Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.005
V. L. Lopez Castillo
This paper analyzes the shaping of the Kurdish cultural and political movements in Turkey and Syria through the interaction of the two most relevant political actors in this process: The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the Party of the Democratic Unit (PYD). This text highlights the Kurdish influence in the cross-border area of northern Syria and southern Turkey during the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century, as well as the early years of the twenty-first century. The objective of this text is to identify some historical and conjunctural causes that explain how autonomy projects in both Rojava and Bakur have influenced each other, and how they have challenged the idea of the modern Nation State in the countries where they operate. The main objective of the article is to know how the Kurds in Turkey found more obstacles to the development of their autonomy projects in Bakur, while the Syrian Rojava movement, which was influenced by the PKK itself and Abdullah Ocallan's ideas, managed well to organize its successful model despite the authoritarian context it faced. The hypothesis to be defended is that Turkish State's security discourse was the main factor that prevented an autonomous development of the Kurds in Bakur, which not only managed to reverse the PKK's political agenda in Turkey, but also after 2015, sought to extend containment of Kurdish projects in northern Syria.
{"title":"La conformación del movimiento cultural y político kurdo en Turquía y Siria: algunas dinámicas transfronterizas","authors":"V. L. Lopez Castillo","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.005","url":null,"abstract":"This paper analyzes the shaping of the Kurdish cultural and political movements in Turkey and Syria through the interaction of the two most relevant political actors in this process: The Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the Party of the Democratic Unit (PYD). This text highlights the Kurdish influence in the cross-border area of northern Syria and southern Turkey during the twenties and thirties of the twentieth century, as well as the early years of the twenty-first century. The objective of this text is to identify some historical and conjunctural causes that explain how autonomy projects in both Rojava and Bakur have influenced each other, and how they have challenged the idea of the modern Nation State in the countries where they operate. The main objective of the article is to know how the Kurds in Turkey found more obstacles to the development of their autonomy projects in Bakur, while the Syrian Rojava movement, which was influenced by the PKK itself and Abdullah Ocallan's ideas, managed well to organize its successful model despite the authoritarian context it faced. The hypothesis to be defended is that Turkish State's security discourse was the main factor that prevented an autonomous development of the Kurds in Bakur, which not only managed to reverse the PKK's political agenda in Turkey, but also after 2015, sought to extend containment of Kurdish projects in northern Syria.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"64-83"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44697722","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.004
Juan Carlos González Quiñones
Este articulo es posible gracias al apoyo recibido por el Programa de Movilidad que ofrece el Programa de Apoyo a los Estudios de Posgrado (PAEP), en el marco del Doctorado en Ciencias Politicas y Sociales de la Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico
{"title":"La (de)seguritización del Gobierno Regional del Kurdistán. El movimiento kurdo en Iraq desde 1991","authors":"Juan Carlos González Quiñones","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.004","url":null,"abstract":"Este articulo es posible gracias al apoyo recibido por el Programa de Movilidad que ofrece el Programa de Apoyo a los Estudios de Posgrado (PAEP), en el marco del Doctorado en Ciencias Politicas y Sociales de la Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"46-63"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/reim2019.27.004","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49252781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.009
Cristina De Lucio Atonal
The struggle of Kurdish women in the PKK encouraged the emergence of Jineoloji, the Science of Women, like a critical mode of thinking to the dominant Western knowledge against what they consider as a historically women´s oppression process. This paper considers that way of thinnkig as a breaking project with the ways of understanding and producing life under capitalism, and explores this epistemic model as a tool to transform power systems recognizing Kurdish women as political subjects. Jineoloji proposals and practices inside and outside Kurdistan are also analyzed to offer evidences for this arguments.
{"title":"Jineolojî: pensamiento crítico y prácticas emancipadoras desde el Kurdistán","authors":"Cristina De Lucio Atonal","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.009","url":null,"abstract":"The struggle of Kurdish women in the PKK encouraged the emergence of Jineoloji, the Science of Women, like a critical mode of thinking to the dominant Western knowledge against what they consider as a historically women´s oppression process. This paper considers that way of thinnkig as a breaking project with the ways of understanding and producing life under capitalism, and explores this epistemic model as a tool to transform power systems recognizing Kurdish women as political subjects. Jineoloji proposals and practices inside and outside Kurdistan are also analyzed to offer evidences for this arguments.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/reim2019.27.009","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48030294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.011
L. Chouikha
In the summer of 2019, at the height of the struggle between the clan of the President of the Republic and the Head of Government, three intertwined factors make it possible to understand the developments, the challenges, but also the variations in the pre-electoral political game in Tunisia. On the one hand, it is a question of understanding the political and personal calculations of political actors who seek to influence the course of events in such a way as to be able to guide them to their advantage. On the other hand, it is important to identify how the functioning of institutions and the use of laws has an impact on pre-electoral and electoral campaigns, given that these institutions are characterized by their fragility and that the application of laws is variable. Finally, it is also necessary to take into account the emergence of unexpected events and to consider its consequences both on the trajectory of the electoral process and on the strategies of political actors. Specifically, the adoption of the amended Electoral Code, the announcement by the President of the Republic that it has not been promulgated, the death of the Head of State and the subsequent change in the electoral calendar disrupted the country's political trajectory. In this perspective, this article aims to analyze the Tunisian electoral process from April to September 2019 by following a chronological plan in order to understand how the strategies of the actors, the functioning of the institutions and the emergence of the unexpected through the death of the President of the Republic.
{"title":"Le processus électoral tunisien en 2019: instabilité institutionnelle et jeu des acteurs","authors":"L. Chouikha","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.011","url":null,"abstract":"In the summer of 2019, at the height of the struggle between the clan of the President of the Republic and the Head of Government, three intertwined factors make it possible to understand the developments, the challenges, but also the variations in the pre-electoral political game in Tunisia. On the one hand, it is a question of understanding the political and personal calculations of political actors who seek to influence the course of events in such a way as to be able to guide them to their advantage. On the other hand, it is important to identify how the functioning of institutions and the use of laws has an impact on pre-electoral and electoral campaigns, given that these institutions are characterized by their fragility and that the application of laws is variable. Finally, it is also necessary to take into account the emergence of unexpected events and to consider its consequences both on the trajectory of the electoral process and on the strategies of political actors. Specifically, the adoption of the amended Electoral Code, the announcement by the President of the Republic that it has not been promulgated, the death of the Head of State and the subsequent change in the electoral calendar disrupted the country's political trajectory. In this perspective, this article aims to analyze the Tunisian electoral process from April to September 2019 by following a chronological plan in order to understand how the strategies of the actors, the functioning of the institutions and the emergence of the unexpected through the death of the President of the Republic.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"170-183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/reim2019.27.011","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49616158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-12-19DOI: 10.15366/reim2019.27.013
I. Moreno
El presente texto se dirige a escudrinar las razones por las que Francisco Javier Simonet, en calidad de especialista en lengua arabe e historia andalusi, configuro una imagen ciertamente negativa y devaluada del Islam y la cultura arabe que se asento en al-Andalus, a pesar de que, en primera instancia, durante su juventud se distinguio como un estudiante de ideas maurofilas y, en segundo lugar, no obstante que su entorno gremial arabista se ubico en una etapa de formacion donde se aposto por una revision historica que permitiese reivindicar el valor de lo arabe-islamico en la historia de Espana.
案文走向escudrinar原因Francisco Javier Simonet andalusi历史和阿拉伯语专家的身份,configuro和永久的负面形象当然阿拉伯伊斯兰文化在andalus asento尽管你的青年,在一审期间distinguio像maurofilas和思维的学生,其次,然而，它的阿拉伯行会环境处于一个形成阶段，在这个阶段，它押注于历史上的修正，允许主张阿拉伯-伊斯兰在西班牙历史上的价值。
{"title":"Entre maurofobia y maurofilia: formación e impacto del pensamiento historiográfico de Francisco Javier Simonet","authors":"I. Moreno","doi":"10.15366/reim2019.27.013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/reim2019.27.013","url":null,"abstract":"El presente texto se dirige a escudrinar las razones por las que Francisco Javier Simonet, en calidad de especialista en lengua arabe e historia andalusi, configuro una imagen ciertamente negativa y devaluada del Islam y la cultura arabe que se asento en al-Andalus, a pesar de que, en primera instancia, durante su juventud se distinguio como un estudiante de ideas maurofilas y, en segundo lugar, no obstante que su entorno gremial arabista se ubico en una etapa de formacion donde se aposto por una revision historica que permitiese reivindicar el valor de lo arabe-islamico en la historia de Espana.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":"1 1","pages":"203-223"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48243192","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-25DOI: 10.15366/REIM2019.26.009
C. Lara
‘Carrier’ are Moroccan women who work in Ceuta carrying bales of 50 kilos between the two sides of the Spanish-Moroccan border of Ceuta. This work is carried out by women porters in exchange for a small economic commission for the displacement carried out and the activity carried out. The porters develop their work activity in very poor conditions where their human rights are systematically violated, while the rest of the agents involved in the atypical trade obtain important economic benefits with this activity. The methodology that has been followed in this investigation has been the participant observation and the in-depth interview with the social agents and carrier women; while the technique of data analysis has been the Grounded Theory. The results of the investigation show the tendency that although the third sector - unions, associations, collectives - is motivated to intervene in the situation of porters, they do not find the appropriate methods or actions to dignify the situation of women porters in the Spanish-Moroccan border.
{"title":"El papel del tercer sector de la región fronteriza hispano-marroquí en la situación de las mujeres porteadoras","authors":"C. Lara","doi":"10.15366/REIM2019.26.009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/REIM2019.26.009","url":null,"abstract":"‘Carrier’ are Moroccan women who work in Ceuta carrying bales of 50 kilos between the two sides of the Spanish-Moroccan border of Ceuta. This work is carried out by women porters in exchange for a small economic commission for the displacement carried out and the activity carried out. The porters develop their work activity in very poor conditions where their human rights are systematically violated, while the rest of the agents involved in the atypical trade obtain important economic benefits with this activity. The methodology that has been followed in this investigation has been the participant observation and the in-depth interview with the social agents and carrier women; while the technique of data analysis has been the Grounded Theory. The results of the investigation show the tendency that although the third sector - unions, associations, collectives - is motivated to intervene in the situation of porters, they do not find the appropriate methods or actions to dignify the situation of women porters in the Spanish-Moroccan border.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44825131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-25DOI: 10.15366/REIM2019.26.010
R. Durán
Spain ranks low among European democracies regarding negative attitudes toward Muslims and Islam. Islamophobia does not appear to be a contentious issue in the Spanish political arena as to the definition of 'us,' even though Moroccans have become the largest migrant community, and even though Spain is currently one of the three major Member States of first entry into the Union from Middle East and North Africa. By conducting a media frame analysis, the aim of this paper is to know whether and to what extent the Spanish large-circulation quality newspapers portray Muslims and Islam as strange, monolithic and problematic. Variations according to ideology and the nature of the events reported are taken into account. This is an empirical and longitudinal study covering an entire year. Conclusions are expected to further contribute to comparative investigations.
{"title":"El encuadre del islam y los musulmanes: la cobertura periodística en España","authors":"R. Durán","doi":"10.15366/REIM2019.26.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/REIM2019.26.010","url":null,"abstract":"Spain ranks low among European democracies regarding negative attitudes toward Muslims and Islam. Islamophobia does not appear to be a contentious issue in the Spanish political arena as to the definition of 'us,' even though Moroccans have become the largest migrant community, and even though Spain is currently one of the three major Member States of first entry into the Union from Middle East and North Africa. By conducting a media frame analysis, the aim of this paper is to know whether and to what extent the Spanish large-circulation quality newspapers portray Muslims and Islam as strange, monolithic and problematic. Variations according to ideology and the nature of the events reported are taken into account. This is an empirical and longitudinal study covering an entire year. Conclusions are expected to further contribute to comparative investigations.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.15366/REIM2019.26.010","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46194810","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-25DOI: 10.15366/REIM2019.26.007
Abla Rouag-Djenidir
La reconnaissance de la citoyennete des jeunes et de leur droit a l’expression a suscite un grand interet pour la participation des adolescents chez les organisations internationales, laquelle semble s’exercer timidement, peut-etre du fait du faible niveau de connaissance de ce droit de la part des detenteurs des droits eux-memes. Une enquete a ete initiee a partir de 2009 par l’UNICEF Alger dans un contexte social et politique qui tente de se stabiliser apres la « decennie noire ». L’objectif de cette etude a laquelle nous avons pris part etait d’identifier les perceptions, attitudes et valeurs concernant le droit a la participation des adolescents, pour pouvoir mettre en place des strategies de developpement de bonnes pratiques favorisant la participation. Cette etude, de type qualitatif a porte sur la participation dans les principaux milieux de vie des adolescents, soit la famille, l'ecole et la communaute et in fine la societe. Elle s’est deroulee sous la forme d’entretiens avec 68 adolescents de 11 a 18 ans, de la wilaya de Constantine. Les principaux resultats de l’etude montrent que : La participation des adolescents et leur niveau d’implication dans le milieu familial dependent du statut et du role que le systeme social confere a chacun au sein de la famille en fonction de l’âge, du sexe, et du degre d’autonomie financiere. Dans le milieu scolaire, les eleves ne sont pas bien informes et sont tres peu sollicites a participer a la vie de l’institution et n’ont pas de structures ou exprimer leur avis. Concernant la participation dans la communaute , les espaces publics constituent l’espace ou l’adolescent se sent le plus ecoute, respecte et sollicite par ses pairs. La democratie et la solidarite sont les principes cles qui regissent les relations.
{"title":"El derecho de los adolescentes a participar en Argelia.","authors":"Abla Rouag-Djenidir","doi":"10.15366/REIM2019.26.007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/REIM2019.26.007","url":null,"abstract":"La reconnaissance de la citoyennete des jeunes et de leur droit a l’expression a suscite un grand interet pour la participation des adolescents chez les organisations internationales, laquelle semble s’exercer timidement, peut-etre du fait du faible niveau de connaissance de ce droit de la part des detenteurs des droits eux-memes. Une enquete a ete initiee a partir de 2009 par l’UNICEF Alger dans un contexte social et politique qui tente de se stabiliser apres la « decennie noire ». L’objectif de cette etude a laquelle nous avons pris part etait d’identifier les perceptions, attitudes et valeurs concernant le droit a la participation des adolescents, pour pouvoir mettre en place des strategies de developpement de bonnes pratiques favorisant la participation. Cette etude, de type qualitatif a porte sur la participation dans les principaux milieux de vie des adolescents, soit la famille, l'ecole et la communaute et in fine la societe. Elle s’est deroulee sous la forme d’entretiens avec 68 adolescents de 11 a 18 ans, de la wilaya de Constantine. Les principaux resultats de l’etude montrent que : La participation des adolescents et leur niveau d’implication dans le milieu familial dependent du statut et du role que le systeme social confere a chacun au sein de la famille en fonction de l’âge, du sexe, et du degre d’autonomie financiere. Dans le milieu scolaire, les eleves ne sont pas bien informes et sont tres peu sollicites a participer a la vie de l’institution et n’ont pas de structures ou exprimer leur avis. Concernant la participation dans la communaute , les espaces publics constituent l’espace ou l’adolescent se sent le plus ecoute, respecte et sollicite par ses pairs. La democratie et la solidarite sont les principes cles qui regissent les relations.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45241373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-25DOI: 10.15366/REIM2019.26.008
R. G. Pérez
The article analyzes the legal, political and economic factors that condition the expansion of the continental shelf of the Canary Islands in its southern zone. Morocco has announced its intention to carry out a similar expansion that would include the waters of Western Sahara, a non-autonomous territory pending decolonization over which Morocco does not hold sovereignty. Both expansions would create an overlapping area of difficult delimitation that compromises the exploitation of the natural resources found there.
{"title":"Canarias y la previsible ampliación de su plataforma continental: el difícil equilibrio entre España, Marruecos y Sáhara Occidental","authors":"R. G. Pérez","doi":"10.15366/REIM2019.26.008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15366/REIM2019.26.008","url":null,"abstract":"The article analyzes the legal, political and economic factors that condition the expansion of the continental shelf of the Canary Islands in its southern zone. Morocco has announced its intention to carry out a similar expansion that would include the waters of Western Sahara, a non-autonomous territory pending decolonization over which Morocco does not hold sovereignty. Both expansions would create an overlapping area of difficult delimitation that compromises the exploitation of the natural resources found there.","PeriodicalId":41839,"journal":{"name":"Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2019-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43592451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2019-06-01DOI: 10.15366/REIM2019.26.003
Saloua Zerhouni
espanolLa no participacion a traves de las instituciones politicas formales es una tendencia muy marcada entre los jovenes marroquies. Los datos cualitativos y cuantitativos de una investigacion llevada a cabo en 2015 y 2016 muestran que la mayoria de los jovenes no participa en los partidos politicos y las elecciones. Dicho esto, no son politicamente apaticos, muchos de ellos expresan un gran interes por la politica y un fuerte sentido de agencia. El hecho de que el interes politico de los jovenes no se convierta en accion sugiere su desencanto con la oferta politica. Aunque factores como la educacion, el genero y el nivel de conocimiento politico son importantes para comprender los motivos de la participacion o no participacion de los jovenes, este articulo destaca el impacto de la centralidad del poder y las practicas politicas establecidas sobre la existencia de este no compromiso de los jovenes. En Marruecos, la esfera de la participacion politica se ha ampliado desde la decada de 1990. Sin embargo, en un regimen caracterizado por la centralidad del poder en manos de la monarquia / makhzen, una escena partidista controlada e instituciones politicas desacreditadas, los ciudadanos son conscientes de los limites de su influencia en las decisiones publicas. El trabajo de campo que hemos realizado nos permite concluir que los politicos y los partidos estan desconectados de las realidades y preocupaciones de los jovenes. Ademas, la mayoria de estos ultimos se siente excluida de los procesos de toma de decisiones. Incluso cuando participan en discusiones y debates dentro de sus propias organizaciones, los jovenes sienten que sus opiniones y expectativas no se tienen en cuenta. La no participacion puede considerarse como un acto consciente que socava la legitimidad del sistema. La separacion de los jovenes de la esfera formal de participacion y su desencanto con la oferta politica pueden contribuir a que, a largo plazo, recurran al uso de medios antidemocraticos y no pacificos para hacer oir su voz francaisLa non-participation a travers les institutions formelles de la politique est une forte tendance chez les jeunes marocains. Les donnees qualitatives et quantitatives d’une recherche menee en 2015 et 2016 montrent que la majorite des jeunes ne s’engage pas a travers les partis politiques et les elections. Ceci dit, ils ne sont pas politiquement apathiques, beaucoup d’entre eux expriment un grand interet pour la politique et un fort sentiment d'agenceite. Le fait que l'interet politique des jeunes ne se transforme pas en action suggere leur desenchantement avec l'offre politique. Bien que des facteurs tels que l'education, le genre et le niveau de connaissance politique soient importants pour comprendre les motifs de la participation ou de la non-participation des jeunes, cet article met en exergue l’impact de la centralite du pouvoir et des pratiques politiques etablies sur le non engagement des jeunes. Au Maroc, la sphere de la participation polit
在摩洛哥年轻人中，不通过正式的政治机构参与是一种非常明显的趋势。2015年和2016年进行的一项研究的定性和定量数据显示，大多数年轻人不参加政党和选举。尽管如此，他们在政治上并不是冷漠的，他们中的许多人表达了强烈的政治兴趣和强烈的机构意识。年轻人的政治利益没有转化为行动，这一事实表明他们对政治提议的幻灭。虽然诸如教育、性别问题和政治认知水平是重要的,以了解participacion的理由或不participacion影响年轻人,这篇文章,强调权力的中心和实践既定政策存在问题这不是年轻人的承诺。在摩洛哥，政治参与的范围自1990年代以来有所扩大。然而，在一个权力中心掌握在君主/马克森(makhzen)手中、政党舞台受到控制、政治机构名誉扫地的政权中，公民意识到他们对公共决策的影响有限。我们的实地工作使我们得出结论，政治家和政党与年轻人的现实和关切脱节。此外，他们中的大多数人觉得自己被排除在决策过程之外。即使在参加自己组织内的讨论和辩论时，年轻人也觉得自己的观点和期望没有得到考虑。不参与可以被视为一种破坏制度合法性的有意识行为。正式分离领域年轻人participacion及其与供应那次有助于政治,长远来看,利用antidemocraticos媒体及pacificos不去听他的声音francaisLa non-participation连接到特拉弗斯机构formelles他们politique est疗tendance chez les jeunes marocains。2015年和2016年进行的一项研究的定性和定量数据显示，大多数年轻人没有通过政党和选举参与。尽管如此，他们在政治上并不是冷漠的，他们中的许多人表达了对政治的极大兴趣和强烈的机构感。年轻人的政治兴趣没有转化为行动，这一事实表明他们对政治提议的幻灭。好des facteurs v l ' education,性别和他的副秘书connaissance politique, importants pour comprendre motifs他们参与ou non-participation des jeunes、cet条met l exergue 'impact centralite du pouvoir et des pratiques政策etablies le non参与des jeunes南方。在摩洛哥，政治参与的范围自1990年代以来有所扩大。然而，在一个权力集中在君主/马克森、党派控制和独立政治机构的政权中，公民意识到他们对公共决策的影响是有限的。我们所处的环境使我们得出这样的结论:政治家和政党与年轻人的现实和关切脱节。此外，大多数人觉得自己被排除在决策过程之外。即使在他们所属机构的讨论和辩论中，年轻人也觉得他们的意见和期望没有得到考虑。不参与可以被视为一种有意识的行为，可能会破坏系统的合法性。从长远来看，年轻人脱离正式参与领域和对政治提议的幻灭可能会导致使用反民主和非和平手段来表达他们的声音。
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