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NEW DATA ABOUT THE ”WHITE PAINTED POTTERY” CULTURAL HORIZON IN TRANSYLVANIA 特兰西瓦尼亚白彩陶文化视野新探
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.14795/j.v9i4.812
M. Ciută, Anamaria Tudorie
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引用次数: 0
ESTIMATING AND MAPPING ROMAN AMPHITHEATER SEATING CAPACITY 罗马圆形剧场座位的估算和制图
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.14795/j.v9i4.784
Sebastian Heath
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引用次数: 0
THE ANTHROPOMORPHIC PLASTICS OF PETREŞTI CULTURE. NEW DATA petreŞti文化的拟人化塑料。新数据
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.14795/j.v9i4.813
C. Popa, Dan George Anghel
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引用次数: 0
A SARMATIAN HORSE-RIDER AT THE COURT OF THE DACIAN KINGS. THE SIGN (II) 达契亚国王宫廷里的萨尔马提亚骑马人。标志(II)
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.14795/j.v9i4.815
Ș. Vasilache
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引用次数: 0
Did Josephus use 1 Maccabees in Jewish War 1.31-56? 约瑟夫在《犹太战争》(1.31-56)中使用了马加比书吗?
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1515/jah-2021-0018
Michael V. Flowers
Abstract Few commentators seem willing to recognize Josephus’ indebtedness to 1 Maccabees in Jewish War 1.31–56 where he gives a succinct account of the Hasmonean revolt and its aftermath. Noting the many disagreements here with 1 Maccabees, they conclude that Josephus had been entirely dependent on other sources, usually Nicolaus of Damascus. The present article seeks to challenge this apparent consensus. The many agreements between Jewish War 1.31–56 and 1 Maccabees—especially with respect to the events which Josephus chooses to record and the order in which he arranges them—constitute strong positive evidence that Josephus was using 1 Maccabees as his primary source. Most disagreements can be seen as his redactions of 1 Maccabees, even if some are a bit puzzling and others do, in fact, suggest that he used other sources in addition. His use of other sources seems minimal, in any case, being limited to the beginning and end of his narrative. His use of Nicolaus cannot be ruled out completely but seems a priori unlikely.
似乎很少有评论家愿意承认约瑟夫斯在《犹太战争》(1.31-56)中对《马加比书》的亏欠,他在书中简洁地描述了哈斯蒙尼叛乱及其后果。注意到这里与马加比书有许多不同之处,他们得出结论,约瑟夫斯完全依赖于其他来源,通常是大马士革的尼古拉斯。本文试图挑战这一明显的共识。《犹太战争》(1.31 - 1.56)和《马加比书》之间的许多协议——尤其是关于约瑟夫斯选择记录的事件和他安排这些事件的顺序——构成了强有力的确凿证据,证明约瑟夫斯将《马加比书》作为他的主要资料来源。大多数分歧都可以看作是他对马加比书的修订,即使有些令人困惑,而另一些确实表明他使用了其他来源。他对其他资料的使用似乎很少,无论如何,仅限于他叙述的开头和结尾。不能完全排除他利用尼古拉斯的可能性,但似乎先验地不太可能。
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引用次数: 0
Snuggling with your identity: beds and the sense of touch in Roman culture 与你的身份相依偎:罗马文化中的床和触觉
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1515/jah-2021-0001
Jason Linn
Abstract This article seeks to find attitudes and judgments elite Romans made based on a person’s bed. It culls written sources from a diverse range of genres to argue that elite Roman men saw beds as transformative and reflective items. Through long-lasting and frequent contact, a bed’s qualities seeped into bodies and characters. Consequently, as a powerful part of the built environment, beds could strengthen or weaken soldiers as well as help or harm a person’s health. Furthermore, beds’ transformative power meant elite Romans thought where a man slept revealed who he was: his social status, moral fiber, and civilization. In short, beds marked a person’s identity. Examining how Roman elites conceptualized beds informs us on the larger issue of the history of the body, in general, and the sense of touch, in particular. Scholarship on the history of touch tends not analyze the effects of sustained and repetitive contact with a mundane object.
这篇文章试图找到罗马精英的态度和判断基于一个人的床。它从各种各样的流派中挑选了书面资料,认为罗马精英男性将床视为变革和反思的物品。通过长期和频繁的接触,床的品质渗透到身体和人物身上。因此,作为建筑环境的一个强有力的组成部分,床可以增强或削弱士兵,也可以帮助或损害一个人的健康。此外,床的变革力量意味着罗马精英认为一个人睡觉的地方揭示了他的身份:他的社会地位、道德品质和文明程度。简而言之,床标志着一个人的身份。研究罗马精英如何概念化床,告诉我们关于身体历史的更大问题,一般来说,尤其是触觉。研究触摸史的学者倾向于不分析与世俗物体持续和重复接触的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Reexamining Nebuchadnezzar II’s ‘Thirteen-Year’ Siege of Tyre in Phoenician Historiography 重新审视腓尼基史学中尼布甲尼撒二世对泰尔的“十三年”围攻
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1515/jah-2022-0007
Helen Dixon
Abstract This study reexamines a lynchpin of Neo-Babylonian Levantine Phoenician historiography: Nebuchadnezzar II’s purported thirteen-year siege of Tyre in the early sixth century bce. This detail about the length of the siege can be found only in Josephus’ (first century ce) writings, but this study’s new assessment of the (sixth-fifteenth century ce) manuscript evidence shows that the more commonly transmitted length of the siege was “three years and ten months.” Other manuscript variations further illustrate that there was little continuous cultural memory of the length of the event. When coupled with (a) other chronological problems in Josephus’ works, (b) a review of the complex Biblical, Mesopotamian, and Classical relevant literary sources, and (c) the lack of current evidence for any destruction levels or siegeworks at the site of Tyre, the case for insisting other sources be synchronized with this thirteen-year framework weakens. Shorter sieges or raids, blockades of the island or inland ports, and periodic Babylonian military presence to extract personnel and resources are all likely scenarios for Tyre and other Levantine sites during Nebuchadnezzar’s 43-year reign. Discarding a single “thirteen-year siege” as a reliable historical detail allows scholars of the Neo-Babylonian period in the central coastal Levant to shift their attention to more interesting questions, including exploring the causes and impacts of the evident changes in Tyre’s seaward and inland trading patterns in the sixth-fifth centuries.
本研究重新审视了新巴比伦黎凡特腓尼基史学的一个关键:公元前六世纪初,尼布甲尼撒二世对提尔的十三年围困。关于围城时间长短的细节只能在约瑟夫斯(公元1世纪)的著作中找到,但这项研究对(公元6 - 15世纪)手稿证据的新评估表明,更常见的围城时间是“三年零十个月”。其他手稿的变化进一步说明,对事件的长度几乎没有持续的文化记忆。当结合(a)约瑟夫斯作品中的其他时间顺序问题,(b)对复杂的圣经,美索不达米亚和古典相关文学来源的回顾,以及(c)缺乏当前证据表明泰尔遗址的任何破坏程度或围攻,坚持其他来源与这十三年框架同步的情况减弱了。在尼布甲尼撒43年的统治期间,短暂的围攻或突袭、对岛屿或内陆港口的封锁,以及定期的巴比伦军事存在以提取人员和资源,都是提尔和其他黎凡特遗址可能出现的情况。抛弃单一的“十三年围城”作为可靠的历史细节,使得研究中部沿海黎凡特新巴比伦时期的学者可以将注意力转移到更有趣的问题上,包括探索6 - 5世纪提尔向海和内陆贸易模式明显变化的原因和影响。
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引用次数: 0
Alexander the Great on Late Roman contorniates: religion, magic or history? 亚历山大大帝谈晚期罗马帝国:宗教、魔法还是历史?
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1515/jah-2022-0003
D. N. Sánchez Vendramini
Abstract In this paper, I want to focus on a specific set of numismatic images of Alexander the Great, which has received less attention than comparable ones: the depictions on the Late Roman medallions known as contorniates. First, in two introductory sections, I connect the tradition of Alexander's numismatic imagery with the contorniates and present the general characteristics of these medallions. Next, I offer a detailed analysis of the different depictions of Alexander on contorniates. Thirdly, I briefly summarise the discussion of the functions of the contorniates and, on this basis, question the interpretations of them as pagan symbols and amulets proposed by Alföldi and Mittag. Finally, based on the critique of these interpretations, I argue that the Alexander contorniates reflect an interest in the historical figure of the great conqueror and the quasi-fictional hero of the Alexander Romance. If this Alexander was a symbol, it was of Greco-Roman patriotism and the empire's ability to prevail over its barbarian enemies.
在本文中,我想把重点放在亚历山大大帝的一组特定的钱币图像上,这些图像比同类图像受到的关注要少:罗马晚期被称为“铜像”的大奖章上的描绘。首先,在两个导言部分中,我将亚历山大的钱币图像传统与铜像联系起来,并介绍这些纪念章的一般特征。接下来,我提供了一个详细的分析,不同的描述亚历山大在协和。第三,我简要地总结了对神像功能的讨论,并在此基础上,质疑Alföldi和Mittag对它们作为异教符号和护身符的解释。最后,基于对这些解释的批判,我认为《亚历山大传奇》反映了对伟大征服者的历史人物和《亚历山大传奇》中准虚构英雄的兴趣。如果说亚历山大是一个象征,那就是希腊罗马的爱国主义和帝国战胜蛮族敌人的能力。
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引用次数: 0
MAPS OF ROMAN DACIA. III. MAP 21 DACIA-MOESIA (1:1,000,000) IN THE BARRINGTON ATLAS OF THE GREEK AND ROMAN WORLD 罗马达契亚地图。3巴林顿希腊和罗马世界地图集中的达西亚-摩西亚(1:10 000 000)
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-17 DOI: 10.14795/j.v9i3.765
F. Fodorean
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引用次数: 0
SHRINES OF THE DOMUS IN THE QUARTER OF ST. THEODORE IN PULA 普拉圣西奥多区domus的神殿
IF 0.2 0 ARCHAEOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-17 DOI: 10.14795/j.v9i3.775
A. Starac
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Ancient History and Archaeology
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