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On The Chinese Socialist Market Economy And The “New Projectment Economy” 论中国社会主义市场经济与“新项目经济”
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.4.0502
Elias Jabbour, Alexis Dantas, Carlos José Espíndola
This article aims to show that the Chinese development process over the past four decades is not a self-explanatory fact. It is a process that may have revealed the ultimate limitation of the current capacities for interpretation represented by both orthodox and heterodox approaches. This limitation is due to two objective facts: 1) the transformation of the “socialist market economy” into a new socioeconomic formation (NSEF), a process that has accelerated since the financial crisis of 2008—the emergence of this NSEF results from a series of institutional innovations designed to accommodate a myriad of modes of production, all of them under the leadership of the public (socialist) sector; and 2) the continuous technical progress achieved by the state-owned enterprises (SOEs). Following the successful implementation of proactive industrial policies, the above-mentioned developments led to the appearance in China of new and superior forms of economic planning. This process can be understood as the re-emergence of Ignacio Rangel’s “project economy,” now under the title of the “new projectment economy.” In our view, perceiving and understanding this change in the mode of production in China, and the theoretical resources involved in it, represents the greatest challenge before today’s social science.
本文旨在表明,中国过去40年的发展进程并不是一个不言自明的事实。这个过程可能已经揭示了当前以正统和非正统方法为代表的解释能力的最终局限性。这种限制是由于两个客观事实:1)“社会主义市场经济”向新的社会经济形态(NSEF)的转变,这一过程自2008年金融危机以来加速了——这种NSEF的出现源于一系列旨在适应无数生产方式的制度创新,所有这些生产方式都在公共(社会主义)部门的领导下;2)国有企业技术的不断进步。随着积极的产业政策的成功实施,上述发展导致中国出现了新的和更高级的经济计划形式。这个过程可以理解为伊格纳西奥·兰格尔(Ignacio Rangel)的“项目经济”的重新出现,现在被称为“新项目经济”。在我们看来,感知和理解中国生产方式的这种变化,以及与之相关的理论资源,是当今社会科学面临的最大挑战。
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引用次数: 0
Review Of The Scourge Of Neoliberalism By Jack Rasmus 《新自由主义的祸害》书评,杰克·拉斯穆斯著
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.4.0559
Lawrence A. Souza, Jacob Dunbar
In approximately the last four decades, neoliberalism has reigned as the structure of Western economies, chiefly the United States. However, neoliberal capitalism and an environment synonymous with deregulation, “free” markets, and limited government intervention in economic matters has repeatedly led to crises and crashes in history. The Scourge of Neoliberalism examines the actions of past presidential administrations since 1980, and explains how neoliberalism’s allure has kept it afloat for so many years.
大约在过去四十年里,新自由主义一直是西方经济结构的主导,主要是美国。然而,新自由主义资本主义和与放松管制、“自由”市场和政府对经济事务的有限干预同义的环境在历史上一再导致危机和崩溃。《新自由主义的浩劫》审视了自1980年以来历届总统政府的行为,并解释了新自由主义是如何在这么多年里保持其生命力的。
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引用次数: 0
The Role Of Distinction In Dialectical Analyses Of Socioecology 区别在社会生态学辩证分析中的作用
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.4.0449
John Hedlund, S. Longo, Timothy P. Clark
The concept of metabolism, as applied to the interrelations between human society and the rest of nature, has been one of the most fruitful iterations of socioecological thought over the last few decades. Here we will examine specific orientations of metabolic thought commonly employed in the social sciences, and their depiction of metabolism as it relates to the “society–nature” problematic and elaborate on the role of the dialectical method when analyzing socioecological processes and distinctions between society and the rest of nature. We will review two overarching uses of metabolism: the theory of metabolic rift and a hybridist metabolic approach to socio-nature. While the former regards society as an emergent property of nature, the latter regards distinctions between the two as undialectical and dualist. First, we review each of these approaches and how they differ in their application of the dialectical method. Then we explore some of the analytic implications of these differing approaches. We contend that a dialectical method that allows for, and encourages, analytical distinction is essential, and that the metabolic rift theory provides an important potential for advancing socioecological analysis in an era of anthropogenic environmental change through its use of analytical distinction between social and environmental phenomena.
新陈代谢的概念,应用于人类社会和自然其他部分之间的相互关系,是过去几十年来社会生态学思想中最富有成果的迭代之一。在这里,我们将研究社会科学中常用的代谢思想的具体方向,以及它们对代谢的描述,因为它与“社会-自然”问题有关,并详细说明辩证方法在分析社会生态过程和社会与自然其他部分之间的区别时的作用。我们将回顾代谢的两个主要用途:代谢裂口理论和混合代谢方法的社会性质。前者认为社会是自然的一种突现性,后者则认为二者的区别是不辩证的、二元论的。首先,我们回顾每一种方法,以及它们在辩证方法应用上的不同之处。然后,我们将探讨这些不同方法的一些分析含义。我们认为,允许并鼓励分析区分的辩证方法是必不可少的,代谢裂缝理论通过对社会现象和环境现象的分析区分,为在人为环境变化时代推进社会生态分析提供了重要的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
The Place Of War In Marxist Analyses Of Primitive Accumulation 战争在马克思主义原始积累分析中的地位
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.4.0430
D. Egan
It has long been understood by Marxists, including Marx himself, that primitive accumulation was not limited to the historical origins of capitalism. Instead, extra-economic processes of capital accumulation continue to be relevant throughout the subsequent development of capitalism. An examination of the classic analyses of primitive accumulation made by Karl Marx and Rosa Luxemburg suggests that the most significant contemporary interpretation of the concept—David Harvey’s accumulation by dispossession—fails to properly account for the role played by war and military power in capital accumulation today. This is the product of both a problematic interpretation of Marx’s and Luxemburg’s analyses of primitive accumulation as well as a problematic interpretation of the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. I argue that Marx and Luxemburg continue to offer a more fruitful foundation from which to address this question.
长期以来,包括马克思本人在内的马克思主义者都认为,原始积累并不局限于资本主义的历史起源。相反,资本积累的额外经济过程在随后的资本主义发展过程中仍然具有相关性。对卡尔·马克思(Karl Marx)和罗莎·卢森堡(Rosa Luxemburg)对原始积累的经典分析表明,当代对这一概念最重要的解释——大卫·哈维(David Harvey)的剥夺积累——未能正确解释战争和军事力量在当今资本积累中所起的作用。这既是对马克思和卢森堡对原始积累分析的有问题的解释,也是对2003年美国入侵伊拉克的有问题解释的产物。我认为,马克思和卢森堡继续为解决这个问题提供了一个更富有成果的基础。
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引用次数: 1
Socialist Political Economy With Chinese Characteristics And Research On The Chinese And Foreign Economies 中国特色社会主义政治经济学与中外经济研究
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.4.0476
Xia Lu, Xiaoqin Ding
In 2021, responding to changes in the world political and economic situation and basing itself on Marxist political economy, the New Marxian Economics Synthesis School led by Professor Enfu Cheng carried forward its traditions and forged ahead into the future. The school conducted active, in-depth research on how to uphold the integrity of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics and enrich it with new elements, putting forward a series of theoretical innovations in areas that include the ten essentials of socialist political economy with Chinese characteristics, its sources of innovation and logical starting point, the orientation of its practice, and so forth. Based on these theoretical innovations, many of the scholars who make up the school engaged in lively discussion on a range of focal issues of today’s Chinese economy, including common prosperity, the new “dual circulation” development pattern, artificial intelligence and the digital economy, the modernization of national governance and so on. In addition, they made searching criticisms of the financialization of the contemporary capitalist economy and of the new developments seen in liberalism and hegemonism since the COVID-19 pandemic broke out. In sum, they recorded a long series of fruitful theoretical achievements.
2021年,以程恩夫教授为核心的新马克思主义经济学综合学派,顺应世界政治经济形势的变化,立足马克思主义政治经济学,继往开来。学校积极深入研究如何坚持中国特色社会主义政治经济学的完整性,丰富其新元素,提出了一系列理论创新,包括中国特色社会主义经济政治学的十大要义、创新源泉和逻辑起点,其实践的方向等等。基于这些理论创新,该学派的许多学者对当今中国经济的一系列焦点问题进行了热烈的讨论,包括共同富裕、新的“双循环”发展模式、人工智能和数字经济、国家治理现代化等,他们对当代资本主义经济的金融化以及新冠肺炎疫情爆发以来自由主义和霸权主义的新发展提出了尖锐的批评。总之,他们记录了一长串富有成果的理论成果。
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引用次数: 0
Why Common Prosperity is Good for Socialism and for China’s Economy 为什么共同富裕有利于社会主义和中国经济
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.1.0004
Jonathan J Ross
“Common prosperity” is entirely based in Marxism yet is an outstandingly original solution to the problem of inequality in an economy in which there is a socialist state, and in which the state sector of the economy is dominant, but there is also the private sector. This is crucial as it was the social structure envisaged by Marx from the Communist Manifesto onwards for the primary stage of socialism. When there was a 100% state-owned economy, as in the USSR after 1929, or China by 1978, the problem of inequality was not very significant, but this economic structure was not efficient for long-term economic development—in some cases leading to the erroneous concept that socialism was “sharing out poverty/a low living standard.” Equally erroneous was the concept that capital should be allowed to develop in an unchecked fashion. “Common prosperity” solves this problem in strict conformity with Marx’s analysis in the second volume of Capital. Income for capital during the initial stage of socialism can be used either for investment, which aids production, is positive, and is to be protected, or for luxury consumption which is economically and socially negative and to be opposed and regarded as negative.
“共同富裕”完全以马克思主义为基础,但它是解决社会主义国家经济中不平等问题的杰出独创方案,在这个经济中,国有经济占主导地位,但也有私营部门。这是至关重要的,因为这是马克思从《共产党宣言》开始为社会主义初级阶段设想的社会结构。当存在100%国有经济时,比如1929年后的苏联,或者1978年的中国,不平等问题并不是很严重,但这种经济结构对长期经济发展并不有效——在某些情况下,导致了社会主义是“分担贫困/低生活水平”的错误概念。“同样错误的是,应该允许资本以不受约束的方式发展。“共同富裕”解决这一问题完全符合马克思在《资本论》第二卷中的分析。社会主义初级阶段的资本收入可以用于投资,这有助于生产,是积极的,需要保护;也可以用于奢侈消费,这在经济和社会上是消极的,需要反对和视为消极的。
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引用次数: 4
WAPE Membership Information WAPE会员信息
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.9.3.0420
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引用次数: 0
The Disadvantages of Sovereign Currency as the World Currency 主权货币作为世界货币的弊端
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.1.0045
Yexia Sun
From the perspective of Marx’s theory of the functioning of the international monetary system, there are inherent disadvantages in a sovereign currency acting as the world currency. First, the existing model of the single world currency is unfair, with the country whose sovereign currency functions as the world currency able to obtain huge international seigniorage and international inflation tax. Second, this single world currency model is unstable. The premise behind the functioning of an international monetary means of payment is the strong credit of currency-issuing countries, but the Triffin problem means that the sovereign currency issuers face a dilemma. Third, the duality of the monetary measure of value determines that there can be only one currency performing the function of a world currency in the international market, and a multipolar world currency pattern will lead to frictions among currency-issuing countries. Recognizing the disadvantages of using a sovereign currency as the world currency has important reference value and educative significance for achieving a correct view of digital currency, eSDRs, and RMB internationalization.
从马克思关于国际货币体系运作的理论来看,主权货币作为世界货币存在固有的弊端。首先,现有的单一世界货币模式是不公平的,主权货币作为世界货币的国家能够获得巨额国际铸币税和国际通货膨胀税。其次,这种单一的世界货币模式是不稳定的。国际货币支付手段发挥作用的前提是货币发行国的强大信用,但特里芬问题意味着主权货币发行国面临两难境地。第三,货币价值计量的二元性决定了在国际市场上只能有一种货币发挥世界货币的作用,而多极的世界货币格局将导致货币发行国之间的摩擦。认识到使用主权货币作为世界货币的弊端,对于正确看待数字货币、eSDR和人民币国际化具有重要的参考价值和教育意义。
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引用次数: 0
The Trend to Widening Wealth and Income Inequality in Sweden and its Causes 瑞典财富和收入差距扩大的趋势及其原因
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.1.0027
J. Gao, Hairuo Chen
Sweden is a model of social democracy in which the Social Democratic Party has long been in power, and in which distribution under the conditions of monopoly capitalism has been the object of one-sided praise. Wealth and income inequality in Sweden was in the past relatively low, but in recent years has shown a tendency to undergo a structural increase, and some indicator values are already at comparatively high levels. Investigating the causes, we find that the ownership structure of the means of production, dominated by monopoly capitalist private ownership, has played a decisive role in the creation and evolution of wealth and income inequality within Sweden. The Swedish welfare system, whose core elements are social security provisions and the tax system, has played an important role in alleviating wealth and income inequality and in promoting social equity, but the degree of adjustment it achieves is relatively limited, and it now faces challenges in ensuring its sustainability. In recent years, the weakening of the organizational strength of trade unions in Sweden has resulted in an imbalance between the power of labor and capital, an imbalance that to some extent has promoted the widening of wealth and income inequality. With the deepening of the basic contradiction of capitalism, the trend to widening wealth and income inequality in Sweden represents a historical inevitability.
瑞典是社会民主主义的典范,社会民主党长期执政,垄断资本主义条件下的分配一直是片面赞扬的对象。瑞典的财富和收入不平等在过去相对较低,但近年来显示出结构性增加的趋势,一些指标值已经处于较高的水平。调查其原因,我们发现,垄断资本主义私有制主导的生产资料所有权结构,在瑞典财富和收入不平等的产生和演变中发挥了决定性作用。瑞典的福利制度,其核心要素是社会保障条款和税收制度,在缓解财富和收入不平等、促进社会公平方面发挥了重要作用,但其实现的调整程度相对有限,目前面临着确保其可持续性的挑战。近年来,瑞典工会组织力量的削弱导致了劳资力量的不平衡,这种不平衡在一定程度上促进了财富和收入不平等的扩大。随着资本主义基本矛盾的深化,瑞典财富和收入不平等的扩大趋势是历史的必然。
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引用次数: 0
The Neoliberal Strategy of South Korean Conglomerates 韩国大企业集团的新自由主义战略
IF 0.3 Q4 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2022-06-15 DOI: 10.13169/worlrevipoliecon.13.1.0097
Kyung-Pil Kim
Neoliberal strategy, which was adopted and implemented after 1987, lies behind the success of South Korean conglomerates (chaebols), and it was strengthened during the Asian financial crisis in 1997. Faced with new spatio-temporal conditions and the massive struggle of workers, the chaebols started a project to restore capitalist power. To this end, the chaebols actively supported the political powers who represented them and adopted American and Japanese strategies for globalization and flexibilization. After enduring the 1997 crisis, the chaebols shifted from growth- to profit-orientedness due to external pressures, and neoliberal strategy intensified due to an emphasis on globalization and flexibilization. However, the chaebols’ neoliberal strategy should be defined as distinctly Korean. They still maintain corporate governance in which the ownership and management are combined, mobilize resources for the owners’ objectives, and conduct unrelated diversification. In addition, the chaebols have accumulated capital by transforming themselves into industrial, commercial, or financial capital since the 1950s.
1987年以后开始实施的新自由主义战略是韩国大企业(财阀)成功的基础,并在1997年外汇危机时得到强化。面对新的时空条件和工人的大规模斗争,财阀开始了恢复资本主义权力的计划。为此,财阀们积极支持代表他们的政治势力,并采取了美国和日本的全球化和灵活化战略。在经历了1997年的金融危机后,财阀们迫于外部压力,从以增长为导向转向以利润为导向,而新自由主义战略则因强调全球化和灵活性而得到强化。但是,财阀的新自由主义战略应该被定义为具有鲜明的韩国特色。他们仍然保持所有权和经营权相结合的公司治理,为所有者的目标调动资源,进行不相关的多元化经营。此外,财阀从上世纪50年代开始,通过转型为产业、商业或金融资本,积累了资本。
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引用次数: 2
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World Review of Political Economy
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