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Singulative Systems 单数形式系统
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.13
Myriam Dali, É. Mathieu
This chapter gives an overview of singulative systems, focusing on a few languages, including Arabic, Breton, Welsh. First, we introduce relevant data showing how a singulative noun is formed from a collective noun or a mass term. Second, we show that it is possible for singulative nouns to be pluralized and that, in some languages (e.g. Arabic), this plural contrasts semantically with the collective form. Third, we review existing accounts of singulatives and show that one main issue in the literature is whether the singulative operation is an inflectional or a derivational operation. Singulatives are interesting because they shed light on number and gender and show that, morphologically, the singular is not always unmarked.
本章概述了单数系统,重点介绍了几种语言,包括阿拉伯语、布列塔尼语、威尔士语。首先,我们介绍了如何由集体名词或质量名词形成单数名词的相关数据。其次,我们证明了单数名词可以被复数化,并且在某些语言(例如阿拉伯语)中,这种复数形式在语义上与集体形式形成对比。第三,我们回顾了现有的单次运算,并表明文献中的一个主要问题是单次运算是屈折运算还是衍生运算。单数很有趣,因为它们揭示了数量和性别,并表明,从形态学上讲,单数并不总是没有标记的。
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引用次数: 1
Multiple Event Readings with Dependent Indefinites 具有相关不定值的多事件读数
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.18
D. Farkas
This chapter surveys empirical and theoretical issues raised by dependent indefinites in three unrelated languages, Hungarian, Telugu, and Kaqchikel. Dependent indefinites are specially marked noun phrases that can only occur when interpreted within a predication that distributes over events or individuals. Their determiner can either be a simple indefinite or a cardinal numeral. The chapter lays out the theoretical challenges the data raise and discusses how these challenges are met in three approaches that differ with respect to what they take as the core property of these indefinites.
本章调查了在三种不相关的语言,匈牙利语,泰卢固语和卡奇克尔语中所提出的依赖不定词的实证和理论问题。依赖不定是特殊标记的名词短语,只能在分布在事件或个人的预测中解释时出现。它们的限定词可以是简单不定数,也可以是基数。本章列出了数据提出的理论挑战,并讨论了如何在三种不同的方法中应对这些挑战,这些方法与他们所认为的这些不确定的核心属性不同。
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引用次数: 1
Lexical Plurals 词性复数
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.11
A. Alexiadou
This chapter discusses the morphological and semantic criteria that have been proposed in the literature to characterize lexical plurals. The chapter provides a distinction between lexical and grammatical plurality and offers a discussion of their respective syntactic representation. It discusses data from a variety of typologically unrelated languages and it briefly addresses the question of the morphosyntactic distribution of plurality in language contact and change.
本章讨论了文献中提出的表征词汇复数的形态学和语义标准。本章提供了词汇复数和语法复数的区别,并对它们各自的句法表示进行了讨论。它讨论了来自各种类型不相关的语言的数据,并简要地讨论了语言接触和变化中多元性的形态句法分布问题。
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引用次数: 20
Number and Quantity Expressions 数与量的表达式
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.4
J. Doetjes
This chapter examines the interactions between quantity expressions and number across languages. Quantity expressions may require the presence of specific number markers on the noun or noun phrase they combine with. They may also trigger a singular or plural interpretation for the noun phrase as a whole, as in one N or several N. An important criterion used to distinguish classes of quantity expressions is the way these expressions interact with countability. While some quantity expressions depend on the presence of countable units in order to be interpreted, others do not. Examples of the former type are numerals, vague cardinal quantity expressions (several), and distributive universal quantifiers (each, every), while non-cardinal quantity expressions (a lot) and non-distributive universal quantifiers (all) belong to the second category. The chapter mainly focuses on the nominal domain. The use of quantity expressions in relation to verbal plurality is considered briefly.
本章探讨了不同语言中数量表达式和数字之间的相互作用。数量表达可能需要在与之结合的名词或名词短语上有特定的数字标记。它们也可能触发名词短语作为一个整体的单数或复数解释,如在一个N或几个N中。区分数量表达类别的一个重要标准是这些表达与可数性的相互作用方式。虽然一些数量表达式依赖于可数单位的存在才能被解释,但其他数量表达式则不需要。前一种类型的例子是数字、模糊基数表达式(几个)和分布全称量词(每个、每一个),而非基数表达式(很多)和非分布全称量词(所有)属于第二类。本章主要讨论名义领域。数量表达的使用与动词复数有关。
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引用次数: 1
Number in marori 马里数字
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.32
I. Arka
The number system in Marori shows a three-way distinction (singular–dual–plural) with distributed and often underspecified (plural vs nonplural, or singular vs non-singular) marking. Nominal number is expressed via marking of free pronouns and certain nouns and their associated verbal indexing, with a three-way distinction in first and second bound pronominals, and a two-way underspecified distinction elsewhere. Verbal number is expressed by suppletive verbal root alternations, typically singular vs non-singular. Dual number/duactional can be expressed by a combination of non-singular and nonplural exponents. Number agreement is semantic in nature, with mismatches possibly expressing an inclusory meaning or a small plural/paucal meaning. While radically different from English in its number system, Marori is similar to English and other European languages in terms of the distribution of plural meanings under negation and other contexts.
马罗里语的数字系统显示出一种三向区分(单复数-双复数),带有分散的、通常不明确的(复数与非复数,或单数与非单数)标记。名义数是通过标记自由代词和某些名词及其相关的动词索引来表示的,在第一和第二界限代词中有三向区分,在其他地方有双向的未明确区分。动词数是由补语词根的变化来表示的,通常是单数和非单数。对偶数/二元数可以用非单数指数和非复数指数的组合来表示。数字一致性本质上是语义性的,不匹配可能表达了一个包含的意思或一个小的复数/包涵的意思。马罗里语虽然在数字系统上与英语截然不同,但在否定和其他语境下复数意义的分布上与英语和其他欧洲语言相似。
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引用次数: 0
Bare Nouns and Number 裸名词和数
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.9
H. de Swart
Bare nouns are noun phrases with a common noun lacking an overt determiner. Depending on the theoretical framework at hand, and the syntax–semantics interface adopted, they are analysed as NPs, NumPs, or DPs with an empty (null) D. No information on singular/plural, mass/count, definite/indefinite reference can be derived from the determiner if there is none (in overt syntax, at least), so bare nouns raise challenges to syntactic theory as well as compositional semantics. Much of the literature zooms in on the implications of a missing/covert D, but this chapter places special emphasis on syntactic and semantic number in bare nouns.
裸名词是指普通名词不带显性限定词的名词短语。根据现有的理论框架和所采用的语法-语义接口,它们被分析为带有空(null) d的np、nump或dp。如果没有(至少在公开语法中),则无法从限定词中获得有关单数/复数、质量/计数、确定/不定指称的信息,因此裸名词对句法理论和组成语义提出了挑战。许多文献聚焦于缺失/隐蔽D的含义,但本章特别强调裸名词的句法和语义数。
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引用次数: 1
Number in Sign Languages 手语数字
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.31
R. Pfau, M. Steinbach
In sign languages, just as in many spoken languages, number can be marked on nouns, pronouns, and verbs, and quantifiers are used to specify quantity within noun phrases. The chapter does not address the expression of grammatical number in one specific sign language, but rather describes patterns found in various sign languages, focusing on modality-independent and modality-specific properties of number marking. As for the former, nominal and verbal plurals are commonly realized by reduplication. As for number-marking strategies specific to visual–spatial languages, it is found that sign languages employ the two hands (e.g. lexical plurality), the signing space in front of the signer's body (e.g. plural marking on predicates), and specific reduplication types that are not attested in spoken languages (e.g. sideward reduplication of certain nouns). In addition, the choice of pluralization strategy is determined by modality-specific phonological features, and we are thus dealing with phonologically conditioned allomorphy.
在手语中,就像在许多口语中一样,数字可以标记在名词、代词和动词上,量词用于在名词短语中指定数量。本章不讨论特定手语中语法数字的表达,而是描述在各种手语中发现的模式,重点关注数字标记的独立于情态和特定于情态的属性。就前者而言,名义复数和动词性复数通常通过重复来实现。对于视觉空间语言特有的数字标记策略,我们发现手语使用了双手(如词汇复数)、肢体前的签名空间(如谓词复数标记)和口语中没有证实的特定重复类型(如某些名词的侧边重复)。此外,复数策略的选择是由情态特定的音系特征决定的,因此我们正在处理音系条件异形。
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引用次数: 1
Countability and Number Without Number Inflection 可数性与无数屈折数
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.27
M. Paul, Anne Zribi-Hertz, Herby Glaude
This chapter explores the mass–count distinction in Haitian Creole, where all nouns, including those meaning ‘mud’ or ‘remorse’, are combinable with cardinals and plural marking. It is argued that the English/Haitian contrast lies in the distribution of covert classifiers—freer in Haitian than in English—rather than in the relevance/irrelevance of the mass–count distinction. This distinction is arguably grounded in both syntax and the lexicon. A subclass of nouns (e.g. liv ‘book’) require 3pl pronominalization when bare, do not combine with small-amount markers, are strictly entity-denoting: they are assumed to merge with a lexically induced classifier. Stuff-denoting nouns (labou ‘mud’, remò ‘remorse’) are ambivalent with respect to pronominalization (3sg/3pl), combine with small-amount markers, and may denote continuous stuff or discontinuous units of stuff. It is assumed that while all lexical roots must combine with a classifier feature to trigger discontinuous readings, this feature may occur in n° (triggering entity denotations) or in Cl° (triggering unit-of-stuff-denotations).
本章探讨了海地克里奥尔语中质量计数的区别,所有名词,包括那些表示“泥”或“悔恨”的名词,都与基数和复数标记结合在一起。本文认为,英语/海地语的差异在于隐蔽分类器的分布——海地语比英语更自由——而不是质量-计数区分的相关性/不相关性。这种区别可以说是基于语法和词汇。名词的子类(例如liv ' book ')在裸时需要3pl代词化,不与少量标记结合,严格地表示实体:它们被认为与词汇诱导的分类器合并。表示物品的名词(labou ' mud ', remò ' remorse ')在代词化方面是矛盾的(3sg/3pl),与少量标记结合,可以表示连续的物品或不连续的物品单位。假设所有词根都必须与分类器特征结合才能触发不连续读数,该特征可能出现在n°(触发实体表示)或Cl°(触发材料单元表示)中。
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引用次数: 0
Production and comprehension studies on the mass–count distinction in yudja 玉子质数区分的生产与理解研究
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.28
Suzi Lima
This chapter discusses the grammar of counting in Yudja, a Brazilian Indigenous language. Based on experimental studies with children and adults, the chapter shows that substance-denoting nouns may directly interact with the counting system in the language (constructions with numerals, constructions with count quantifiers such as ‘many’ and ‘size’ adjectives like ‘big’). In presenting the results of the studies for Yudja, the chapter exemplifies how psycholinguistic methods (particularly from language acquisition) can be a useful tool in fieldwork research.
本章讨论巴西土著语言Yudja的计数语法。基于对儿童和成人的实验研究,本章表明,表示物质的名词可以直接与语言中的计数系统相互作用(带有数字的结构,带有计数量词的结构,如“many”和“big”等带有大小形容词)。在介绍Yudja的研究结果时,本章举例说明了心理语言学方法(特别是语言习得)如何在实地调查中成为有用的工具。
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引用次数: 0
Nominal Number Morphology 标称数形态
Pub Date : 2021-07-06 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198795858.013.7
Patricia Cabredo Hofherr
This chapter summarizes the variation observed across nominal number systems cross-linguistically. The morphological realization of number varies with respect to the range of number values marked and the range of nouns that take number marking in a given language. However, the study of nominal number morphology is further complicated by the intricate interactions of morphology with syntax and semantics. On the syntactic side, nominal number morphology interacts with definiteness marking and syntactic role. On the semantic side, certain types of nominal number marking impose semantically specific readings on the nominals contrasting with other types of nominal number marking that allow inclusive plural readings in certain semantic contexts. The study of number-neutral reference has to examine the semantic effects arising from morphological, syntactic, and semantic sources separately.
本章总结了名义数制在跨语言上的差异。数字的形态实现根据特定语言中所标记的数值范围和所标记的名词范围的不同而不同。然而,名词数形态的研究由于其与句法、语义的相互作用而变得更加复杂。在句法方面,名词数形态与确定性标记和句法作用相互作用。在语义方面,与其他类型的标称数标记相比,某些类型的标称数标记对名词施加了语义上的特定解读,而其他类型的标称数标记允许在某些语义语境中进行包容性的复数解读。数字中立指称的研究必须分别考察词源、句法源和语义源所产生的语义效应。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
The Oxford Handbook of Grammatical Number
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