Pub Date : 2022-12-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221140204
Nabanita Sharma
The British East India Company (EIC) and other European traders entered Assam for trade. The region thrived on traditional places of exchange. These were haats (markets at the village and district level held at regular intervals), duars, fairs and chawkeys (trading posts of Ahom-age). The Treaty of Yandabo (1826) marked the entry of EIC in parts of Assam. Regimental towns, documented as bazaars in government records, appeared in the nineteenth century. By the end of the nineteenth century, census towns also emerged. These towns accommodated regular markets, periodic haats, fairs and other trading places. This article is based on primary sources of Buranjis, travelogues, military reports, journals, memoirs and archival records. The theoretical works of Walter Christaller (1966) and Philip D. Curtin (1984) and works of literature have been used to understand the growth and operation of marketplaces. This article finds that modern bazaars were connected to the traditional haats, fairs and chawkeys. Bazaars served the colonial regime by acting as the agent of the colonial commercial economy. The colonial regime also often used traditional market places to further their commercial interests. The haats and fairs supplemented the overall commerce of the region and acted as nodes in the commercial networks in the region.
英国东印度公司(EIC)和其他欧洲商人进入阿萨姆邦进行贸易。该地区因传统的交流场所而繁荣起来。这些是haats(在村庄和地区一级定期举行的市场),duars,集市和chawkeys (ahomage的贸易站)。《扬达波条约》(1826年)标志着EIC进入阿萨姆邦的部分地区。团镇出现于19世纪,在政府档案中被记载为集市。到19世纪末,人口普查城镇也出现了。这些城镇有固定的市场、定期的帽子、集市和其他交易场所。本文基于Buranjis的主要资料来源、游记、军事报告、期刊、回忆录和档案记录。Walter Christaller(1966)和Philip D. Curtin(1984)的理论著作和文学作品被用来理解市场的成长和运作。本文发现,现代集市与传统的礼帽、集市和便当有着密切的联系。市集作为殖民地商业经济的代理人,为殖民政权服务。殖民政权还经常利用传统的市场来促进他们的商业利益。帽子和集市补充了该地区的整体商业,并成为该地区商业网络的节点。
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Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221108347
V. K. Vashishtha
The scholars have paid scant attention to the role of the Bhil and the Mina tribes of southern Rajputana States of Mewar, Banswara and Partapgarh in the 1857 national war of independence. These tribals were dissatisfied with the settlement of British paramountcy in the Rajputana States in 1818 as it was responsible for depriving them of their right to collect rakhwali (protection tax) from the neighbouring States, restraining their movements by stationing the Mewar Bhil Corps and the Kota Contingent in tribal regions, creating a fissure in their society by recruiting a section of tribals as soldiers in these Political Corps and, above all, penalising them as criminals for witch swinging and witch murdering in contravention of their community resolution. Disgruntled with the series of these innovations the Bhil chiefs, such as those of Pahara Bhomat in Mewar Hill Tracts, Onkar Rawat of Mowree Khera and Dalla Rawat of Sodulpur in Banswara State, and the Minas of Uncha village (in Jahazpur district of Mewar State) on the border of Deoli cantonment, revolted to end the British rule under the spell of the 1857 rebellion of the native sepoys of the British regiments at Neemuch, Nasirabad and Mhow cantonments. These tribal uprisings spread, far and wide, in Banswara, Partapgarh and Mewar Hill Tracts in southern Rajputana on the spur of Rawat Kesri Singh of Salumbar, a powerful Sisodia Rajput jagirdar of Mewar State, the Vilayati mercenaries (Makranis and Arabs) and Maratha General Tantia Tope who campaigned with his rabble force throughout Rajputana States between June 1858 and April 1859 for seeking support of people to overthrow the British government and also for punishing those Rajput rulers who had sided with it and surrendered to it the rebel leaders. Of course, the British government suppressed the tribal rebellions with the support of the Rajput rulers of Mewar, Partapgarh and Dungarpur States, but the prolongation of the 1857 tribal rebellions in southern Rajputana even after the restoration of British power in the imperial city of Delhi (September 1857) and in Lucknow (March 1858) confirmed the contention of the eminent historian V. D. Savarkar that the 1857 rebellion was the Indian War of Independence. Thus, the tribals have left a legacy of their valour and patriotic fervour during the 1857 national war of independence in Princely Rajputana.
{"title":"The Tribals and the National Uprising of 1857 in Rajputana States","authors":"V. K. Vashishtha","doi":"10.1177/03769836221108347","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836221108347","url":null,"abstract":"The scholars have paid scant attention to the role of the Bhil and the Mina tribes of southern Rajputana States of Mewar, Banswara and Partapgarh in the 1857 national war of independence. These tribals were dissatisfied with the settlement of British paramountcy in the Rajputana States in 1818 as it was responsible for depriving them of their right to collect rakhwali (protection tax) from the neighbouring States, restraining their movements by stationing the Mewar Bhil Corps and the Kota Contingent in tribal regions, creating a fissure in their society by recruiting a section of tribals as soldiers in these Political Corps and, above all, penalising them as criminals for witch swinging and witch murdering in contravention of their community resolution. Disgruntled with the series of these innovations the Bhil chiefs, such as those of Pahara Bhomat in Mewar Hill Tracts, Onkar Rawat of Mowree Khera and Dalla Rawat of Sodulpur in Banswara State, and the Minas of Uncha village (in Jahazpur district of Mewar State) on the border of Deoli cantonment, revolted to end the British rule under the spell of the 1857 rebellion of the native sepoys of the British regiments at Neemuch, Nasirabad and Mhow cantonments. These tribal uprisings spread, far and wide, in Banswara, Partapgarh and Mewar Hill Tracts in southern Rajputana on the spur of Rawat Kesri Singh of Salumbar, a powerful Sisodia Rajput jagirdar of Mewar State, the Vilayati mercenaries (Makranis and Arabs) and Maratha General Tantia Tope who campaigned with his rabble force throughout Rajputana States between June 1858 and April 1859 for seeking support of people to overthrow the British government and also for punishing those Rajput rulers who had sided with it and surrendered to it the rebel leaders. Of course, the British government suppressed the tribal rebellions with the support of the Rajput rulers of Mewar, Partapgarh and Dungarpur States, but the prolongation of the 1857 tribal rebellions in southern Rajputana even after the restoration of British power in the imperial city of Delhi (September 1857) and in Lucknow (March 1858) confirmed the contention of the eminent historian V. D. Savarkar that the 1857 rebellion was the Indian War of Independence. Thus, the tribals have left a legacy of their valour and patriotic fervour during the 1857 national war of independence in Princely Rajputana.","PeriodicalId":41945,"journal":{"name":"Indian Historical Review","volume":"87 6 1","pages":"S56 - S68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87694751","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221099336
U. P. Thapliyal
Alan Jaffreys, The Indian Army in the First World War, Delhi: Primus Books, 2019, 313 pp., ₹1,295, ISBN: 9789352906208.
Alan Jaffreys,第一次世界大战中的印度军队,德里:Primus Books, 2019, 313页,₹1,295,ISBN: 9789352906208。
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Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221096248
B. K. Jha
Mahatma Gandhi and Mahamana Malaviya were the two giants of the Indian public life, leading the national movement in their own ways, largely together, and at times through different paths. By the time Gandhi came back to India in January 1915, having proven himself as a Satyagrahi and crusader against oppression, Malaviya had established himself as a leading light of the national movement, a great patriot who was also committed to the cause of Sanatanism and Hindu unity. Both knew about the activities of each other with Malaviya vocally supporting Gandhi’s Satyagraha in South Africa, his struggle for securing equal rights for Asian immigrants and putting in a combined endeavour in fighting the laws related to indentured labour. From 1916 onwards began a long journey of camaraderie that spanned beyond the temporary hiccups reflected at times in the differences of methods to be followed in the anti-imperialist struggle. Gandhi was enamoured by Malaviya’s ascetically simple life, his patriotism, his devotion to swadeshi, his will to mitigate the evils of untouchability and his ability to mobilise funds for the cause that lay close to his heart, while Malaviya showed strong faith in Gandhi’s selfless struggle to achieve Swaraj, his desire to unify people, his emphasis on indigenous handicraft industries, and leading the movement for eradication of untouchability. Notwithstanding the temporary strains owing mainly to Malaviya’s non-conformism to the idea of boycott in the non-cooperation movement or his disenchantment with Congress’s position of neutrality on Communal Award, they continued to share an extremely warm relationship.
{"title":"Mahatma and Mahamana: Agreement within Differences","authors":"B. K. Jha","doi":"10.1177/03769836221096248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836221096248","url":null,"abstract":"Mahatma Gandhi and Mahamana Malaviya were the two giants of the Indian public life, leading the national movement in their own ways, largely together, and at times through different paths. By the time Gandhi came back to India in January 1915, having proven himself as a Satyagrahi and crusader against oppression, Malaviya had established himself as a leading light of the national movement, a great patriot who was also committed to the cause of Sanatanism and Hindu unity. Both knew about the activities of each other with Malaviya vocally supporting Gandhi’s Satyagraha in South Africa, his struggle for securing equal rights for Asian immigrants and putting in a combined endeavour in fighting the laws related to indentured labour. From 1916 onwards began a long journey of camaraderie that spanned beyond the temporary hiccups reflected at times in the differences of methods to be followed in the anti-imperialist struggle. Gandhi was enamoured by Malaviya’s ascetically simple life, his patriotism, his devotion to swadeshi, his will to mitigate the evils of untouchability and his ability to mobilise funds for the cause that lay close to his heart, while Malaviya showed strong faith in Gandhi’s selfless struggle to achieve Swaraj, his desire to unify people, his emphasis on indigenous handicraft industries, and leading the movement for eradication of untouchability. Notwithstanding the temporary strains owing mainly to Malaviya’s non-conformism to the idea of boycott in the non-cooperation movement or his disenchantment with Congress’s position of neutrality on Communal Award, they continued to share an extremely warm relationship.","PeriodicalId":41945,"journal":{"name":"Indian Historical Review","volume":"18 1","pages":"143 - 165"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84429115","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221097748
Himadri Banerjee
K. L. Tuteja, Religion, Community and Nation: Hindu Consciousness and Nationalism in Colonial Punjab. Delhi: Indian Institute of Advanced Study and Primus Books, 2021, 386 pp., ₹1,250, ISBN: 9789390737857 (Hardback).
{"title":"Book review: Religion, Community and Nation: Hindu Consciousness and Nationalism in Colonial Punjab","authors":"Himadri Banerjee","doi":"10.1177/03769836221097748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836221097748","url":null,"abstract":"K. L. Tuteja, Religion, Community and Nation: Hindu Consciousness and Nationalism in Colonial Punjab. Delhi: Indian Institute of Advanced Study and Primus Books, 2021, 386 pp., ₹1,250, ISBN: 9789390737857 (Hardback).","PeriodicalId":41945,"journal":{"name":"Indian Historical Review","volume":"25 1","pages":"168 - 170"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80629169","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221105965
H. C. Sharma
Hind Swaraj was published in Gujarati language in the journal Indian Opinion under the title Hind Swarajaya in 1909, and its English version as Indian Home Rule by Mahatma Gandhi was published in Phoenix, Natal, 1910. This extraordinary work possesses an authority of its own. It is the seed from which the Gandhian thought has grown. He considered the views expressed in the ‘Hind Swaraj’ as sacred as ‘almost part of his being’. Gandhi, through the expressions in this, spelt out his strategy for future action which was to be rooted in the belief of the pre-eminence of ancient Indian civilisation, which in contrast with the western ‘represents the best that the world has ever seen’. The high point of the book is the virtue of non-violence as against violent revolution and the need to use ethical means to attain independence by means of educational reforms and adoption of technology suitable to Indian conditions. He advised the revolutionaries to follow the righteousness of Indian culture by reverting ‘to their own glorious civilisation’. The core of the book, as conveyed through the title is an analysis of the nature of British rule in India and its manifestations, its consequences in the political and moral decay of Indian society. Hind Swaraj is the prescription to pull India out of this muddle.
{"title":"Mahatma Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj and Indian National Movement","authors":"H. C. Sharma","doi":"10.1177/03769836221105965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836221105965","url":null,"abstract":"Hind Swaraj was published in Gujarati language in the journal Indian Opinion under the title Hind Swarajaya in 1909, and its English version as Indian Home Rule by Mahatma Gandhi was published in Phoenix, Natal, 1910. This extraordinary work possesses an authority of its own. It is the seed from which the Gandhian thought has grown. He considered the views expressed in the ‘Hind Swaraj’ as sacred as ‘almost part of his being’. Gandhi, through the expressions in this, spelt out his strategy for future action which was to be rooted in the belief of the pre-eminence of ancient Indian civilisation, which in contrast with the western ‘represents the best that the world has ever seen’. The high point of the book is the virtue of non-violence as against violent revolution and the need to use ethical means to attain independence by means of educational reforms and adoption of technology suitable to Indian conditions. He advised the revolutionaries to follow the righteousness of Indian culture by reverting ‘to their own glorious civilisation’. The core of the book, as conveyed through the title is an analysis of the nature of British rule in India and its manifestations, its consequences in the political and moral decay of Indian society. Hind Swaraj is the prescription to pull India out of this muddle.","PeriodicalId":41945,"journal":{"name":"Indian Historical Review","volume":"79 1","pages":"S154 - S167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78766076","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221105796
R. Pandey
Modern feminist theory endeavours to explain gender inequality in terms of gender politics, power hierarchies and sexuality. In this endeavour, it has come to the crossroads with a variety of theoretical and philosophical domains. It dynamically deals with multiple domains such as sociology, history, anthropology, economics, philosophy, psychoanalysis and literary criticism. Standpoint epistemology has been applied by gender scholars to highlight the intersectional issues in feminist theory. In the present article, two different feminist standpoints in the nineteenth-century India have been discussed. Feminist ideologies of Savitribai Phule, a low-caste Hindu woman, and Pandita Ramabai, a high-caste Hindu widow, have been compared. Their thoughts and writings on diverse gender issues such as education, self-reliance, child marriage, widow remarriage and choice marriage have been examined. Since both the leaders are from different backgrounds at the individual, interactional and macro levels, efforts have been made to understand their standpoints. By tackling two different standpoints, it has been embarked upon to contribute to a critical gender scholarship leading to a better social understanding.
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Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221108361
Ashok Aounshuman
The British conquest of India was not akin to venividi vici dictum. Rather, it was a slow and gruelling expansion marked by resistance to it from cross-sections of individuals and social groups in Bihar and Jharkhand. The resistance of Fateh Shahi and Tilka Manjhi during early colonial rule were spontaneous in nature and were individual-centric. In contrast, the Kol and Santhal rebellions of mid-nineteenth century were organised group activity and also had an alternative vision regarding the socio-economic and political order to be created in the aftermath of the rebellion. The present article tries to delineate the variations in the nature, organisational structure and vision of the series of the resistance movements prior to 1857.
{"title":"Resistance Against the Company Raj: With Special Reference to Bihar and Jharkhand (1757–1856)","authors":"Ashok Aounshuman","doi":"10.1177/03769836221108361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836221108361","url":null,"abstract":"The British conquest of India was not akin to venividi vici dictum. Rather, it was a slow and gruelling expansion marked by resistance to it from cross-sections of individuals and social groups in Bihar and Jharkhand. The resistance of Fateh Shahi and Tilka Manjhi during early colonial rule were spontaneous in nature and were individual-centric. In contrast, the Kol and Santhal rebellions of mid-nineteenth century were organised group activity and also had an alternative vision regarding the socio-economic and political order to be created in the aftermath of the rebellion. The present article tries to delineate the variations in the nature, organisational structure and vision of the series of the resistance movements prior to 1857.","PeriodicalId":41945,"journal":{"name":"Indian Historical Review","volume":"7 1","pages":"S32 - S55"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80963149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221112700
Ratan Sharda
Dr B. R. Ambedkar noted that any freedom struggle or political change needs a base of cultural renaissance, reforms—both social and religious. Our retaliation against colonialists began from the very moment they tried to colonise India. Beginning with the Battle of Colachel that took place in 1741, there were uprisings from tribes in North East, Bengal and central India. Kuka Sikhs were the first to promote swadeshi, with the insistence on wearing hand woven clothes. This freedom struggle had many streams—earlier battles all over Bharat, revolutionary actions, organised arm struggle like Azad Hind Fauj (INA) and many streams of political thought that worked under the larger umbrella of the Indian National Congress while some worked independently. We had Home Rule League, Hindu Mahasabha, Swaraj Party and Congress Socialist Party (CSP). It was a long drawn struggle that was built on dharmic renaissance and cultural nationalism sparked by Swami Dayanand Saraswati. After working with revolutionaries and Congress party and studying history, Dr K. B. Hedgewar identified the problem of Bharat as a fractious Hindu society and the collective amnesia inculcated by the British. He decided to create a non-political organisation by first preparing battle-worthy citizens and founded the RSS. Contrary to critics’ claims, RSS too contributed to freedom struggle. Most important was its role on the eve of Independence in protecting Hindu-Sikh brethren from mindless violence and rehabilitating them when the leaders were busy celebrating the country’s independence on 15 August in 1947.
B. R. Ambedkar博士指出,任何自由斗争或政治变革都需要一个文化复兴、社会和宗教改革的基础。我们对殖民主义者的报复从他们试图殖民印度的那一刻就开始了。从1741年发生的科拉切尔战役开始,东北部、孟加拉和印度中部的部落爆发了起义。库卡锡克教徒是最早提倡swadeshi的人,他们坚持穿手工编织的衣服。这场自由斗争有很多流派——早期在印度各地的战斗,革命行动,有组织的武装斗争,如阿扎德·Hind Fauj (INA),以及在印度国民大会党(Indian National Congress)的大保护伞下工作的许多政治思想流派,有些则是独立工作的。我们有地方自治联盟、印度教大议会、斯瓦拉杰党和国大党。这是一场旷日持久的斗争,建立在斯瓦米·达亚南·萨拉斯瓦蒂(Swami Dayanand Saraswati)发起的佛法复兴和文化民族主义的基础上。在与革命者和国大党合作并研究历史后,K. B. Hedgewar博士认为印度的问题是一个难以相处的印度教社会和英国人灌输的集体失忆。他决定创建一个非政治组织,首先培养有战斗价值的公民,并成立了RSS。与批评者的说法相反,RSS也为自由斗争做出了贡献。最重要的是它在独立前夕的作用,在1947年8月15日领导人忙于庆祝国家独立时,保护印度教-锡克教兄弟免受愚蠢的暴力,并使他们恢复名誉。
{"title":"Struggle Against the Empire: Other Organisations and Cultural Nationalism","authors":"Ratan Sharda","doi":"10.1177/03769836221112700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836221112700","url":null,"abstract":"Dr B. R. Ambedkar noted that any freedom struggle or political change needs a base of cultural renaissance, reforms—both social and religious. Our retaliation against colonialists began from the very moment they tried to colonise India. Beginning with the Battle of Colachel that took place in 1741, there were uprisings from tribes in North East, Bengal and central India. Kuka Sikhs were the first to promote swadeshi, with the insistence on wearing hand woven clothes. This freedom struggle had many streams—earlier battles all over Bharat, revolutionary actions, organised arm struggle like Azad Hind Fauj (INA) and many streams of political thought that worked under the larger umbrella of the Indian National Congress while some worked independently. We had Home Rule League, Hindu Mahasabha, Swaraj Party and Congress Socialist Party (CSP). It was a long drawn struggle that was built on dharmic renaissance and cultural nationalism sparked by Swami Dayanand Saraswati. After working with revolutionaries and Congress party and studying history, Dr K. B. Hedgewar identified the problem of Bharat as a fractious Hindu society and the collective amnesia inculcated by the British. He decided to create a non-political organisation by first preparing battle-worthy citizens and founded the RSS. Contrary to critics’ claims, RSS too contributed to freedom struggle. Most important was its role on the eve of Independence in protecting Hindu-Sikh brethren from mindless violence and rehabilitating them when the leaders were busy celebrating the country’s independence on 15 August in 1947.","PeriodicalId":41945,"journal":{"name":"Indian Historical Review","volume":"122 1","pages":"S120 - S138"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86808569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-01DOI: 10.1177/03769836221105949
S. Mukerji
This article seeks to explore a hitherto unploughed field of research on Indian freedom movement in general and Subhas Chandra Bose in particular that is the influence of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, the famous novelist of Bengal in the life of Subhas Chandra Bose, the militant nationalist. While Bankim Chandra was never embroiled in politics, yet his influence on Indian nationalist movement was most profound. It was particularly discernible in the firebrand revolutionaries of Bengal whose legacy was inherited by Subhas Chandra Bose. No work on Bankim Chandra’s influence on the inception, germination, evolution, articulation maturation and expression of Bose’s concept of nationalism has been produced so far. The article tries to recapture and reassess the extent of reflection of Bankim Chandra’s outlook on British rule in India and India’s subjection to British imperialism, the contentious issue of Hindu nationalism and also related pertinent issues like communalism and secularism. It is a comparative study which intends to review these issues and questions in critical perspective. The central point is that Bankim Chandra’s influence on Bose was not transitory but everlasting and Bankim was always an abiding source of inspiration behind all his nationalist endeavour.
{"title":"The Novelist and the Nationalist: Bankim Chandra in the Life of Subhas Chandra Bose","authors":"S. Mukerji","doi":"10.1177/03769836221105949","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03769836221105949","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to explore a hitherto unploughed field of research on Indian freedom movement in general and Subhas Chandra Bose in particular that is the influence of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay, the famous novelist of Bengal in the life of Subhas Chandra Bose, the militant nationalist. While Bankim Chandra was never embroiled in politics, yet his influence on Indian nationalist movement was most profound. It was particularly discernible in the firebrand revolutionaries of Bengal whose legacy was inherited by Subhas Chandra Bose. No work on Bankim Chandra’s influence on the inception, germination, evolution, articulation maturation and expression of Bose’s concept of nationalism has been produced so far. The article tries to recapture and reassess the extent of reflection of Bankim Chandra’s outlook on British rule in India and India’s subjection to British imperialism, the contentious issue of Hindu nationalism and also related pertinent issues like communalism and secularism. It is a comparative study which intends to review these issues and questions in critical perspective. The central point is that Bankim Chandra’s influence on Bose was not transitory but everlasting and Bankim was always an abiding source of inspiration behind all his nationalist endeavour.","PeriodicalId":41945,"journal":{"name":"Indian Historical Review","volume":"132 3 1","pages":"S81 - S95"},"PeriodicalIF":0.1,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83427496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}