Pub Date : 2020-06-29DOI: 10.15366/reim2020.28.001
Itxaso Dominguez de Olazabal
This article draws on social movement theory and the framing processes to demonstrate that Hezbollah's behaviour and actions in the face of the uprisings that rose at the end of 2010 were not based on the movements' ideological principles, but rather the organisation acted as a pragmatic entity guided by its strategic needs. Hezbollah unequivocally supported the upheavals that ignited the spark of the so-called 'Arab Spring' in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain, which beleagueredauthoritarian regimes hostile to its reality. It resorted to a framework fully aligned with its philosophy. The movement was, however, obliged to contradict its ideological principles when the revolt erupted against a regime whose survival was vital to its very existence.
{"title":"La evolución de Hezbolá como movimiento social: de ‘liberador’ a contrarrevolucionario (1985 – 2019).","authors":"Itxaso Dominguez de Olazabal","doi":"10.15366/reim2020.28.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2020.28.001","url":null,"abstract":"This article draws on social movement theory and the framing processes to demonstrate that Hezbollah's behaviour and actions in the face of the uprisings that rose at the end of 2010 were not based on the movements' ideological principles, but rather the organisation acted as a pragmatic entity guided by its strategic needs. Hezbollah unequivocally supported the upheavals that ignited the spark of the so-called 'Arab Spring' in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Yemen and Bahrain, which beleagueredauthoritarian regimes hostile to its reality. It resorted to a framework fully aligned with its philosophy. The movement was, however, obliged to contradict its ideological principles when the revolt erupted against a regime whose survival was vital to its very existence.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-24"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49107619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-29DOI: 10.15366/reim2020.28.004
Tatiana Hernández-Justo
The issue of national liberation is the main axis of Tunisian scholar ??har ?add?d’s (1899-1935) thought. His concern for this cause, which can be found in all his main works, is especially relevant with regards to the labor movement. ?add?d’s implications with trade unionism gave birth to one of his most renowned books, Al-‘umm?l al-t?nis?yy?n wa-?uh?r al-?araka al-niq?biyya (The Tunisian workers and the emergence of the labor movement), published in 1927. In this paper, we will analyze the linking elements between labor movement and nationalism throughout the aforementioned work.
民族解放议题是突尼西亚学者研究的主轴。哈尔添加?D(1899-1935)的思想。他对这一事业的关注，可以在他所有的主要作品中找到，特别是与劳工运动有关。添加?d对工会主义的影响催生了他最著名的著作之一，Al- ' umm?l al-t nis ? yy吗?n wa -嗯?r al - ?araka al-niq吗?biyya(突尼斯工人和工人运动的出现)，出版于1927年。在本文中，我们将分析贯穿上述工作的劳工运动和民族主义之间的联系因素。
{"title":"El movimiento obrero como plataforma para la liberación nacional a través de la obra Al-‘ummal al-tunisiyyun wa zuhur al-haraka al-niqabiyya (1927) de Tahar Haddad","authors":"Tatiana Hernández-Justo","doi":"10.15366/reim2020.28.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2020.28.004","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of national liberation is the main axis of Tunisian scholar ??har ?add?d’s (1899-1935) thought. His concern for this cause, which can be found in all his main works, is especially relevant with regards to the labor movement. ?add?d’s implications with trade unionism gave birth to one of his most renowned books, Al-‘umm?l al-t?nis?yy?n wa-?uh?r al-?araka al-niq?biyya (The Tunisian workers and the emergence of the labor movement), published in 1927. In this paper, we will analyze the linking elements between labor movement and nationalism throughout the aforementioned work.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"74-85"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2020-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45388159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.001
Moisés Garduño García
This short paper introduces the special issue and summarizes the papers included here, promoting insights on the differences and similarities of the contexts, projects and political-discursive practices in some Kurdish movements in the Middle East, particulary in Iran, Irak, Turkey and Syria. The academic contributions are diverse in objectives and methodology, but share a common and cohesive framework to study the Kurdish question through the paradoxical relationship between the Kurds and the modern Nation State. Based on the analysis of the local, regional and transregional factors, in a context of authoritarianism, militarism and foreign intervention, this text recover kurdicity as an analytical category to justify the study of new cross-border dynamics in the Middle East, presenting the spetial Issue as an important contribution in Spanish langauge to the field of Kurdish Studies.
{"title":"Las dinámicas kurdas en Oriente Próximo: elementos locales, regionales y trans-regionales","authors":"Moisés Garduño García","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.001","url":null,"abstract":"This short paper introduces the special issue and summarizes the papers included here, promoting insights on the differences and similarities of the contexts, projects and political-discursive practices in some Kurdish movements in the Middle East, particulary in Iran, Irak, Turkey and Syria. The academic contributions are diverse in objectives and methodology, but share a common and cohesive framework to study the Kurdish question through the paradoxical relationship between the Kurds and the modern Nation State. Based on the analysis of the local, regional and transregional factors, in a context of authoritarianism, militarism and foreign intervention, this text recover kurdicity as an analytical category to justify the study of new cross-border dynamics in the Middle East, presenting the spetial Issue as an important contribution in Spanish langauge to the field of Kurdish Studies.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-10"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/reim2019.27.001","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42381177","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.003
Moisés Garduño García
This paper addresses the Kurdish issue in Iran through power-resistance relations between some Kurdish leaders and the central Iranian government, from the Pahlavi monarchy to post-revolutionary Iran. The text defends that this relationship can be studied in the light of sectarianization politics by the Iranian State, both the secular and non-secular regimes, to defend official narratives in public sphere on one side, and territorial integrity, on the other. This work is carried out through the study of the local, regional and extra-regional facts which, when combined, have directly impacted on the decisions, emissions and emergencies of the three main Kurdish organizations in Iran: Democratic Party of the Kurdistan of Iran (PDK), Party of the Revolutionary Workers of the Iranian Kurdistan (Komala) and the Party for the Free Life of Kurdistan (PJAK). Cross-border and transnational dynamics are found in this study when interactions between Iranian Kurds and state and no state actors are underlined. These facts help to understand not only Kurdish political-military resistance operations in these areas, but also formal and informal ways to maintain their political survival.
{"title":"La cuestión kurda en Irán: dinámicas de un sectarismo de Estado","authors":"Moisés Garduño García","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.003","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses the Kurdish issue in Iran through power-resistance relations between some Kurdish leaders and the central Iranian government, from the Pahlavi monarchy to post-revolutionary Iran. The text defends that this relationship can be studied in the light of sectarianization politics by the Iranian State, both the secular and non-secular regimes, to defend official narratives in public sphere on one side, and territorial integrity, on the other. This work is carried out through the study of the local, regional and extra-regional facts which, when combined, have directly impacted on the decisions, emissions and emergencies of the three main Kurdish organizations in Iran: Democratic Party of the Kurdistan of Iran (PDK), Party of the Revolutionary Workers of the Iranian Kurdistan (Komala) and the Party for the Free Life of Kurdistan (PJAK). Cross-border and transnational dynamics are found in this study when interactions between Iranian Kurds and state and no state actors are underlined. These facts help to understand not only Kurdish political-military resistance operations in these areas, but also formal and informal ways to maintain their political survival.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"24-45"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/reim2019.27.003","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47046363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.012
Paloma González del Miño
The political and security context in the Middle East has been marked since 1979 by a state that set itself up as a "revisionist state" with the aim of becoming a regional power in a region of ‘liquid alliances’, where the scales of power are susceptible to constant changes. The aspirations of the Islamic Republic of Iran have disrupted the fundamental bases of security strategies for several powers regional and external powers. This article analyses the tendencies in Iran’s foreign policy in the framework of power dynamics and regional security.
{"title":"Impacto de la política exterior de Irán en las dinámicas de poder y seguridad en Oriente Medio","authors":"Paloma González del Miño","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.012","url":null,"abstract":"The political and security context in the Middle East has been marked since 1979 by a state that set itself up as a \"revisionist state\" with the aim of becoming a regional power in a region of ‘liquid alliances’, where the scales of power are susceptible to constant changes. The aspirations of the Islamic Republic of Iran have disrupted the fundamental bases of security strategies for several powers regional and external powers. This article analyses the tendencies in Iran’s foreign policy in the framework of power dynamics and regional security.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"184-202"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45631798","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.002
J. I. Lope
El articulo sintetiza los eventos internacionales mas relevantes desde el surgimiento del nacionalismo kurdo en el siglo XIX hasta la consolidacion de la zona autonomica de Rojava de 2014. En la primera parte se resalta el contexto internacional en el que el Imperio Otomano abandona su organizacion estatal tradicional en favor de la implementacion de reformas liberales provenientes del orden mundial. En la segunda parte, se analiza el surgimiento de un nuevo orden hegemonico al finalizar la Primera Guerra Mundial y de como acabo el sueno de un Kurdistan independiente. En la tercera parte se discute la forma en que la poblacion kurda quedo repartida en diferentes Estados del Medio Oriente y finalmente, se observa como la hegemonia estadounidense en el Medio Oriente no fue favorable a los kurdos, sino hasta despues a la invasion de Iraq en 2003, explicando el protagonismo kurdo en el siglo XXI.
{"title":"La vinculación histórica de la Cuestión Kurda con el Orden Mundial: del Tratado de Sèvres a la Pax Americana","authors":"J. I. Lope","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.002","url":null,"abstract":"El articulo sintetiza los eventos internacionales mas relevantes desde el surgimiento del nacionalismo kurdo en el siglo XIX hasta la consolidacion de la zona autonomica de Rojava de 2014. En la primera parte se resalta el contexto internacional en el que el Imperio Otomano abandona su organizacion estatal tradicional en favor de la implementacion de reformas liberales provenientes del orden mundial. En la segunda parte, se analiza el surgimiento de un nuevo orden hegemonico al finalizar la Primera Guerra Mundial y de como acabo el sueno de un Kurdistan independiente. En la tercera parte se discute la forma en que la poblacion kurda quedo repartida en diferentes Estados del Medio Oriente y finalmente, se observa como la hegemonia estadounidense en el Medio Oriente no fue favorable a los kurdos, sino hasta despues a la invasion de Iraq en 2003, explicando el protagonismo kurdo en el siglo XXI.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"11-23"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47664904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.010
É. S. A. Silva
Following the principles of social ecology, Democratic Confederalism has led its women participants essentially to consider their membership in the system of communes and cooperatives. On it, they see one important and sustainable production model and, so far, the most representative achievement of this process, this is, the creation of Jinwar, the only ecological village of women. Despite this, the economic/ecological project of Rojava also faces a series of difficulties that endanger its subsistence.
{"title":"Mujer-vida-libertad. Participación de las mujeres en el proyecto económico/ecológico de la Federación Democrática del norte de Siria – Rojava","authors":"É. S. A. Silva","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.010","url":null,"abstract":"Following the principles of social ecology, Democratic Confederalism has led its women participants essentially to consider their membership in the system of communes and cooperatives. On it, they see one important and sustainable production model and, so far, the most representative achievement of this process, this is, the creation of Jinwar, the only ecological village of women. Despite this, the economic/ecological project of Rojava also faces a series of difficulties that endanger its subsistence.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"150-169"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47571108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.006
Ignacio Gutiérrez de Terán
La situacion de los kurdos en la region septentrional de Siria constituye uno de los apartados mas delicados de la crisis actual en Siria, maxime tras el supuesto fin de la campana contra el Estado Islamico y la ofensiva del ejercito turco en zonas controladas por milicias kurdas en el norte del pais. Para intentar aportar hipotesis de trabajo sobe el futuro inmediato de “Rojava”, se inserta la cuestion en lo que llamamos “conflicto en flotacion”, el cual favorece, en primer lugar, un contexto favorable para la intervencion directa de varias potencias regionales e internacionales con intereses contrapuestos y, en segundo lugar, la interrelacion, positiva unas veces, antagonica otras, de las prioridades de estos actores externos. Este hecho origina una serie de mecanismos que rigen a su vez las dinamicas de los actores internos, que pasan a ser “contingentes”. De este modo, las estrategias de rusos, iranies, turcos y estadounidenses, por ejemplo, adquieren un protagonismo relevante, a la hora de definir la viabilidad del proyecto autonomico kurdo, por lo que su analisis aporta una pauta de gran utilidad para hacer una valoracion general de la cuestion, sin obviar los condicionantes historicos, sociales y politicos domesticos que han configurado la eclosion del Kurdistan sirio como precaria entidad autonoma.
{"title":"El autonomismo kurdo en Siria: el proyecto de Rojava en el contexto de un estado en flotación","authors":"Ignacio Gutiérrez de Terán","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.006","url":null,"abstract":"La situacion de los kurdos en la region septentrional de Siria constituye uno de los apartados mas delicados de la crisis actual en Siria, maxime tras el supuesto fin de la campana contra el Estado Islamico y la ofensiva del ejercito turco en zonas controladas por milicias kurdas en el norte del pais. Para intentar aportar hipotesis de trabajo sobe el futuro inmediato de “Rojava”, se inserta la cuestion en lo que llamamos “conflicto en flotacion”, el cual favorece, en primer lugar, un contexto favorable para la intervencion directa de varias potencias regionales e internacionales con intereses contrapuestos y, en segundo lugar, la interrelacion, positiva unas veces, antagonica otras, de las prioridades de estos actores externos. Este hecho origina una serie de mecanismos que rigen a su vez las dinamicas de los actores internos, que pasan a ser “contingentes”. De este modo, las estrategias de rusos, iranies, turcos y estadounidenses, por ejemplo, adquieren un protagonismo relevante, a la hora de definir la viabilidad del proyecto autonomico kurdo, por lo que su analisis aporta una pauta de gran utilidad para hacer una valoracion general de la cuestion, sin obviar los condicionantes historicos, sociales y politicos domesticos que han configurado la eclosion del Kurdistan sirio como precaria entidad autonoma.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"84-102"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/reim2019.27.006","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43737039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.008
Rodrigo Rubén Hernández González
Since the 2011 mass mobilizations against Bashar Al Assad regime in Syria, the kurdish people in the Rojava began the construction of the so called Democratic Confederalism Project. This paperdescribes direct democracy, co-operativism, and self-organization as the main characteristics of this process as an anticapitalist model. A theoretical study is then proposed to understand the posibilities to form a democratic modernity through the practice of Confederalism. To conclude, three anticapitalist aspects of this proposal are discused: communalism, environmentalism and women´s participation.
{"title":"Confederalismo Democrático en Rojava: anticapitalismo y modernidad democrática","authors":"Rodrigo Rubén Hernández González","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.008","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 2011 mass mobilizations against Bashar Al Assad regime in Syria, the kurdish people in the Rojava began the construction of the so called Democratic Confederalism Project. This paperdescribes direct democracy, co-operativism, and self-organization as the main characteristics of this process as an anticapitalist model. A theoretical study is then proposed to understand the posibilities to form a democratic modernity through the practice of Confederalism. To conclude, three anticapitalist aspects of this proposal are discused: communalism, environmentalism and women´s participation.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"121-136"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/reim2019.27.008","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49399383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.007
D. Martínez
The current situation in Irak and Syria has boosted the political significance of the Kurdish movements in those countries where they seek higher levels of autonomy or even the independence. Due to their resistance against Al Assad's regime, and its strength versus Daesh, Kurdish militias have got the backing of outstanding foreign powers. Kurdistan is claimed to look for acquiring an international prominence, diversifying relations with other actors. Not only among its main defenders are the United States, the main European Union's governments and Russia, but also others such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar or United Arab Emirates. This paper analyzes the relationships between the main Iraqi and Syrian Kurdistan actors with Gulf Cooperation Council's members since 2011 until current days. Saudi interests in the area are studied, as well as the importance of this type of support for the Kurdish causes.
{"title":"Las relaciones del Kurdistán con el Golfo: el papel de las monarquías árabes en la lucha kurda en Irak y Siria.","authors":"D. Martínez","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.007","url":null,"abstract":"The current situation in Irak and Syria has boosted the political significance of the Kurdish movements in those countries where they seek higher levels of autonomy or even the independence. Due to their resistance against Al Assad's regime, and its strength versus Daesh, Kurdish militias have got the backing of outstanding foreign powers. Kurdistan is claimed to look for acquiring an international prominence, diversifying relations with other actors. Not only among its main defenders are the United States, the main European Union's governments and Russia, but also others such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar or United Arab Emirates. This paper analyzes the relationships between the main Iraqi and Syrian Kurdistan actors with Gulf Cooperation Council's members since 2011 until current days. Saudi interests in the area are studied, as well as the importance of this type of support for the Kurdish causes.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"103-120"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48152090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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