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A Detroit Story: Urban Decline and the Rise of Property Informality by Claire W. Herbert (review) 《底特律的故事:城市衰落和财产非正式性的兴起》作者:克莱尔·w·赫伯特(书评)
4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2023.a911890
Kelley Lemon
Reviewed by: A Detroit Story: Urban Decline and the Rise of Property Informality by Claire W. Herbert Kelley Lemon (bio) Claire W. Herbert A Detroit Story: Urban Decline and the Rise of Property Informality Oakland: University of California Press, 2021 ix + 340 pages, 16 color plates, 32 black-and-white illustrations ISBN: 9780520340084, $29.95 PB ISBN: 9780520340077, $85.00 HB ISBN: 9780520974487, $29.95 EB In her book A Detroit Story: Urban Decline and the Rise of Property Informality, author Claire W. Herbert, an assistant professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Oregon, examines Detroit through the lens of occupied space to document the conditions that spur the decline of urban centers, and to understand how those conditions promote informal practices within vacant and abandoned spaces. Her study also seeks to determine who participates and who ultimately benefits (and concurrently suffers) when such practices are recognized and formalized through rules. Property informality, as Herbert defines the term, encompasses the “informal practices that arise from the transgression of laws regulating real property—land, houses, buildings” (5). A Detroit Story is organized into three parts: “Social and Spatial Context,” “Informality in Everyday Life,” and “Informal Plans and Formal Policies,” with a total of nine chapters, plus a preface, introduction, and conclusion. Herbert’s preface primes the reader and essentially addresses the questions/assumptions the reader may have about her position as a White researcher studying a primarily Black community, as she acknowledges how her presence resembled elements of gentrification—a process often characterized as young, highly educated, and resourced Whites moving into and displacing communities of color and considered an undesirable effect of neighborhood and city investments. Herbert moved to Detroit with her family, and they lived in a neighborhood called Piety Hill from 2011 to 2016. Her observations, interviews, and documentation of people illegally using property (squatting, salvaging, homesteading, demolishing) in the neighborhood would become the foundation of her research and this book. In her introduction, Herbert tells the story of a resident named Jerome, who shows her his garden in a nearby lot and describes his experiences with the site. He observed the city’s lack of response to typical maintenance and infrastructural issues and then began identifying opportunities to improve conditions for himself and his neighborhood, including cleaning and growing food on vacant lots and clearing sewer grates of trash. The vacant lots on his block were owned by the city or Bank of America, but such ownership did not deter him, he said, because “nobody minds” (2). Jerome’s story is important because it represents the underpinning of Herbert’s research questions in Detroit. How is it possible to appropriate property informally or illegally in the city without consequences? Perhaps more imp
书评:《底特律故事:城市衰落与财产非正式性的兴起》作者:克莱尔W.赫伯特·克莱蒙(传记)克莱尔W.赫伯特《底特律故事:城市衰落与财产非正式性的兴起》奥克兰:加州大学出版社,2021年ix + 340页,16色版,32张黑白插图ISBN: 9780520340084, 29.95美元PB ISBN: 9780520340077, 85.00美元HB ISBN: 9780520974487, 29.95美元EB在她的书《底特律故事》中:俄勒冈大学社会学系助理教授克莱尔·w·赫伯特(Claire W. Herbert)在《城市衰落和财产非正式性的兴起》一书中,通过已占用空间的视角考察了底特律,记录了刺激城市中心衰落的条件,并了解了这些条件是如何促进空置和废弃空间中的非正式行为的。她的研究还试图确定当这种做法通过规则得到认可和形式化时,谁参与其中,谁最终受益(同时也遭受损失)。正如赫伯特所定义的那样,财产非正式性包含了“因违反房地产——土地、房屋、建筑——的法律而产生的非正式行为”(5)。《底特律故事》分为三个部分:“社会和空间背景”、“日常生活中的非正式性”和“非正式计划和正式政策”,共九章,加上序言、引言和结论。赫伯特的序言为读者提供了基础,并从本质上解决了读者可能对她作为一名主要研究黑人社区的白人研究员的立场所产生的问题/假设,因为她承认她的存在与中产阶级化的元素相似——这一过程通常被描述为年轻的、受过高等教育的、有资源的白人进入并取代有色人种社区,并被认为是社区和城市投资的不良影响。赫伯特和她的家人搬到了底特律,从2011年到2016年,他们住在一个叫虔诚山的社区。她的观察、采访和记录了人们在附近非法使用财产(擅自占用、抢救、宅基地、拆除),这些都成为她研究和这本书的基础。在她的介绍中,赫伯特讲述了一个名叫杰罗姆的居民的故事,杰罗姆向她展示了他在附近的花园,并描述了他在这个地方的经历。他观察到城市对典型的维护和基础设施问题缺乏反应,然后开始寻找改善他和他的社区条件的机会,包括在空地上清洁和种植食物,清理下水道的垃圾。他所在街区的空地归市政府或美国银行所有,但这样的所有权并没有阻止他,他说,因为“没有人介意”(2)。杰罗姆的故事很重要,因为它代表了赫伯特在底特律研究问题的基础。怎么可能在城市里非正式或非法占有财产而不承担后果?也许更重要的是,为什么这些实践经常得到那些执行规则的人的支持和鼓励?杰罗姆和其他像他一样的居民,把他们的精力和努力投入到改善他们周围的社区中,他们也不例外。赫伯特勾勒了使这种做法成为可能的条件,并展示了它们如何让杰罗姆和许多其他人管理他们在城市的日常生活。在第一部分“社会和空间背景”中,赫伯特概述了非正式的财产实践是如何蓬勃发展的,特别是在经历城市衰退的地区。第一章描述了底特律城市衰落的过程,并讨论了汽车工业崩溃之外的许多因素导致了底特律的现状。作者认为,这些因素并不是底特律独有的,而是正在发生并将发生在世界各地的城市;她以里约热内卢和秘鲁等地为例,介绍了类似的非正式做法,并证明财产非正式性不仅仅是穷人的专利。第2章帮助读者理解这些精确的条件是如何允许非正式实践激增的。底特律人非正式地承担了空置和废弃的财产,几乎没有风险,特别是有非常真实的机会来满足他们当前和未来的需求。诸如城市税收收入下降等因素削弱了非正式违规行为规则的执行,通常迫使像底特律这样的城市将剩余资源集中在通常更富裕和更成熟的地区——这一决定很容易被解释为……
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引用次数: 0
The Archaeology of Burning Man: The Rise and Fall of Black Rock City by Carolyn L. White (review) 《火人的考古学:黑石城的兴衰》卡罗琳·l·怀特著(书评)
4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2023.a911889
Mark C. Childs
Reviewed by: The Archaeology of Burning Man: The Rise and Fall of Black Rock City by Carolyn L. White Mark C. Childs (bio) Carolyn L. White The Archaeology of Burning Man: The Rise and Fall of Black Rock City Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2020 xvi + 262 pages, 75 black-and-white figures, 6 tables ISBN: 9780826361332, $75.00 HB ISBN: 9780826363930, $34.95 PB ISBN: 9780826361349, $75.00 EB The boundaries of disciplines and professions are evolving cultural constructs.1 Author Carolyn White—the Mamie Kleberg Chair in Historic Preservation, director of the Historic Preservation Program, and director of the Anthropology Research Museum at the University of Nevada—explicitly positions her own work within the ongoing construction of disciplines in The Archaeology of Burning Man: The Rise and Fall of Black Rock City. Following anthropologist James Deetz’s view of “the fields of archaeology, history, and cultural anthropology as pursuing the same object,”2 White participated in and studied the “mundane” aspects of the place called Black Rock City, the annual encampment of the Burning Man Festival in northern Nevada, each year from 2008 to 2016 (23). The framing of the book may be of particular interest to readers of Buildings & Landscapes, as three main themes weave throughout it: documenting daily life, attention to temporality, and reconsidering practices of archaeology. Chapters 1 and 2 describe the framework for White’s research. In chapter 1, White situates her work in a review of the emergence of the practices of contemporary archaeology as well as the history and literature of Burning Man. She focuses primarily upon “how people live on a daily basis in the city and how the mundane character of daily life takes place in this temporary place” (31). Chapter 2 describes her theoretical grounding. To structure her documentation and interpretation of the site, White uses Lefebvrian tripartite space (conceived–perceived–lived), de Certeau’s strategies and tactics, Bataille’s framework on the social expenditure of wealth (the accursed share), De Landa’s meshwork, and Deleuze and Guattari’s smooth and striated space.3 There is a danger of overcomplication from such a conceptual toolkit, but White uses these concepts to clearly organize and ground her observations as she gives us the gritty details of building, inhabiting, and de-constructing the encampment. Chapters 3 through 8 follow a narrative arc from construction, to occupation, to decamping. Much of this work could inform the practical parts of a travel guide; however, its directness causes these chapters to read somewhat like a checklist. Construction of the Man starts the event (the Man is a multistory wooden effigy at the center point of the urban form, and the hub of the event). “In cooperation with the BLM [Bureau of Land Management], the central point of the city, the location where the Man will stand, is pinpointed. . . . The Golden Spike ceremony formally kicks off the build cyc
审核:火人的考古:黑岩城的兴衰卡罗琳l .白色马克c蔡尔兹(生物)卡罗琳·l·白火人的考古:黑岩城阿尔伯克基的兴衰:新墨西哥大学出版社,2020年十六+ 262页,75年黑白数字,6表ISBN: 9780826361332, 75.00美元HB ISBN: 9780826363930, $ 34.95 PB ISBN: 9780826361349, $ 75.00 EB的边界文化constructs.1学科和职业发展作者卡罗琳·怀特(Mamie Kleberg历史保护主席,历史保护项目主任,内华达大学人类学研究博物馆主任)在《火人考古:黑石城的兴衰》一书中明确地将自己的工作置于正在进行的学科建设中。遵循人类学家詹姆斯·迪茨(James Deetz)关于“考古学、历史学和文化人类学领域追求同一个目标”的观点,怀特参与并研究了一个名为黑石城(Black Rock City)的地方的“世俗”方面,从2008年到2016年,每年都会在内华达州北部举办一年一度的火人节(Burning Man Festival)露营活动。这本书的框架可能对建筑与景观的读者特别感兴趣,因为三个主要主题贯穿其中:记录日常生活,关注时间性,重新考虑考古学的实践。第一章和第二章描述了怀特的研究框架。在第一章中,怀特将她的工作置于当代考古学实践的出现以及火人节的历史和文学的回顾中。她主要关注“人们如何在城市中日常生活,以及日常生活的世俗特征如何在这个临时的地方发生”(31)。第二章阐述了她的理论基础。为了构建她对场地的记录和解释,怀特使用了列非弗的三方空间(构思-感知-生活),德·塞托的战略和战术,巴塔耶关于财富的社会支出框架(被诅咒的份额),德·兰达的网络,以及德勒兹和瓜塔里的平滑和条纹空间这样一个概念性的工具包存在着过于复杂的危险,但怀特使用这些概念清晰地组织和奠定了她的观察,因为她向我们提供了建造、居住和拆除营地的粗糙细节。第3章到第8章遵循一个叙事弧线,从建筑到占领,再到逃亡。这些工作的大部分可以为旅游指南的实用部分提供信息;然而,它的直接导致这些章节读起来有点像一个清单。“人”的建造开始了事件(“人”是一个多层的木制雕像,位于城市形态的中心点,也是事件的中心)。“在与土地管理局(BLM)的合作下,城市的中心点,也就是那个人将要站立的位置,被确定下来. . . .金钉仪式正式开启了火人节的建设周期。怀特不仅记录了人类的建造、居住和解构实践,还记录了淋浴和灰水系统、家具和食物、社区和私人空间、燃料和垃圾系统,但即使是这些“平凡”的实践也有不同寻常的方面。例如,火人节社区为限制和纠正MOOP(“物质错位”或垃圾)所做的特殊努力交织在这些日常实践中。禁止使用闪光剂等材料;灰水被蒸发而不是倒出,以避免污染playa;表面的建造和拆除都是为了允许生火。在出埃及记(人们离开城市)之后,一个精心规划的清理工作分三个阶段进行:拆除、修复和检查。火人节是一个短暂的年度营地,尽管其他营地正在建造和居住,但它的一部分正在退役。在不同的时间尺度上,所有的定居点都是如此,但其他的节日场地、市场、季节性移民的营地和朝圣地点都有火人节的时间模式。一些已知最早的定居点,公元前四千年乌克兰的特里皮利亚meggasites,也可能是季节性的正如怀特所指出的,黑石城“是一个日常生活节奏加快的地方,所有考古学家都可能想象到……
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引用次数: 0
Building Antebellum New Orleans: Free People of Color and Their Influence by Tara A. Dudley (review) 《战前新奥尔良的建设:有色人种自由人及其影响》塔拉·a·达德利著(书评)
4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2023.a911888
Charlette M. Caldwell
Reviewed by: Building Antebellum New Orleans: Free People of Color and Their Influence by Tara A. Dudley Charlette M. Caldwell (bio) Tara A. Dudley Building Antebellum New Orleans: Free People of Color and Their Influence Austin: University of Texas, 2021 336 pages, 94 black-and-white and 22 color illustrations ISBN: 9781477323021, $50.00 HB ISBN: 9781477323045, $50.00 EB Engagement, as Tara A. Dudley defines it in Building Antebellum New Orleans, encapsulates the architectural and building histories of underrepresented communities, bringing to the fore the signification of commitment and conflict that faces a racialized group when acquiring property and asserting the right to build on their property. As Louisiana grew rapidly between the 1830s and the 1840s, the gens de couleur libres community—free people of color who were of mixed Black and European ancestry—prospered, engaging in building trades and property acquisitions that left an indelible mark on the built environment. As Dudley writes, these free people of color and their buildings have been unexplored fully in architectural history, leaving a crucial gap that she expertly fills to show these communities’ influences on American architecture. The free people of color in New Orleans trace their origins to informal relationships between White men and women of color. Laws were lenient regarding interracial relationships, which contributed naturally to the growth of a distinct mixed-race class. Two families in particular, the Dolliole family and the Soulié family, contributed significantly to the building industry in New Orleans, their work concentrated mostly in the Vieux Carré and Faubourg Tremé neighborhoods. And although the population numbers of the gens de couleur libres decreased in the city toward the end of the antebellum period, their presence nonetheless influenced the economic opportunities available for them. The book is divided into three parts. In the first, “Ownership: Possessing the Built Environment,” Dudley uses the property histories of the Dolliole and the Soulié families as case studies to structure the book, delving first into a detailed history of their property acquisitions before exploring their ramifications. In chapter 1, “The Gens de Couleur Libres’ Acquisition of Property,” Dudley details how the ownership of property “was the first step in the architecture-driven identity-building process by which many builders and developers of color established their place in antebellum New Orleans” (25). Members of these families often used inter vivos (between living people) donations to transfer or gift property to relatives. This was often the case after a family member passed away or gifted the property to their offspring. Despite increasing limitations placed on people of color during this time, through donations and working with business associates, families like the Dollioles and the Souliés acquired a significant amount of property, establishing birthrights for their
由塔拉A.达德利(传记)塔拉A.达德利建筑战前新奥尔良:有色人种自由人及其影响奥斯汀:德克萨斯大学,2021 336页,94张黑白和22张彩色插图ISBN: 9781477323021, 50美元HB ISBN:[9781477323045] $50.00 EB Engagement,正如Tara a . Dudley在《战前新奥尔良的建筑》中所定义的那样,它概括了代表性不足的社区的建筑和建筑历史,突出了种族化群体在获得财产和主张在其财产上建造的权利时所面临的承诺和冲突的意义。随着路易斯安那州在19世纪30年代至40年代间的快速发展,自由色族(gens de couleur libres)社区——即黑人和欧洲混血的有色人种——繁荣起来,从事建筑贸易和财产收购,在建筑环境中留下了不可磨灭的印记。正如达德利所写,这些自由的有色人种和他们的建筑在建筑史上没有得到充分的探索,留下了一个关键的空白,她熟练地填补了这个空白,展示了这些社区对美国建筑的影响。新奥尔良的自由有色人种的起源可以追溯到白人男性和有色人种女性之间的非正式关系。法律对种族间的关系很宽容,这自然促成了一个独特的混合种族阶级的增长。特别是两个家族,Dolliole家族和souli家族,对新奥尔良的建筑业做出了重大贡献,他们的工作主要集中在Vieux carr和Faubourg trem社区。尽管在战前末期,自由色族的人口数量在城市中有所减少,但他们的存在仍然影响了他们的经济机会。这本书分为三个部分。在第一部《所有权:拥有建筑环境》中,达德利以多利奥勒家族和苏利奥尔家族的房产历史作为案例研究来构建这本书,在探索其后果之前,他首先深入研究了他们房产收购的详细历史。在第一章“自由色彩族对财产的收购”中,达德利详细描述了财产的所有权是如何“在建筑驱动的身份建设过程中迈出的第一步,许多有色人种的建设者和开发商在内战前的新奥尔良建立了自己的地位”(25)。这些家庭的成员经常使用活着的人之间的捐赠来转移或赠送财产给亲戚。这种情况通常发生在家庭成员去世或将财产赠与后代之后。尽管当时对有色人种的限制越来越多,但通过捐赠和与商业伙伴的合作,像Dollioles和soulisamas这样的家庭获得了大量财产,为他们的后代建立了与生俱来的权利。在第二章“使用和位置的影响”中,达德利不仅考察了Vieux carr和Faubourg trem的建筑历史,还考察了其他郊区和街道的建筑历史,展示了自由色彩族如何在新奥尔良市从欧洲殖民地到美国城市的起源中相互作用和移动。这些家庭利用白人克里奥尔人和美国人认为不重要的地区,为有色人种建立了一个安全的财产立足点。正如达德利所解释的那样,“自由色彩族作为业主和投机者的成功,在一个文化和种族隔离越来越美国化的城市中呈现出一种二分法,并试图让自由的有色人种在日常生活中处于‘适当的位置’。”另一方面,他们的现实强调了他们与克里奥尔白人和许多美国人保持的平等”(71)。这些房产的集中也很重要,因为它们的规模庞大,而且在19世纪40年代以后,自由色族的人口规模减少很久之后,它们的位置影响了城市的种族人口统计。第2部分,“参与:形成和改造建筑环境”,从第3章“Dolliole和souli家庭的建筑”开始,重点关注参与的用途,或者是自由色彩族如何形成和改造他们居住的建筑环境。这一章对达德利的论点来说是最重要的,因为她探讨了每个成员如何……
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引用次数: 0
Roads, Race, and Retail: The Transformation of Short Pump, Virginia 道路,种族和零售:短泵的转变,弗吉尼亚州
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2022.0014
William Tharp
abstract:The transformation of once-rural Short Pump, Virginia, into a sprawling suburban shopping destination speaks to the evolution of numerous American edge cities—concentrations of new development on the outskirts of more traditional urban areas. Although such areas likely represent the future of urban growth, many accuse them of lacking history. The story of Short Pump, located west of Richmond, challenges this view. Developing in three main stages, the area began as a prominent local tavern during the early Republic that acted as the focal point for a community shaped by industry and slavery. While this business eventually declined, the early twentieth century brought new changes as residents responded to Richmond’s expansion by altering their environment and redefining what “Short Pump” was. The area’s most dramatic alteration, however, occurred in the late 1990s and early 2000s when large-scale development arrived. Following a common pattern, Short Pump exploded because of White flight, the convergence of interstate highways, and the opening of a massive mall complex. Continually shaped by roads, race, and retail, Short Pump’s changing built environment demonstrates the complex interplay between past and present that influenced the development of edge cities across the United States.
维吉尼亚州肖特普市曾经是乡村地区,如今却变成了一个庞大的郊区购物目的地,这反映了美国众多边缘城市的演变——新开发项目集中在传统城市地区的郊区。尽管这些地区可能代表着城市发展的未来,但许多人指责它们缺乏历史。位于里士满西部的Short Pump的故事挑战了这种观点。该地区的发展经历了三个主要阶段,在共和国早期,它是一个著名的当地酒馆,是由工业和奴隶制形成的社区的焦点。虽然这项业务最终衰落了,但20世纪初,里士满的居民通过改变环境和重新定义什么是“短泵”来应对里士满的扩张,带来了新的变化。然而,该地区最戏剧性的变化发生在20世纪90年代末和21世纪初,当时出现了大规模的开发项目。由于白人航班、州际高速公路的汇合以及大型购物中心的开业,Short Pump的爆炸式增长遵循了一个常见的模式。由于道路、种族和零售的不断影响,Short Pump不断变化的建筑环境展示了过去和现在之间复杂的相互作用,影响了美国边缘城市的发展。
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引用次数: 0
A Personal Reflection on People as “Subjects” for Built Environment Research 建筑环境研究中人作为“主体”的个人思考
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2022.0011
Sarah Lopez
As a historian of the built environment, I began talking to people “in the field” almost twenty years ago, when researching my master’s thesis at the University of California Berkeley. Human stories and experiences have been a critical source of primary evidence in my research since that time, and I continue to seek clarity and resolve about my own research methods. Here, I offer questions and reflections on my working process, as well as thoughts about how our discipline can further refine methods for engaging humans in built environment research. While my methods are not unique, I have developed working strategies from the ground up through the mistakes, awkward encounters, and surprising rewards that occur in the field. As a scholar who engages with living subjects, I am not only learning the terms of such engagement but also who I am as a subject in a shared field.
作为一名建筑环境的历史学家,大约在20年前,当我在加州大学伯克利分校(University of California Berkeley)做硕士论文研究时,我开始与“这个领域”的人交谈。从那时起,人类的故事和经历一直是我研究中重要的主要证据来源,我继续寻求清晰和解决我自己的研究方法。在这里,我对我的工作过程提出了问题和思考,以及关于我们的学科如何进一步完善人类参与建筑环境研究的方法的想法。虽然我的方法并不独特,但我已经通过在这个领域中发生的错误、尴尬的遭遇和令人惊讶的回报,从头开始制定了工作策略。作为一个研究活的主体的学者,我不仅要了解这种参与的条件,还要了解我作为一个共享领域的主体是谁。
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引用次数: 0
A Fieldwork Forum for the VAF VAF的实地工作论坛
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2022.0008
Brent R. Fortenberry, J. Buckley
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引用次数: 0
Sunnyside Gardens: Planning and Preservation in a Historic Garden Suburb by Jeffrey A. Kroessler, and: Teardown: Memoir of a Vanishing City by Gordon Young (review) 杰弗里·克勒斯勒的《阳光花园:历史花园郊区的规划与保护》和戈登·杨的《拆除:一座消失的城市的回忆录》(书评)
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2022.0017
Timothy Kelly
new proposals for the site accountable to public review and local demands for more affordable housing. His vivid description of this contentious episode successfully conveys the sense of community desperation that is often the prime motivator, unfortunately, for members of the public to engage in preservation work. Passell concludes his study by reiterating his claim that the effects of historic district designations are determined by contingent historical and geographical factors, and then calling for additional placebased case studies of the historic districting process. Ultimately, the ambitions of Preserving Neighborhoods are modest. Never proposing to resolve the question of whether historic districts are ultimately good or bad for architecture or urban life, the book is an invitation to rethink a powerful historic preservation tool from a datadriven and communitycentered perspective.
该基地的新提案要对公众审查和当地对经济适用房的需求负责。他生动地描述了这一充满争议的事件,成功地传达了社会的绝望感,不幸的是,这种绝望感往往是公众参与保护工作的主要动力。Passell在总结他的研究时重申了他的观点,即历史街区指定的影响是由偶然的历史和地理因素决定的,然后呼吁对历史街区划分过程进行额外的基于地点的案例研究。说到底,“保护社区”的目标并不大。这本书从未提出要解决历史街区对建筑或城市生活最终是好是坏的问题,而是邀请人们从数据驱动和以社区为中心的角度重新思考一个强大的历史保护工具。
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引用次数: 2
Making a Case for Serendipity in Architectural Fieldwork 建筑实地考察中的意外发现
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2022.0012
Arijit Sen
Surrounded by war, racial violence, injustice, climate catastrophe, and health disasters, I search for that little ray of hope that could make my work as an architectural historian meaningful. As Mariame Kaba prophetically declares, hope is not an abstract ideal we move toward, but a scrupulous mode of living and working. I remember a question that architectural historian Abigail Van Slyck once posed: “How can we make history do work” for the dream of a better future?2 The answer to that query is to create a history committed to social and environmental justice. Can fieldwork and fieldbased research go beyond collection, interpretation, and description of the material world, toward an expanded mode where one aspires to change minds and dreams and strives to act in order to build a more equitable future? That kind of fieldwork is timeconsuming and is driven by an ethical framework that goes beyond mere data collection.3 As vernacular architecture historians, we can collect information in an intense month of fieldwork, but to use that information toward change and action we must develop a deeper and longer commitment to the communities we engage. Collaborative fieldwork is aimed at transforming “the space of fieldwork from one of data collection to one of coconceptualization.”4 It takes time to gain trust. Cocreating knowledge with the people whose world we study requires myriad forms of engagement and conversations that exceed the measurements, documentation, and formal analysis of buildings.5 One way to expand the scope of fieldwork beyond an examination of material culture is to include oral histories and ethnographic methods.6 Appending such techniques to a historian’s toolkit is necessary, but not adequate. A scholar of the built environment needs to carefully examine how knowledge is produced in the academy versus how it is constructed in the everyday world. These processes are different and therefore our objective should go beyond adding new methods to focus on modes of discernment and how we construct knowledge. In this article I argue for a praxisbased fieldwork that produces transformative social actions.7 Central to this process is a commitment of time and a willingness to be open to fortuity. When we return to the community repeatedly in order to cocreate knowledge with residents, we open up opportunities and experience unexpected situations that offer us new ways of knowing that we never presumed in the first place. Serendipity offers new avenues, new stories, and new ways to act. Asking field researchers to pivot and allow for unexpected turns in their work can seem like an unwelcome challenge, but this is exactly how community members operate and how they produce knowledge in their world. ARIJIT SEN
在战争、种族暴力、不公正、气候灾难和健康灾难的包围下,我寻找那一丝希望,让我作为一名建筑历史学家的工作变得有意义。正如玛丽亚姆·卡巴预言的那样,希望不是我们努力追求的抽象理想,而是一种严谨的生活和工作模式。我记得建筑历史学家Abigail Van Slyck曾经提出的一个问题:“我们如何让历史发挥作用”,以实现更美好未来的梦想?这个问题的答案是创造一个致力于社会和环境正义的历史。实地考察和基于实地的研究能否超越对物质世界的收集、解释和描述,走向一种扩展的模式,在这种模式下,人们渴望改变思想和梦想,并努力采取行动,以建立一个更公平的未来?这种实地调查是费时的,而且受道德框架的驱使,而不仅仅是数据收集作为本土建筑历史学家,我们可以在一个月紧张的实地调查中收集信息,但为了将这些信息用于变革和行动,我们必须对我们参与的社区建立更深入、更长久的承诺。协同田野调查旨在将田野调查空间从数据收集空间转变为概念化空间。获得信任需要时间。与我们所研究的世界的人们共同创造知识,需要无数形式的参与和对话,这超出了对建筑物的测量、文档和正式分析将田野调查的范围扩大到物质文化考察之外的一种方法是包括口述历史和民族志方法将这样的技巧添加到历史学家的工具箱中是必要的,但还不够。研究建筑环境的学者需要仔细研究知识是如何在学术界产生的,又是如何在日常世界中构建的。这些过程是不同的,因此我们的目标应该超越添加新的方法来关注识别模式以及我们如何构建知识。在这篇文章中,我主张以实践为基础的实地考察可以产生变革性的社会行动这个过程的核心是对时间的承诺和对机遇开放的意愿。当我们反复回到社区,与居民共同创造知识时,我们打开了机会,体验了意想不到的情况,为我们提供了新的认识方式,这是我们一开始从未设想过的。机缘巧合提供了新的途径、新的故事和新的行动方式。要求实地研究人员在他们的工作中转向并允许意想不到的转变,这似乎是一个不受欢迎的挑战,但这正是社区成员的运作方式,也是他们在自己的世界中产生知识的方式。森业务
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引用次数: 0
Preserving Neighborhoods: How Urban Policy and Community Strategy Shape Baltimore and Brooklyn by Aaron Passell (review) 保护社区:城市政策和社区战略如何塑造巴尔的摩和布鲁克林作者:Aaron Passell
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2022.0016
Kevin P. Block
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引用次数: 0
Topography of Wellness: How Health and Disease Shaped the American Landscape by Sara Jensen Carr (review) 《健康地形图:健康与疾病如何塑造美国景观》作者:萨拉·詹森·卡尔
IF 0.2 4区 艺术学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1353/bdl.2022.0019
Jennifer L. Thomas
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Buildings & Landscapes-Journal of the Vernacular Architecture Forum
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