Pub Date : 2018-02-13DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2018.1432207
J. Codell
Stacey Pierson’s book has many implications for art market studies, archival research, and the study of the social nature of art world activities – collecting, exhibiting, and the development, indeed even the creation or invention, of public taste. Focusing on the history of the Burlington Fine Arts Club (BFAC), founded in 1866 as a gentleman’s club to exhibit its members’ art collections, the history of this club, kept in a rich archive, provides a magnified examination of an organization devoted to intense collecting, exhibiting, dealing and dissemination by catalogs of a collective field of knowledge. Unique among such clubs were its regular and special biannual exhibitions, the latter with catalogs and open by invitation to the public. Its members were collectors, curators, politicians, from across social categories (e.g. MPs, aristocrats, bankers, artists, diplomats, museum professionals) who organized these events that were both private and public. Some members and contributors were women. Their catalogs and exhibitions expressed not only their tastes but also their “associated specialists’ view of connoisseurship, art history and thematic display” (x), a profound nexus of knowledge and expertise by specialists and collectors who organized and thematized their collections as repositories of knowledge and also expressive of a discourse on art across a wide and often innovative variety of collected objects. Pierson hit the jackpot with a rich archive of the club’s meeting minutes, activities, and catalogs. She rightly sees these activities as formative of both professional curating and scholarship and of public taste and knowledge of art and objets d’art. Her argument for the importance of the club includes her claim that the club’s activities demonstrated “that the so-called ‘global turn’ in art history began to take place well before the midtwentieth century” (xi). Of course, the global turn began much sooner, with private collections by civil servants of the East India Company and eighteenth-century Chinoiserie, and became a public topic through the 1851 Great Exhibition with the then-stunning revelation that Middle Eastern and Indian art objects, and to a lesser extent Continental objects, bested British manufactured goods, sparking the collecting of non-European objects by the South Kensington Museum (later the V&A).
斯泰西·皮尔森的书对艺术市场研究、档案研究和艺术世界活动的社会性质的研究——收藏、展览和公众品味的发展，甚至是创造或发明——有很多启示。伯灵顿美术俱乐部(Burlington Fine Arts Club，简称BFAC)成立于1866年，最初是一个绅士俱乐部，旨在展示其成员的艺术收藏。本书以该俱乐部的历史为重点，保存在丰富的档案中，通过一个集体知识领域的目录，为一个致力于密集收集、展览、交易和传播的组织提供了一个放大的考察。在这些俱乐部中，独特的是它的定期和特别的两年一次的展览，后者有目录，并邀请公众开放。它的成员是收藏家、策展人、政治家，来自各个社会阶层(如国会议员、贵族、银行家、艺术家、外交官、博物馆专业人士)，他们组织这些私人和公共活动。一些成员和撰稿人是妇女。他们的目录和展览不仅表达了他们的品味，也表达了他们“相关专家对鉴赏、艺术史和主题展示的看法”(x)，这是专家和收藏家之间知识和专业知识的深刻联系，他们组织和主题化了他们的藏品，作为知识的宝库，也表达了一种关于艺术的话语，这种话语跨越了广泛的、经常是创新的各种收藏对象。皮尔逊中了头彩，他拥有丰富的俱乐部会议记录、活动和目录档案。她正确地将这些活动视为专业策展和学术以及公众对艺术和艺术品的品味和知识的形成。她对该俱乐部重要性的论证包括，她声称该俱乐部的活动表明“艺术史上所谓的‘全球转向’早在20世纪中叶就开始了”(xi)。当然，全球转向开始得更早，东印度公司公务员的私人收藏和18世纪的中国风格，并通过1851年的大展览成为了一个公众话题，当时令人震惊的是，中东和印度的艺术品，以及较小程度上的欧洲大陆的物品，击败了英国的制成品，引发了南肯辛顿博物馆(后来的V&A)收集非欧洲物品。
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Pub Date : 2018-01-29DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2018.1426268
M. Seixas
At the palace of Ajuda – the Lisbon residence of King Luís I of Portugal (1838–1889) and his wife Maria Pia of Savoy (1847–1911) – one of the rooms in the queen’s apartments is lined with a damask fabric displaying stars, dragons and knots. At a time when there was a transformation, or even a decline, in the use of royal heraldry, the use of such motives demonstrates how an ancient emblematic system was understood and employed by Queen Maria Pia as an instrument of genealogical self-representation and political visual communication. These emblems, in fact, attempted to revive the medieval badges of the Houses of Braganza and Savoy by showing the historical and symbolic links that united the two lineages. In particular, they highlighted the use of the knot by both dynasties, a shared feature that prefigured the union between the two houses. The commissioning of this fabric was related to other decorative choices in the palace, which also foreshadowed the union of King Luís and Queen Maria Pia, such as the proliferation of historical paintings referring to earlier Braganza and Savoy unions, and the portraits of shared ancestors between the two families. Ultimately, the emblems were used to highlight the prestige of the Portuguese Royal House at a palace that, as the royal residence, was presented as the quintessential symbolic space of the monarchy.
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Pub Date : 2018-01-08DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2018.1412062
Martina Droth
What did modern sculpture entail in the early twentieth century? Scholarship has consistently identified sculpture’s modernity with the adoption of direct carving and the rejection of clay modeling, but this article challenges such a dichotomy by examining three instruction books on sculpture published in Britain in the early twentieth century. The books are characteristic of a genre of technical writing that promotes clay modeling as the foundation of sculpture. Although significant numbers of instruction books were published in the period, they have been little-studied because of their didactic nature; yet in their emphasis on modeling techniques, they can be approached as useful sources. My argument is driven by two considerations: that the instruction books were written by successful sculptors; and that they highlight the persistence of long-standing sculptural practices that have been excluded from standard narratives. Given the preponderance of direct carving in conceptions of modern sculpture, these books offer a counter-narrative of modernity that can revise, or at least nuance, prevailing conceptions.
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Pub Date : 2018-01-02DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2018.1407132
Vandana Baweja
Otto H. Koenigsberger (1908–1999), a German émigré architect who worked as the state architect in princely Mysore in British India in the 1940s, left a rich collection of photographs of his architecture and planning projects, which now constitute his archive at the Architectural Association Archives in London. This article examines his photographic archive produced between 1939 and 1951 with two objectives. The first is to trace the aesthetic genealogies of the diverse photographic modes used in Koenigsberger’s architectural projects; the second is to establish the importance of Koenigsberger’s architectural photographic archive as a historic artifact in Mysorean architectural histories. I argue that Koenigsberger used photography to represent the ideological tension between modernist and revivalist architectures. In addition, in theorizing the use of photographic modes in relationship to Koenigsberger’s architecture, I build upon Maria Antonella Pelizzari and Paolo Scrivano’s argument that the relationship between the production of architectural photographs and architecture illuminates the underlying ideological constructs that inform both practices. Ultimately, I aim to demonstrate how Koenigsberger’s photographic archive represents a rift in a seamless history of revivalist architecture in princely Mysore.
Otto H.Koenigsberger（1908–1999）是一位德国移民建筑师，曾于20世纪40年代在英属印度的迈索尔王子城担任国家建筑师，他留下了大量建筑和规划项目的照片，这些照片现在构成了他在伦敦建筑协会档案馆的档案。这篇文章考察了他在1939年至1951年间制作的摄影档案，目的有两个。一是追溯柯尼斯堡建筑项目中使用的各种摄影模式的美学谱系；二是确立柯尼希斯伯格的建筑摄影档案作为迈索尔建筑史上的历史文物的重要性。我认为柯尼希斯伯格用摄影来表现现代主义和复兴主义建筑之间的意识形态张力。此外，在将摄影模式的使用与柯尼斯堡的建筑联系起来进行理论化的过程中，我建立在Maria Antonella Pelizzari和Paolo Scrivano的论点之上，即建筑照片的制作与建筑之间的关系阐明了为这两种实践提供信息的潜在意识形态结构。最终，我的目标是展示柯尼希斯伯格的摄影档案如何代表迈索尔王子区复兴主义建筑无缝历史中的裂痕。
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Pub Date : 2017-12-20DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2018.1403243
B. Bailey
Marcel Duchamp’s controversial decision to produce an edition of replicas of his best-known readymades in 1964 remains one of the more puzzling and unexpected moves in a career already identified with defiance and provocation. Duchamp’s decision to sell reproductions of the readymades challenged his own customarily anti-commercial approach to art, eliciting unfavorable responses from his contemporaries and followers. In this article I intend to demonstrate that the 1964 edition of the readymades was the culmination of a series of events that motivated Duchamp to more firmly establish himself as the foundation of the Pop art movement. Duchamp’s decision to create an edition of the readymades also came shortly after he first met Andy Warhol in Pasadena in 1963, at which time Duchamp would certainly have been thinking about his legacy and how it would come to measure up against the new generation of appropriation artists. It is also impossible to consider these replicas without taking into account that they were produced during Pop’s meteoric rise. With this study, I hope to emphasize that the reciprocal impact of Pop on Duchamp is just as important in shaping our current understanding of the readymade.
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Pub Date : 2017-09-08DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2017.1361553
Rachael Barron-Duncan
While Surrealism began as a European artistic movement with the power to defy bourgeois cultural norms, the movement's dissolution has frequently been blamed on commercialization. With its late 1930s arrival to the United States of America, the language of Surrealism was easily absorbed and reinvented as a vehicle to appeal to the unconscious consumerist desires of buyers. This article reconsiders the standard narrative of Surrealism's commerce-induced impotency through a comparison of advertisements in French and American fashion periodicals of the late 1920s. French advertisers during this time had little to no interest in American modes of psychologically infused advertising and moreover these advertisers saw the threat that Surrealism posed to the space of the magazine. When advertisements using Surrealist visual strategies did appear within French magazines, they acted not as empty signs of novelty but rather as vital disruptions that troubled the invisibility and naturalization of capitalist consumption.
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Pub Date : 2017-09-06DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2017.1356662
Gal Ventura
When William-Adolphe Bouguereau (1825–1905) exhibited the painting Indigent Family (Birmingham Museum and Art Gallery) at the 1865 French Salon, Paris was undergoing an extensive rebuilding program. The Indigent Family, however, instead of focusing on the renovated city of modernity, fashion and consumerism, revealed the backstage of Paris, and focused on the new forms of social misery and alienation that lay behind the urban improvements. Utilizing Howard S. Becker’s (1982) definition of the art world as consisting of all the people whose coordinated activities produce works that are defined as art, this article examines the relationship between Bouguereau’s oeuvre and its social environment. Through an examination of the artist’s aims, his dealer’s strategies and the critics’ reception, it analyzes the difference between the French buyers’ lack of interest in the painting and the British collectors’ enthusiastic response. The article uses the assimilation-contrast theory in order to claim that embellished poverty, which was rejected by critics on account of commercialization, attracted the bourgeoisie because it could be assimilated into its own range of experiences. Combined with theories of empathy, which decrypt the benefits of self-interest that lie at the heart of empathic feelings, the article asserts that Bouguereau’s idealized beggar generated public empathy because its embellishment produced compassion through the process of assimilation and shared identity. By purchasing an image of an idealized beggar that fell within their range of acceptance, the article claims that the clients not only verified their imagery-imaginary benevolence, but also generated genuine generosity.
当威廉·阿道夫·布格罗(1825-1905)在1865年的法国沙龙上展出《贫穷的家庭》(伯明翰博物馆和美术馆)时，巴黎正在进行大规模的重建计划。然而，《贫穷的家庭》并没有关注现代化、时尚和消费主义的城市改造，而是揭示了巴黎的后台，关注了城市改善背后的社会苦难和异化的新形式。利用霍华德·s·贝克尔(Howard S. Becker, 1982)对艺术世界的定义，即由所有协调活动产生被定义为艺术的作品的人组成，本文考察了布格罗的作品与其社会环境之间的关系。通过考察艺术家的目标、经销商的策略和评论家的反应，分析了法国买家对这幅画缺乏兴趣和英国收藏家热情回应之间的差异。本文运用同化-对比理论，认为由于商业化而遭到批评的美化贫困之所以吸引资产阶级，是因为它可以被同化到资产阶级自己的经验范围内。结合共情理论，这篇文章断言布格罗理想化的乞丐产生了公众的共情，因为它的修饰通过同化和共享身份的过程产生了同情。通过购买一个在他们接受范围内的理想化乞丐的形象，文章声称客户不仅验证了他们想象中的仁慈，而且产生了真正的慷慨。
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Pub Date : 2017-09-06DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2017.1358568
Barbara Pezzini
A few months before I wrote this editorial, Theresa May (b. 1956), Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, delivered an anti-immigration speech at the 2016 Conservative Party Conference, expressing her solidarity with British citizens who found themselves “out of work or on lower wages because of low-skilled immigration.” Britain, May believed, should principally look after its own citizens and its own communities. She continued, with a logical non sequitur that has been widely criticised in the press, by stating: “citizens of the world are citizens of nowhere.” In October 2016, May’s government had just begun the process to leave the European Union following the result of the 23 June 2016 referendum, a marginal victory for the “Leave” faction (who gained 51.89% of the votes), which has been widely interpreted as a vote of protest against immigration. May’s outburst against the “citizens of the world” was widely taken as a xenophobic comment against a progressive, utopian vision of open borders, cosmopolitanism and internationalism. Meanwhile Donald Trump (b. 1946), current President of the United States of America, still aimed to keep his electoral promise to build a “wall” to separate the country from Mexico and thus to prevent immigration, specifically by non-whites. In 2017, as happened before in the course of the twentieth century, political factions principally connected with the far right have appeased popular unrest about the continuing financial crisis by blaming immigration. This intolerance has manifested – practically – into a bureaucratic and political cull of immigration and – culturally – by voicing concerns against the intellectual notions of internationalism and cosmopolitanism themselves. The Heritage Foundation, an American right-wing think tank, writes: “the immigration crisis in America is the physical manifestation of our nation’s intellectual confusion. The growing influence of dogmatic cosmopolitanism and multiculturalism has caused chaos in the public mind, which is reflected in the chaos we see on the ground.” The current words of the writers of the Heritage Foundation echo the Stalinist criticism of the “rootless cosmopolitan,” a pejorative label widely used both in anti-Semitic and anti-Western campaigns in the Soviet Union in the 1940s and 1950s. The Russian satirical periodical Krokodil published a caricature of the “rootless cosmopolitan” (Figure 1) in March 1949. A travelling writer, with caricatured Jewish features, is described negatively as a “passportless drifter” for whom writing is a weapon: he wears
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Pub Date : 2017-08-09DOI: 10.1080/01973762.2017.1358492
Y. Lo
Like many art practitioners across cultures and over generations, I work in my room. A room serves the function of essential studio space, a space where I can paint, write, read, chant, meditate or do nothing. The notion of “a room of one’s own” brought forth by the writer Virginia Woolf (1882–1941) in the 1920s is a common goal among many practitioners in the arts, women in particular. This continues to the present day. In this article, I aim to illustrate how my practice is akin to that of women in the West, Paris in particular, at the turn of the twentieth century in the longing for one's private space. The article explores the notion of private space in other, less obvious ways. I also discuss how women in a remote part of China in their own rooms, through the exclusive practice of nüshu, a set of near-extinct and “secret” writing script, echoed the significance of having their own platform, a creative space in which they could excel. I demonstrate how, through appropriating some characters from the Chinese language with a “female” ideograph and nüshu script, my drawing acts as a strategy, suggesting that the “edge” of culture could speak. In addition, it attempts to “practice that difference” advocated by the philosopher Luce Irigaray (b. 1930). Working and exhibiting in various spaces, I realize that a room for executing and displaying is a transitional tool.
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