{"title":"Except the Western Islands, and they are David MacBrayne's","authors":"E. Cameron","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2023.0363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2023.0363","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44794178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A case study of a land-based journey around the Baltic coast in 1817 by two young middle-class merchants from Fisherrow (Musselburgh) and Shetland primarily illustrates the diversity of Grand Tours by the early nineteenth century. It also argues that exploring the dynamics of diversity can further understanding of the role of agency in transition and change, beyond class and status alone. On the one hand, the men’s journey extended their commercial education, using family trading networks to build functional skills and knowledge (‘cultural’ capital), rather than accumulating social status (‘symbolic’ capital) as had been the case for many aristocratic Grand Tourists. On the other, they instigated and planned the journey themselves, travelling without supervision, individualising their journey and making it more imaginative, characteristics encapsulated in a specific understanding of the German term Bildungsreise. Finally, their socio-economic circumstances and their expectations, as well as those of their parents and mentors, differed considerably, so they were forced to negotiate the ratio of business to pleasure and personal development, each man to a differing degree. The resulting compromise not only made their journey different to earlier, aristocratic Grand Tours, but made the two men’s experiences themselves unique. Their case demonstrates how focusing on diversity, and exploring the interplay of the processes, forces and contexts involved, can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of nineteenth-century transformations in continental travel.
{"title":"A Very Scottish Mercantile Grand Tour? The Significance of Diversity in Early Nineteenth-Century Continental Travel","authors":"Jane Coutts","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2023.0362","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2023.0362","url":null,"abstract":"A case study of a land-based journey around the Baltic coast in 1817 by two young middle-class merchants from Fisherrow (Musselburgh) and Shetland primarily illustrates the diversity of Grand Tours by the early nineteenth century. It also argues that exploring the dynamics of diversity can further understanding of the role of agency in transition and change, beyond class and status alone. On the one hand, the men’s journey extended their commercial education, using family trading networks to build functional skills and knowledge (‘cultural’ capital), rather than accumulating social status (‘symbolic’ capital) as had been the case for many aristocratic Grand Tourists. On the other, they instigated and planned the journey themselves, travelling without supervision, individualising their journey and making it more imaginative, characteristics encapsulated in a specific understanding of the German term Bildungsreise. Finally, their socio-economic circumstances and their expectations, as well as those of their parents and mentors, differed considerably, so they were forced to negotiate the ratio of business to pleasure and personal development, each man to a differing degree. The resulting compromise not only made their journey different to earlier, aristocratic Grand Tours, but made the two men’s experiences themselves unique. Their case demonstrates how focusing on diversity, and exploring the interplay of the processes, forces and contexts involved, can contribute to a more nuanced understanding of nineteenth-century transformations in continental travel.","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49503995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Scotland, unlike England and Ireland, was never the site of a state-operated tontine. Despite this, the scheme developed independently of the state, becoming popular with private groups as a means of raising funds for building works. Part life annuity and part lottery, this financial instrument was used to provide capital for a range of projects in Scotland, including hotels, coffeehouses, and assembly rooms. This article identifies successful and unsuccessful Scottish tontines between 1775 and 1850. It hypothesises that local private tontines were most successful when they operated a proto-Environmental, Sustainable and Governance (ESG) investment model. This is demonstrated by the aims driving successful tontines, in which investors were offered the opportunity to invest in projects that would make a tangible change to the local community and the lives of those in it. Unsuccessful tontines are meanwhile highlighted for failing because of one or more of the following factors: organisers attempted to raise too large a sum via subscriptions; their aims did not offer a tangible benefit to, or which was detached from, the local community and area; or those behind the scheme were from outwith the local community.
{"title":"‘Hardly a kent name absent’: Raising Capital in Scotland via Tontine, 1775–1850","authors":"A. McDiarmid","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2023.0361","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2023.0361","url":null,"abstract":"Scotland, unlike England and Ireland, was never the site of a state-operated tontine. Despite this, the scheme developed independently of the state, becoming popular with private groups as a means of raising funds for building works. Part life annuity and part lottery, this financial instrument was used to provide capital for a range of projects in Scotland, including hotels, coffeehouses, and assembly rooms. This article identifies successful and unsuccessful Scottish tontines between 1775 and 1850. It hypothesises that local private tontines were most successful when they operated a proto-Environmental, Sustainable and Governance (ESG) investment model. This is demonstrated by the aims driving successful tontines, in which investors were offered the opportunity to invest in projects that would make a tangible change to the local community and the lives of those in it. Unsuccessful tontines are meanwhile highlighted for failing because of one or more of the following factors: organisers attempted to raise too large a sum via subscriptions; their aims did not offer a tangible benefit to, or which was detached from, the local community and area; or those behind the scheme were from outwith the local community.","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2023-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43514778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
No history of the Scottish diaspora in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries would be complete without taking account of the provenance and disposal of repatriated wealth. A case study is the family saga of the Maclaines of Lochbuie, whose estates lay on the island of Mull in the Inner Hebrides. Our account begins with Donald Maclaine (1816–1863), the twenty-second laird, who, as a partner in the Batavia (Jakarta) mercantile business of Maclaine Watson, made his fortune from the trade in sugar cultivated by forced peasant labour in the Dutch East Indies (present-day Indonesia). It was the profits from this trade that he used to repurchase the family’s ancestral lands that had been forfeited to their creditors a decade earlier. Donald Maclaine’s enthusiasm for the Highlands was inherited by his Indies-born son, Murdoch Gillian Maclaine (1845–1909), the twenty-third laird, whose life and times, together with those of his wife, Marianne Schwabe-Maclaine (1850–1934), form the main focus of this paper. That enthusiasm extended to the patronage of Gaelic culture and to Highland revivalism in general, but it was also under his stewardship that his family’s cosmopolitan lifestyle revived the less welcome tradition of the ‘luxury trap’, wherein expenditures incurred in London high society also had to contend with declining rentals during a prolonged agricultural depression. Financial pressures of this kind appear to have compelled the twenty-third laird to redevelop Lochbuie in accordance with a late Victorian reimagining of the Highlands as a sporting estate. This was not a gamble that paid off, however, and a once-off infusion of colonial wealth proved inadequate to sustain Lochbuie, which was irretrievably lost to the family during the (brief) tenure of Kenneth Maclaine (1880–1935), the twenty-fourth laird, despite his somewhat unconventional efforts to bolster the family fortunes by taking to the boards in New York and the UK.
{"title":"Ancestral Voices, Highland Homecomings and High Society: The Lochbuie Family of Mull, c. 1855–1920","authors":"G. R. Knight, W. Woods","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2022.0355","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2022.0355","url":null,"abstract":"No history of the Scottish diaspora in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries would be complete without taking account of the provenance and disposal of repatriated wealth. A case study is the family saga of the Maclaines of Lochbuie, whose estates lay on the island of Mull in the Inner Hebrides. Our account begins with Donald Maclaine (1816–1863), the twenty-second laird, who, as a partner in the Batavia (Jakarta) mercantile business of Maclaine Watson, made his fortune from the trade in sugar cultivated by forced peasant labour in the Dutch East Indies (present-day Indonesia). It was the profits from this trade that he used to repurchase the family’s ancestral lands that had been forfeited to their creditors a decade earlier. Donald Maclaine’s enthusiasm for the Highlands was inherited by his Indies-born son, Murdoch Gillian Maclaine (1845–1909), the twenty-third laird, whose life and times, together with those of his wife, Marianne Schwabe-Maclaine (1850–1934), form the main focus of this paper. That enthusiasm extended to the patronage of Gaelic culture and to Highland revivalism in general, but it was also under his stewardship that his family’s cosmopolitan lifestyle revived the less welcome tradition of the ‘luxury trap’, wherein expenditures incurred in London high society also had to contend with declining rentals during a prolonged agricultural depression. Financial pressures of this kind appear to have compelled the twenty-third laird to redevelop Lochbuie in accordance with a late Victorian reimagining of the Highlands as a sporting estate. This was not a gamble that paid off, however, and a once-off infusion of colonial wealth proved inadequate to sustain Lochbuie, which was irretrievably lost to the family during the (brief) tenure of Kenneth Maclaine (1880–1935), the twenty-fourth laird, despite his somewhat unconventional efforts to bolster the family fortunes by taking to the boards in New York and the UK.","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49104167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There are certain commodities that are part of the taken-for-granted background of Scottishness. Cheese is one of them. Dunlop, in particular, has been around since the eighteenth century but, despite its iconic status, its biography has yet to be fully explored. This paper is a preliminary probe, suggesting that Dunlop and its main rival, Scottish Cheddar, were locked in a struggle for pride of place in the national palate. The story is a complex one of knowledge transfer of cheesemaking techniques from Somerset in South-West England coupled with innovation and popularisation by Scottish cheesemakers. One comparative measure of value and quality referred to is price, as derived from newspapers such as the Caledonian Mercury. This shows that traditional Dunlop was less valued than Cheddar in the Scottish market. Lesser demand, lower price, and lower esteem all then contributed to a rethink about the Dunlop system of cheesemaking. From the 1850s onwards Dunlop was increasingly made using elements of the Cheddar recipe and techniques, and by 1890 the two cheeses were indistinguishable in taste and texture. Overall, the paper reassesses a number of actors and events that between them transformed Scottish cheese in the period 1790 to 1890.
{"title":"When Somerset Invaded Ayrshire: A Story of Scottish Cheese, 1790–1890","authors":"P. Atkins","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2022.0353","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2022.0353","url":null,"abstract":"There are certain commodities that are part of the taken-for-granted background of Scottishness. Cheese is one of them. Dunlop, in particular, has been around since the eighteenth century but, despite its iconic status, its biography has yet to be fully explored. This paper is a preliminary probe, suggesting that Dunlop and its main rival, Scottish Cheddar, were locked in a struggle for pride of place in the national palate. The story is a complex one of knowledge transfer of cheesemaking techniques from Somerset in South-West England coupled with innovation and popularisation by Scottish cheesemakers. One comparative measure of value and quality referred to is price, as derived from newspapers such as the Caledonian Mercury. This shows that traditional Dunlop was less valued than Cheddar in the Scottish market. Lesser demand, lower price, and lower esteem all then contributed to a rethink about the Dunlop system of cheesemaking. From the 1850s onwards Dunlop was increasingly made using elements of the Cheddar recipe and techniques, and by 1890 the two cheeses were indistinguishable in taste and texture. Overall, the paper reassesses a number of actors and events that between them transformed Scottish cheese in the period 1790 to 1890.","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46703389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Allan Pinkerton (1819–1884) has a conflicted legacy. To some, the founder of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency (PNDA) pioneered law and order on the American frontier, upheld principles of racial equality, and prepared the way for better public police forces including the FBI. To others, Pinkerton betrayed the values of his Scottish youth: he had been a champion of militant workers in Scotland, and participated in revolutionary uprisings in Wales and England, yet was instrumental in crushing organised labour in the United States. In truth, Pinkerton never played a part in Wales’ Newport uprising, and took with him, when he crossed the Atlantic in 1842, knowhow about repression that he had acquired on his native soil. He may have learned about informers because he was one of their victims, or he may have promoted labour espionage in Pennsylvania in the 1870s because he had been himself an informer before he emigrated. The Scottish authorities’ deliberate abstinence from record-keeping and the serial, defensive destruction of PNDA records mean it is impossible to prove or disprove the informer hypothesis, but the role of the informer in Scottish political culture does help to explain Pinkerton’s behaviour and apparent hypocrisy.
{"title":"Allan Pinkerton: Informed Scot or Scottish Informer?","authors":"R. Jeffreys‐jones","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2022.0354","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2022.0354","url":null,"abstract":"Allan Pinkerton (1819–1884) has a conflicted legacy. To some, the founder of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency (PNDA) pioneered law and order on the American frontier, upheld principles of racial equality, and prepared the way for better public police forces including the FBI. To others, Pinkerton betrayed the values of his Scottish youth: he had been a champion of militant workers in Scotland, and participated in revolutionary uprisings in Wales and England, yet was instrumental in crushing organised labour in the United States. In truth, Pinkerton never played a part in Wales’ Newport uprising, and took with him, when he crossed the Atlantic in 1842, knowhow about repression that he had acquired on his native soil. He may have learned about informers because he was one of their victims, or he may have promoted labour espionage in Pennsylvania in the 1870s because he had been himself an informer before he emigrated. The Scottish authorities’ deliberate abstinence from record-keeping and the serial, defensive destruction of PNDA records mean it is impossible to prove or disprove the informer hypothesis, but the role of the informer in Scottish political culture does help to explain Pinkerton’s behaviour and apparent hypocrisy.","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44835480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines Scottish commodity market integration from 1630 to 1815. The Scottish economy developed rapidly in this period, with expansion driven by specialisation in agricultural production and the development of markets. We test for price convergence and market efficiency using grain prices from Scotland's fiars courts records. Our results suggest that in the long run price convergence increased across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries but experienced temporary declines in times of famine and war. The civil war and Cromwellian occupation of the Scottish Lowlands in the 1640s and 1650s, famine in the 1690s, the American War of Independence, and the Napoleonic Wars all caused declines in price convergence. Using a dynamic factor model, we find that market efficiency increased substantially in Scottish markets from the late seventeenth century. This analysis shows that price changes followed distinct regional trends in the east and west of the country in the late seventeenth century but had become strongly integrated at a national level by the eighteenth century.
{"title":"Price Convergence and Market Efficiency in Early Modern Scotland","authors":"Dan Cassidy, N. Hanley","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2022.0352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2022.0352","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines Scottish commodity market integration from 1630 to 1815. The Scottish economy developed rapidly in this period, with expansion driven by specialisation in agricultural production and the development of markets. We test for price convergence and market efficiency using grain prices from Scotland's fiars courts records. Our results suggest that in the long run price convergence increased across the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries but experienced temporary declines in times of famine and war. The civil war and Cromwellian occupation of the Scottish Lowlands in the 1640s and 1650s, famine in the 1690s, the American War of Independence, and the Napoleonic Wars all caused declines in price convergence. Using a dynamic factor model, we find that market efficiency increased substantially in Scottish markets from the late seventeenth century. This analysis shows that price changes followed distinct regional trends in the east and west of the country in the late seventeenth century but had become strongly integrated at a national level by the eighteenth century.","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46386947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Craig Lamont, The Cultural Memory of Georgian Glasgow","authors":"J. Young","doi":"10.3366/jshs.2022.0356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3366/jshs.2022.0356","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":41986,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Scottish Historical Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.2,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48037638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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