had relevant knowledge and experience in anti-tank warfare, these were outdated and inefficient to deal with those cutting-edge tanks used by UN forces. The quantity of Chinese tanks was far from enough. Even worse, Chinese army was not equipped with sufficient anti-tank guns. This forced them to seek for a new anti-tank system. Eventually, the Chinese invented a unique anti-tank warfare which fitted into the military context they had, and demonstrated their outstanding performance of military adaptation in the battles against UN tank divisions in the Korea War.
本文旨在探讨朝鲜战争中,中国人民志愿军在不利的军事条件下如何应对联合国军坦克师的进攻。这项研究使用了一系列由中国共产党军事当局和美国陆军生产的原始材料。虽然中国人在反坦克战方面有相关的知识和经验,但这些知识和经验对于对付联合国部队使用的尖端坦克来说是过时和低效的。中国坦克的数量远远不够。更糟糕的是,中国军队没有配备足够的反坦克炮。这迫使他们寻求一种新的反坦克系统。最终,中国人发明了一种独特的适合他们军事背景的反坦克战,并在朝鲜战争中与联合国坦克师的战斗中展示了他们杰出的军事适应能力。
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引用次数: 0
Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600 中国和欧洲历史上的政治传播,800-1600年
Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402x.2023.2191366
Xiaojia Hou
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引用次数: 0
What Concerned Chiang? A Survey and Analysis of Chiang Kai-Shek’s Wartime Diaries 蒋介石担心什么?蒋介石战时日记调查与分析
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402X.2023.2191361
S. Lai
Chiang Kai-shek (1887-1975) has been one of the most controversial figures in Modern China since the early-1940s. One of the key issues in the controversy is whether Chiang paid more attention to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) than to the Japanese during China’s war of resistance. This article attempts to answer this question through statistical analyzes of Chiang’s wartime diaries. Together with the question are Chiang’s considerations behind his critical decisions that would finally collapse the Republican China in 1949. The article demonstrates that the CCP received far less attention from Chiang than the issue of finance, let alone other issues. The times that the CCP received Chiang’s extraordinary attention was when it was conducting provoking operations against the Nationalist government.
自20世纪40年代初以来,蒋介石(1887-1975)一直是现代中国最具争议的人物之一。争论的关键问题之一是,在中国抗战期间,蒋介石是否更关注中国共产党而不是日本人。本文试图通过对蒋介石战时日记的统计分析来回答这个问题。与这个问题一起出现的是蒋介石在他的关键决定背后的考虑,这些决定最终导致了1949年中华民国的崩溃。文章表明,比起财政问题,蒋介石对中共的关注要少得多,更不用说其他问题了。中共受到蒋介石特别关注的时候,是它对国民政府采取挑衅行动的时候。
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引用次数: 0
Becoming Guanyin: Artistic Devotion of Buddhist Women in Late Imperial China 成为观音:晚清中国佛教女性的艺术奉献
Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402x.2023.2191367
Jamie B. Davenport
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引用次数: 1
The Oxford History of Modern China 牛津近代中国史
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402x.2023.2191368
Logan W. Ray
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引用次数: 0
Arise, Africa! Roar, China! : Black and Chinese Citizens of the World in the Twentieth Century 起来吧,非洲!咆哮,中国!:二十世纪世界上的黑人和中国公民
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402X.2023.2191370
Yan Boqiao
through inference, acrimoniously criticized the creation of a document along with the government that promoted it. The people urged government officials to clarify the meaning of words, ideas, and phrases written in the constitution, which prompted those officials to create a vast amount of revisions. Despite the modifications, many citizens referred to the document as utter Bullshit. Consecutive PRC governments continued to propagate the draft with amendments and had lengthy debates concerning the constitution even up to the day which would become Constitution Day in China. Diamant draws upon the wealth of archive sources from the reformist and Maoist eras and deals with the vast amount of constitutional discussions and the documents eternally unknown of the late 1950s, the post-Mao, and Cultural Revolution periods. Useful Bullshit clarifies why and how the Chinese government recognizes and utilizes the constitution as a document of political standing and how a variety of citizens, such as police, university students, laborers, females, and citizens of different religions and ethnic backgrounds, responded to the constitution. Constitutions serve the purpose of politics, not the concern of the people. Diamant points out that the 1954 version of the constitution that Chinese officials drafted is a prime example of how the people were able to write letters with questions and concerns about drafting the Chinese constitution. However, officials would not consider these needs or concerns, seeing how government officials only made the draft to fit their personal needs and not about how the government would fulfill the needs of the people. Businesspeople and government officials saw the creation of a constitution as an opportunity to undermine the citizens they served and how they ran their businesses to keep all the profits for themselves, without regard for those who labored for those profits. Chinese constitutions are known by many to be legal Bullshit, but the Bullshit in these documents has been proven helpful on various occasions. Whether complicated or straightforward, constitutions do not show the legitimacy of a country or its people. But it serves as an agreement or relationship between government officials and the people for whom they have a duty. Constitutions are instruments designed to protect the people and serve as a plane among people in positions of authority and elected officials.
通过推论,尖锐地批评了一份文件的制定以及推动该文件的政府。人民敦促政府官员澄清宪法中文字、思想和短语的含义,这促使这些官员进行了大量的修改。尽管进行了修改,但许多市民称这份文件纯属无稽之谈。中华人民共和国连续几届政府继续通过修正案宣传该草案,并就宪法进行了长时间的辩论,直到中国的宪法日。Diamant利用了改革派和毛主义时代的丰富档案来源,处理了大量宪法讨论和20世纪50年代末、后毛时代和文化大革命时期永远不为人知的文件。有用的废话阐明了中国政府为什么以及如何承认和利用宪法作为政治地位的文件,以及各种公民,如警察、大学生、劳工、女性以及不同宗教和种族背景的公民,如何回应宪法。宪法服务于政治目的,而不是人民的关心。迪亚曼特指出,中国官员起草的1954年版宪法是一个典型的例子,说明了人民如何能够写信对起草中国宪法提出质疑和担忧。然而,官员们不会考虑这些需求或担忧,因为他们看到政府官员如何制定草案只是为了满足他们的个人需求,而不是政府如何满足人民的需求。商人和政府官员认为,制定宪法是一个机会,可以破坏他们所服务的公民,以及他们如何经营企业,将所有利润留给自己,而不考虑那些为这些利润而努力的人。中国宪法被许多人认为是法律上的废话,但这些文件中的废话在各种场合都被证明是有用的。无论是复杂的还是直截了当的,宪法都不能显示一个国家或其人民的合法性。但它是政府官员和他们有责任的人民之间的协议或关系。宪法是旨在保护人民的工具,是当权者和民选官员之间的一架飞机。
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引用次数: 2
The Many Lives of the First Emperor of China 《秦始皇的一生
IF 0.4 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/1547402x.2023.2191365
Patrick Fuliang Shan
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引用次数: 0
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Chinese Historical Review
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