1 Stanisław Kostka Potocki, O sztuce u dawnych czyli Winkelman Polski (On the Art of the Ancients or the Polish Winckelmann), 3 vols. (Warsaw, 1815); id., O sztuce u dawnych czyli Winkelman Polski, eds. Janusz A. Ostrowski and Joachim Śliwa (Warsaw, 1992). Cf. Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums (Dresden, Owing to the long-lasting and extensive Jewish presence in Poland there was considerable interest in the Jewish art of that country, initially on the Polish side. The partition of Poland, which lasted from the late eighteenth century to 1918, at times engendered a romantic perception of similarity between the Polish and Jewish losses of sovereignty and that was an encouraging factor in that regard. Initially a matter of antiquarian and romantic discourse, this interest emerged among Polish scholars in Galicia when it was under Habsburg rule, first in Cracow and then in L’viv (Lwów in Polish and Lemberg in German), where courses in Art History were offered in 1877 and 1892, respectively. These two ambitious academic centers were surrounded by vibrant Jewish communities with numerous monuments of ritual architecture and art. Polish scholars’ concern with Jewish art was charged with the Polish national agenda, which was inspired by a desire to place Polish art in a broader European and universal historical context and establish its connections with the art of the country’s neighbors as well as its minorities. The rise of Jewish nationalism and Polish Jewry’s search for a cultural identity also began in the last decades of the nineteenth century. In the present article I attempt to clarify the methodologies employed by Polish art historians to define Jewish art, to trace the involvement of Jewish scholars in the discourse, and to track its flow in interwar Poland, where it was vanishing. My study centers on a discussion of the Jewish ritual architecture and art that were rooted in the culture of a traditional group, or, at least, seen as such by the researchers of the period, in contrast to the painting and sculpture created by the rapidly evolving artistic elite. The architecture and decoration of wooden synagogues were of special interest, as they were seen as the works of “folk” artists, either Jewish or Christian. Stanisław Kostka Potocki (1755–1821), a nobleman, politician, collector, and patron of the arts, was one of the earliest Polish thinkers to touch on the art of the Jews. From 1797 to 1815 he creatively rewrote the celebrated treatise Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums by the German art historian and archaeologist Johann Joachim Winckelmann, titling his work On the Art of the Ancients or the Polish Winckelmann.1 However, unlike Winckelmann, Potocki was very much interested in the art and architecture of the Jerusalem Temple. He related the menorah, known from its biblical descriptions and its depiction on the Arch of Titus, to similar objects used by Polish Jews of his time. With his interest in both the his
1 Stanisław Kostka Potocki，O sztuce u daughych czyli Winkelman Polski（《古人或波兰人Winckelmann的艺术》），3卷。（华沙，1815年）；同上，O sztuce u daughych czyli Winkelman Polski，Janusz A.Ostrowski和Joachimšliwa编辑（华沙，1992年）。参见Johann Joachim Winckelmann，交替技术（德累斯顿，由于犹太人在波兰的长期和广泛存在，人们对该国的犹太艺术产生了相当大的兴趣，最初是波兰方面。波兰从18世纪末持续到1918年的分治，有时会产生一种浪漫的感觉，认为波兰和犹太人失去主权是相似的，这是一个令人鼓舞的因素在这方面。最初是一个古董和浪漫主义的话题，这种兴趣在哈布斯堡统治下的加利西亚的波兰学者中产生，首先是在克拉科夫，然后是在L'viv（波兰语为Lwów，德语为Lemberg），那里分别于1877年和1892年开设了艺术史课程。这两个雄心勃勃的学术中心周围都是充满活力的犹太社区，有许多仪式建筑和艺术纪念碑。波兰学者对犹太艺术的关注被列入了波兰国家议程，其灵感来自于将波兰艺术置于更广泛的欧洲和世界历史背景下，并与该国邻国及其少数民族的艺术建立联系的愿望。犹太民族主义的兴起和波兰犹太人对文化身份的追求也始于19世纪的最后几十年。在本文中，我试图澄清波兰艺术历史学家用来定义犹太艺术的方法，追踪犹太学者在话语中的参与，并追踪其在两次战争之间的波兰的流动，在那里它正在消失。我的研究集中在对犹太仪式建筑和艺术的讨论上，这些建筑和艺术植根于一个传统群体的文化，或者至少在当时的研究人员看来是这样，与快速发展的艺术精英创作的绘画和雕塑形成对比。木制犹太教堂的建筑和装饰引起了人们的特别兴趣，因为它们被视为“民间”艺术家的作品，无论是犹太人还是基督徒。斯坦尼斯瓦夫·科斯特卡·波托基（1755-1821）是一位贵族、政治家、收藏家和艺术赞助人，是最早接触犹太人艺术的波兰思想家之一。从1797年到1815年，他创造性地改写了德国艺术历史学家和考古学家Johann Joachim Winckelmann的著名论文《交替艺术》，将他的作品命名为《论古人或波兰人的艺术》。1然而，与Winckelman不同，波托基对耶路撒冷圣殿的艺术和建筑非常感兴趣。他将烛台与他那个时代的波兰犹太人使用的类似物品联系起来，烛台因其圣经描述和提多拱门上的描绘而闻名。他对犹太人的历史和当代艺术都很感兴趣，波托基总结道，两者之间的深刻相似“证明了这个民族在既定的定居点和不断变化的命运中是永恒的”，2并表示：“关于犹太艺术，可以说它依赖于与其他东方民族相同的规则：一种冻结在它曾经所在的点上的不动。”3他没有看到犹太艺术家在现代艺术中的任何投入，指责犹太人追求眼前的利益，据称这不允许艺术的完美。4因此，波兰最早的遭遇
{"title":"Polish-Jewish Discourse in Art History: Standpoints, Objectives, Methodologies","authors":"Sergey Kravtsov","doi":"10.3828/aj.2017.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2017.4","url":null,"abstract":"1 Stanisław Kostka Potocki, O sztuce u dawnych czyli Winkelman Polski (On the Art of the Ancients or the Polish Winckelmann), 3 vols. (Warsaw, 1815); id., O sztuce u dawnych czyli Winkelman Polski, eds. Janusz A. Ostrowski and Joachim Śliwa (Warsaw, 1992). Cf. Johann Joachim Winckelmann, Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums (Dresden, Owing to the long-lasting and extensive Jewish presence in Poland there was considerable interest in the Jewish art of that country, initially on the Polish side. The partition of Poland, which lasted from the late eighteenth century to 1918, at times engendered a romantic perception of similarity between the Polish and Jewish losses of sovereignty and that was an encouraging factor in that regard. Initially a matter of antiquarian and romantic discourse, this interest emerged among Polish scholars in Galicia when it was under Habsburg rule, first in Cracow and then in L’viv (Lwów in Polish and Lemberg in German), where courses in Art History were offered in 1877 and 1892, respectively. These two ambitious academic centers were surrounded by vibrant Jewish communities with numerous monuments of ritual architecture and art. Polish scholars’ concern with Jewish art was charged with the Polish national agenda, which was inspired by a desire to place Polish art in a broader European and universal historical context and establish its connections with the art of the country’s neighbors as well as its minorities. The rise of Jewish nationalism and Polish Jewry’s search for a cultural identity also began in the last decades of the nineteenth century. In the present article I attempt to clarify the methodologies employed by Polish art historians to define Jewish art, to trace the involvement of Jewish scholars in the discourse, and to track its flow in interwar Poland, where it was vanishing. My study centers on a discussion of the Jewish ritual architecture and art that were rooted in the culture of a traditional group, or, at least, seen as such by the researchers of the period, in contrast to the painting and sculpture created by the rapidly evolving artistic elite. The architecture and decoration of wooden synagogues were of special interest, as they were seen as the works of “folk” artists, either Jewish or Christian. Stanisław Kostka Potocki (1755–1821), a nobleman, politician, collector, and patron of the arts, was one of the earliest Polish thinkers to touch on the art of the Jews. From 1797 to 1815 he creatively rewrote the celebrated treatise Geschichte der Kunst des Alterthums by the German art historian and archaeologist Johann Joachim Winckelmann, titling his work On the Art of the Ancients or the Polish Winckelmann.1 However, unlike Winckelmann, Potocki was very much interested in the art and architecture of the Jerusalem Temple. He related the menorah, known from its biblical descriptions and its depiction on the Arch of Titus, to similar objects used by Polish Jews of his time. With his interest in both the his","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"13 1","pages":"39 - 48"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44727096","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1 Quoted by Matthew Baigell, Jewish Art in America (Lanham, MD, 2007), 96. 2 On Jews and modern New York, see Harry Rand, “The Art of New York’s Jews: A Delicate Lesson,” in Transformation: Jews and Modernity [catalogue, Arthur Ross Gallery], ed. Larry Silver (Philadelphia, 2001), 69–75. 3 The phrase echoes the title of Margaret Olin’s The Nation without Art: Examining Modern Discourses on Jewish Art (Lincoln, NE, 2001), esp. 5–31; Kalman Bland, The Artless Jew: Medieval and Modern Affirmations and Denials of the Visual (Princeton, 2000). At the opposite pole, taking up the challenge of confrontational Jewish themes in modern art of various kinds, see Norman Kleeblatt, ed., Too Jewish? Challenging Both of the terms in the title of this essay have been endlessly debated in an effort to arrive at some kind of essentialistic definition of each. I suggest that such definitions are contextual and interdependent. The attempt to be a modern artist is vexing enough in general, but for Jews, who for centuries have been regarded by others as well as by many of their fellow Jews as the “people without art” because of the Second Commandment’s injunction against making graven images, making art poses particular challenges.3 As a result, perhaps unsurprisingly, their personal artistic achievements have varied considerably. Is there any way, then, to discern something “Jewish” in the work of late nineteenthor twentieth-century Jewish artists? This essay attempts to provide an analysis of Jewish art-making in context, theoretical as well as pragmatic.4
{"title":"Jewish Art and Modernity","authors":"Larry Silver","doi":"10.3828/aj.2017.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2017.5","url":null,"abstract":"1 Quoted by Matthew Baigell, Jewish Art in America (Lanham, MD, 2007), 96. 2 On Jews and modern New York, see Harry Rand, “The Art of New York’s Jews: A Delicate Lesson,” in Transformation: Jews and Modernity [catalogue, Arthur Ross Gallery], ed. Larry Silver (Philadelphia, 2001), 69–75. 3 The phrase echoes the title of Margaret Olin’s The Nation without Art: Examining Modern Discourses on Jewish Art (Lincoln, NE, 2001), esp. 5–31; Kalman Bland, The Artless Jew: Medieval and Modern Affirmations and Denials of the Visual (Princeton, 2000). At the opposite pole, taking up the challenge of confrontational Jewish themes in modern art of various kinds, see Norman Kleeblatt, ed., Too Jewish? Challenging Both of the terms in the title of this essay have been endlessly debated in an effort to arrive at some kind of essentialistic definition of each. I suggest that such definitions are contextual and interdependent. The attempt to be a modern artist is vexing enough in general, but for Jews, who for centuries have been regarded by others as well as by many of their fellow Jews as the “people without art” because of the Second Commandment’s injunction against making graven images, making art poses particular challenges.3 As a result, perhaps unsurprisingly, their personal artistic achievements have varied considerably. Is there any way, then, to discern something “Jewish” in the work of late nineteenthor twentieth-century Jewish artists? This essay attempts to provide an analysis of Jewish art-making in context, theoretical as well as pragmatic.4","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"13 1","pages":"49 - 64"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43849065","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Stefan Zweig’s World of Yesterday, written from exile in 1937, recalls the years before the Great War as a “world of security,” where Vienna was a cosmopolitan city alive with ubiquitous eroticism, intellectual splendor, and, above all, a unique love for the arts. “Only with respect to the arts,” he writes, “did everyone in Vienna feel the same entitlement, for love of art, in Vienna, was considered a common obligation.” Art transcended origins and class; art replaced the privilege of birth. No wonder, then, Zweig continues, that the real lovers of the arts, the real audience, came from the Viennese Jewish bourgeoisie, for here was a social group fuid and unburdened by traditional values, whose members could become, everywhere, “the patrons and champions of all new things.” In many ways, Elana Shapira’s impressive book Style and Seduction refects Zweig’s frsthand observations, adding color and nuance to a by now well-trodden feld of Jewish patronage in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It is also a timely book whose publication coincides with the 150th anniversary of the Vienna Ringstraße Boulevard and the resurgent interest in, as it were, Ringstraße studies, inspired by both scholarly and popular inclinations. Only a year ago, a veritable furry of exhibits celebrated the history of the “Ring” in various museums in Vienna, including the Jewish Museum, which featured The Vienna Ringstraße: A Jewish Boulevard, anticipating some of the material and observations Shapira has developed on her own. But Style and Seduction is not only about the Jewish presence on the Ringstraße. It is a book about Jewish art lovers and the way they helped shape Vienna’s cultural scene from the 1860s to the years just prior to World War I. Shapira’s organizing principle is a chronology of dominant stylistic periods. The story she tells unfolds logically from “The Historicists,” a chapter that focuses mainly on the
{"title":"Flirting with Culture","authors":"A. Biemann","doi":"10.3828/aj.2017.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2017.11","url":null,"abstract":"Stefan Zweig’s World of Yesterday, written from exile in 1937, recalls the years before the Great War as a “world of security,” where Vienna was a cosmopolitan city alive with ubiquitous eroticism, intellectual splendor, and, above all, a unique love for the arts. “Only with respect to the arts,” he writes, “did everyone in Vienna feel the same entitlement, for love of art, in Vienna, was considered a common obligation.” Art transcended origins and class; art replaced the privilege of birth. No wonder, then, Zweig continues, that the real lovers of the arts, the real audience, came from the Viennese Jewish bourgeoisie, for here was a social group fuid and unburdened by traditional values, whose members could become, everywhere, “the patrons and champions of all new things.” In many ways, Elana Shapira’s impressive book Style and Seduction refects Zweig’s frsthand observations, adding color and nuance to a by now well-trodden feld of Jewish patronage in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It is also a timely book whose publication coincides with the 150th anniversary of the Vienna Ringstraße Boulevard and the resurgent interest in, as it were, Ringstraße studies, inspired by both scholarly and popular inclinations. Only a year ago, a veritable furry of exhibits celebrated the history of the “Ring” in various museums in Vienna, including the Jewish Museum, which featured The Vienna Ringstraße: A Jewish Boulevard, anticipating some of the material and observations Shapira has developed on her own. But Style and Seduction is not only about the Jewish presence on the Ringstraße. It is a book about Jewish art lovers and the way they helped shape Vienna’s cultural scene from the 1860s to the years just prior to World War I. Shapira’s organizing principle is a chronology of dominant stylistic periods. The story she tells unfolds logically from “The Historicists,” a chapter that focuses mainly on the","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"13 1","pages":"139 - 141"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42084518","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1 On the School of Paris, see Kenneth Silver and Romy Golan, The Circle of Montparnasse: Jewish Artists in Paris 1905–1945 [catalogue, Jewish Museum, New York] (New York, 1985). The Jewish Chagall is discussed in depth by Benjamin Harshav, Marc Chagall and the Lost Jewish World (New York, 2006). A useful career survey can be found in Monica Bohm-Duchen, Chagall (London, 1998). 2 Susan Tumarkin Goodman, Chagall: Love, War, and Exile [catalogue, Jewish Museum, New York] (New Haven, 2013); the classic study is Ziva Amishai-Maisels, “Chagall’s White Crucifixion,” Museum Studies, Art Institute of Chicago 17, no. 2 (Fall 1991): 138–53; see also id., “Chagall und der Holocaust,” in Chagall und Deutschland: Verehrt, Verfemt [catalogue, Jüdisches Museum, Frankfurt am Main], eds. Georg Heuberger and Monika Grütters (Munich, 2004), 124–33; id., Depiction Marc Chagall (1887–1985) remains greatly admired for his innovative painting in the School of Paris during the first third of the twentieth century. Jewish viewers have recognized a world from the Pale of Settlement in his fantasy-filled Shalom Alecheimesque shtetl settings.1 Recent attention has focused on how Chagall appropriated the Crucifixion of Jesus to denote Jewish suffering within the wider devastations of World War II.2 But according to most scholars, after World War II Chagall’s output became markedly repetitive and focused almost exclusively on biblical subjects – forming the corpus that he would eventually donate to the French nation in 1973 for his Musée National Message Biblique Marc Chagall in Nice. As a result, much less attention has been given to the latter half of his career. Yet during his autumnal period the artist took up a remarkable variety of media beyond painting, ranging from prints to murals to mosaics to his latter-day love, stained glass, a traditionally religious medium, particularly in his adopted France. Here, too, scholarly (and public) interest concerning Chagall’s stained-glass windows has focused on his expressly Jewish subjects, notably his famous cycle for Hadassah University Hospital (1959–62; Ein Karem in Jerusalem), representing the Twelve Tribes of Israel. Although Chagall produced many other stainedglass projects during his last decades of productivity, most are largely ignored. Not only do they require site visits (in part because they are rarely well illustrated), but also – perhaps more significantly – they resulted from commissions by churches to replace glass lost during World War II bombings.3 For all these works, Chagall collaborated fruitfully with Charles Marq, master glazier at the Jacques Simon Glass Works in Rheims. Thus his labors were shared, and almost anything he could design, even sketchy preliminary drawings, would be capably realized in the stained glass. Marq even finished Chagall’s final commission, in Mainz, Germany, posthumously, and added windows of his own to complete that church’s project. Chagall was no stranger to biblical subjects for
{"title":"Chagall’s Stained-Glass Syncretism","authors":"Larry Silver","doi":"10.3828/aj.2016.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2016.8","url":null,"abstract":"1 On the School of Paris, see Kenneth Silver and Romy Golan, The Circle of Montparnasse: Jewish Artists in Paris 1905–1945 [catalogue, Jewish Museum, New York] (New York, 1985). The Jewish Chagall is discussed in depth by Benjamin Harshav, Marc Chagall and the Lost Jewish World (New York, 2006). A useful career survey can be found in Monica Bohm-Duchen, Chagall (London, 1998). 2 Susan Tumarkin Goodman, Chagall: Love, War, and Exile [catalogue, Jewish Museum, New York] (New Haven, 2013); the classic study is Ziva Amishai-Maisels, “Chagall’s White Crucifixion,” Museum Studies, Art Institute of Chicago 17, no. 2 (Fall 1991): 138–53; see also id., “Chagall und der Holocaust,” in Chagall und Deutschland: Verehrt, Verfemt [catalogue, Jüdisches Museum, Frankfurt am Main], eds. Georg Heuberger and Monika Grütters (Munich, 2004), 124–33; id., Depiction Marc Chagall (1887–1985) remains greatly admired for his innovative painting in the School of Paris during the first third of the twentieth century. Jewish viewers have recognized a world from the Pale of Settlement in his fantasy-filled Shalom Alecheimesque shtetl settings.1 Recent attention has focused on how Chagall appropriated the Crucifixion of Jesus to denote Jewish suffering within the wider devastations of World War II.2 But according to most scholars, after World War II Chagall’s output became markedly repetitive and focused almost exclusively on biblical subjects – forming the corpus that he would eventually donate to the French nation in 1973 for his Musée National Message Biblique Marc Chagall in Nice. As a result, much less attention has been given to the latter half of his career. Yet during his autumnal period the artist took up a remarkable variety of media beyond painting, ranging from prints to murals to mosaics to his latter-day love, stained glass, a traditionally religious medium, particularly in his adopted France. Here, too, scholarly (and public) interest concerning Chagall’s stained-glass windows has focused on his expressly Jewish subjects, notably his famous cycle for Hadassah University Hospital (1959–62; Ein Karem in Jerusalem), representing the Twelve Tribes of Israel. Although Chagall produced many other stainedglass projects during his last decades of productivity, most are largely ignored. Not only do they require site visits (in part because they are rarely well illustrated), but also – perhaps more significantly – they resulted from commissions by churches to replace glass lost during World War II bombings.3 For all these works, Chagall collaborated fruitfully with Charles Marq, master glazier at the Jacques Simon Glass Works in Rheims. Thus his labors were shared, and almost anything he could design, even sketchy preliminary drawings, would be capably realized in the stained glass. Marq even finished Chagall’s final commission, in Mainz, Germany, posthumously, and added windows of his own to complete that church’s project. Chagall was no stranger to biblical subjects for","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"12 1","pages":"111 - 134"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45234538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1 Leonid Osipovich Pasternak, Zapisi raznykh let (Notes of Various Years) (Moscow, 1975) (Russian). These memoirs were edited by Pasternak’s children, Josephine and Alexander. In 2013, Pasternak’s grandson, Evgenii Pasternak, published (in cooperation with his wife, Elena Vladimirovna Pasternak) a collection of Leonid Pasternak’s writings In early 1924, Leonid Pasternak received a somewhat strange proposal from the publisher Alexander Kogan. Surprisingly, this story was not censored during the preparation of Pasternak’s memoir, which was published in Moscow some thirty years after his death and contained no trace of his connections with Jewish culture.1 The following passage is sandwiched between portraits of Russian musicians from the early twentieth century:
{"title":"In Search of a New Jewish Art: Leonid Pasternak in Jerusalem","authors":"Gil Weissblei","doi":"10.3828/aj.2017.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2017.8","url":null,"abstract":"1 Leonid Osipovich Pasternak, Zapisi raznykh let (Notes of Various Years) (Moscow, 1975) (Russian). These memoirs were edited by Pasternak’s children, Josephine and Alexander. In 2013, Pasternak’s grandson, Evgenii Pasternak, published (in cooperation with his wife, Elena Vladimirovna Pasternak) a collection of Leonid Pasternak’s writings In early 1924, Leonid Pasternak received a somewhat strange proposal from the publisher Alexander Kogan. Surprisingly, this story was not censored during the preparation of Pasternak’s memoir, which was published in Moscow some thirty years after his death and contained no trace of his connections with Jewish culture.1 The following passage is sandwiched between portraits of Russian musicians from the early twentieth century:","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"13 1","pages":"110 - 91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43926443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mosaics Mirror of Faith","authors":"Basema Hamarneh","doi":"10.3828/aj.2016.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2016.11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"12 1","pages":"149 - 152"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42901831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research is dedicated to the memory of my mother, who was born in the neighborhood of Mantua. Extensive background research on the ark and Jewish Mantua is presented on a web virtual exhibition by Jerusalem’s Umberto Nahon Museum of Italian Jewish Art: “Mantua in Jerusalem”: project and exhibition curator – Andreina Contessa; web design and development – Moshe Caine, www.exhibitions. museumsinisrael.gov.il/eit–mantua/en/index.html.
{"title":"The Mantua Torah Ark and Lady Consilia Norsa: Jewish Female Patronage in Renaissance Italy","authors":"A. Contessa","doi":"10.3828/aj.2016.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2016.5","url":null,"abstract":"This research is dedicated to the memory of my mother, who was born in the neighborhood of Mantua. Extensive background research on the ark and Jewish Mantua is presented on a web virtual exhibition by Jerusalem’s Umberto Nahon Museum of Italian Jewish Art: “Mantua in Jerusalem”: project and exhibition curator – Andreina Contessa; web design and development – Moshe Caine, www.exhibitions. museumsinisrael.gov.il/eit–mantua/en/index.html.","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"12 1","pages":"53 - 70"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44136906","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Avigdor Posèq had a long, multifaceted life. He was born Victor (Vitek) Pisek in 1934 to a well-to-do intellectual family in Cracow. In August 1939, the family fled the coming war to Zamość, where they barely survived the Nazi bombing. In June 1940, they traveled to L’viv (then Lvov, ruled by the Soviet Union), from where they were deported and sent on a 2-week journey to western Siberia in a sealed freight car. During the winter of 1940–1941, they suffered from constant cold and hunger. Despite the hardships, Vitek’s mother was able to find a professor among the deportees to teach the children. After a year in dire conditions, the Poles were allowed to leave Siberia, and in December 1941, at the end of a five-week journey in a crowded freight train, the family reached Uzbekistan. After months of living in one room in unhealthy conditions, they were sent to a refugee camp near Teheran, where Vitek was hospitalized for pneumonia with complications from which he almost died. After everyone in the family became ill, they were moved to Teheran, where they finally received proper medical care. In November 1942, they crossed through Iraq and Jordan to Palestine, arriving in December, and settled in Tel Aviv in 1943. There the boy slowly recovered his health and began to paint while attending a Polish-language school.1 Upon graduation, when he was 13 years old, his mother arranged art lessons for him at Tel Aviv’s Avni Institute with Joseph Schwartzmann, who had studied with Käthe Kollwitz in Berlin and who stressed the importance of a solid academic grounding in anatomy as well as in painting and drawing. Uncomfortable in the Herzliya Gymnasium because of his scant knowledge of Hebrew, Vitek enrolled in the Mikveh Yisrael Agricultural School while continuing to study painting. In 1949 (at the age of 15), he exhibited as Avigdor Pisak in the Young Artists Show in Tel Aviv, and in 1951 he was included in the Art in Israel exhibition at the Tel Aviv Museum. From 1952 to 1956, he studied at the Brera Academy of Fine Arts in Milan, majoring in stage design so that he could support himself while he painted. Returning to Israel upon graduation, he worked in Tel Aviv for Habima
{"title":"Avigdor W. G. Posèq (1934–2016)","authors":"Ziva Amishai-Maisels","doi":"10.3828/aj.2017.13","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2017.13","url":null,"abstract":"Avigdor Posèq had a long, multifaceted life. He was born Victor (Vitek) Pisek in 1934 to a well-to-do intellectual family in Cracow. In August 1939, the family fled the coming war to Zamość, where they barely survived the Nazi bombing. In June 1940, they traveled to L’viv (then Lvov, ruled by the Soviet Union), from where they were deported and sent on a 2-week journey to western Siberia in a sealed freight car. During the winter of 1940–1941, they suffered from constant cold and hunger. Despite the hardships, Vitek’s mother was able to find a professor among the deportees to teach the children. After a year in dire conditions, the Poles were allowed to leave Siberia, and in December 1941, at the end of a five-week journey in a crowded freight train, the family reached Uzbekistan. After months of living in one room in unhealthy conditions, they were sent to a refugee camp near Teheran, where Vitek was hospitalized for pneumonia with complications from which he almost died. After everyone in the family became ill, they were moved to Teheran, where they finally received proper medical care. In November 1942, they crossed through Iraq and Jordan to Palestine, arriving in December, and settled in Tel Aviv in 1943. There the boy slowly recovered his health and began to paint while attending a Polish-language school.1 Upon graduation, when he was 13 years old, his mother arranged art lessons for him at Tel Aviv’s Avni Institute with Joseph Schwartzmann, who had studied with Käthe Kollwitz in Berlin and who stressed the importance of a solid academic grounding in anatomy as well as in painting and drawing. Uncomfortable in the Herzliya Gymnasium because of his scant knowledge of Hebrew, Vitek enrolled in the Mikveh Yisrael Agricultural School while continuing to study painting. In 1949 (at the age of 15), he exhibited as Avigdor Pisak in the Young Artists Show in Tel Aviv, and in 1951 he was included in the Art in Israel exhibition at the Tel Aviv Museum. From 1952 to 1956, he studied at the Brera Academy of Fine Arts in Milan, majoring in stage design so that he could support himself while he painted. Returning to Israel upon graduation, he worked in Tel Aviv for Habima","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"13 1","pages":"155 - 158"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46601734","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Looking Back on a Forward Thinker: Moshe Zabari Retrospective","authors":"Sharon Weiser-Ferguson","doi":"10.3828/aj.2016.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/aj.2016.10","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"12 1","pages":"143 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2018-03-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43125378","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Avram Kampf (1920–2016)","authors":"Irit Miller","doi":"10.3828/AJ.2017.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3828/AJ.2017.12","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41476,"journal":{"name":"Ars Judaica-The Bar Ilan Journal of Jewish Art","volume":"13 1","pages":"149 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2017-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48524431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：