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Aboriginal Policy Studies最新文献

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Indigenous Genocide and Reanimation, Settler Apocalypse and Hope 土著种族灭绝与复兴,定居者启示与希望
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29425
K. Tallbear
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引用次数: 1
From Reconciliation to ‘Idle No More’: ‘Articulation’ and Indigenous Struggle in Canada 从和解到“不再无所事事”:“表达”与加拿大的土著斗争
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29412
M. Robertson
How do different discourses lead to changes in understandings of the world, identity, meaning and practice in Indigenous politics in Canada? This article introduces the poststructuralist theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to Canadian Indigenous studies and demonstrates that it is a unique and effective theory for understanding this question. It finds that in the last few decades, two principal discourses regarding Indigenous peoples and colonialism have circulated in the Canadian body politic—namely, (1) “reconciliation” and (2) “Idle No More.” These discourses shape the identities of both Indigenous peoples and settlers, construct understandings of the world, and determine the meaning of related political struggle, leading to real world practice and politics. The reconciliation discourse has at times been effective at becoming a dominant discourse and has often been able to constitute the meaning of important terms such as ‘decolonization.’ It serves to pacify Indigenous resistance to colonialism. Counter-hegemonic discourses on reconciliation such as ‘Idle No More’ have been able to challenge that discourse. Academic literature, newspaper articles, YouTube videos, podcasts developed by Indigenous scholars, public letters and speeches delivered by Canadian politicians are analyzed to examine the utterances and enunciations of the two discourses.
不同的话语如何导致加拿大原住民政治对世界、身份、意义和实践的理解发生变化?本文将Ernesto Laclau和Chantal Mouffe的后结构主义理论引入到加拿大土著研究中,证明它是理解这一问题的独特而有效的理论。研究发现,在过去的几十年里,关于土著民族和殖民主义的两种主要话语在加拿大政治体系中流传,即:(1)“和解”和(2)“不再无所事事”。这些话语塑造了土著人民和定居者的身份,构建了对世界的理解,并决定了相关政治斗争的意义,导致了现实世界的实践和政治。和解话语有时有效地成为主导话语,并经常能够构成诸如“非殖民化”等重要术语的含义。这是为了安抚原住民对殖民主义的反抗。关于和解的反霸权话语,如“不再无所事事”,已经能够挑战这种话语。本文分析了学术文献、报纸文章、YouTube视频、原住民学者制作的播客、加拿大政治家的公开信和演讲,以考察这两种话语的表达方式。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Indigenous women and street gangs: Survivance narratives 书评:土著妇女和街头帮派:生存叙事
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29422
J. Koch
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引用次数: 0
Editor's Introduction 编辑器的介绍
Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29423
Chris Andersen
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引用次数: 0
Analysis of Crime, Incarceration, Victimization and Employment of Indigenous Persons in Canada from 2015 to 2021 2015年至2021年加拿大土著居民犯罪、监禁、受害和就业分析
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29414
Jordyn Laird, Philip G. Laird
This study investigated involved a review of trends from five Statistics Canada databases on criminality, victimization, custody in correctional services, adult admissions to community services, and general labour force levels in the 6 years following the release of the December 2015 Truth and Reconciliation Commission Report. Although there did not appear to be a general decline in criminality, victimization, or overall custody of Indigenous persons in Canada from 2015 to 2021, minor improvements in the nature of intra-community victimization, admissions to community services to serve sentences, and increased employment among Indigenous persons in Canada were observed. Discussion focuses on the short- and long-term implications of the TRC report with respect to meaningful impacts on the lives of indigenous people in Canada.
这项调查研究涉及对加拿大统计局五个数据库的趋势进行审查,这些数据库涉及2015年12月真相与和解委员会报告发布后的6年内犯罪、受害、惩教机构羁押、成人进入社区服务和一般劳动力水平。尽管从2015年到2021年,加拿大土著人的犯罪率、受害率或总体监护率似乎没有普遍下降,但在社区内受害的性质、接受社区服务服刑以及加拿大土著人就业增加方面,情况略有改善。讨论的重点是真相与和解委员会报告对加拿大土著人民生活的有意义影响的短期和长期影响。
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引用次数: 0
NAISA Council Statement on Indigenous Identity Fraud NAISA理事会关于土著身份欺诈的声明
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29426
Native American and Indigenous Studies Association
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引用次数: 1
Remaining Unreconciled: Philanthropy and Indigenous Governance in Canada 仍未协调:加拿大的慈善事业和土著治理
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29419
Damien Lee
While the Income Tax Act provides structure to philanthropic activity in Canada, an Indigenist reading of it shows that it is also a part of state-building at the expense of inherent Indigenous governance systems. By shaping philanthropic gift giving, this paper shows, the act plays a role in precluding inherent Indigenous leaders from accessing fiscal support based on their own political authority.
虽然《所得税法》为加拿大的慈善活动提供了结构,但Indigenist对其的解读表明,它也是国家建设的一部分,而牺牲了固有的土著治理体系。本文表明,通过塑造慈善捐赠,该法案在阻止固有的土著领导人基于自己的政治权威获得财政支持方面发挥了作用。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous Identity Fraud: An Interview with Caroline Tait 原住民身份欺诈:专访卡洛琳·泰特
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i2.29424
Robert Henry, Caroline L. Tait
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引用次数: 1
Determining the “Core of Indianness:” A Feminist Political Economy of NIL/TU,O v. BCGEU 确定“印度性的核心”:NIL/TU的女性主义政治经济学,O诉BCGEU
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i1.29399
Adam R. King, V. Coburn, Leah F. Vosko, Rebecca Hall, O. Lyubchenko, A. Noack
In light of Bill C-92, which establishes a framework for delegating child and family service provision to Indigenous communities, this article addresses the contested regulation of employment and labour relations in Indigenous social service workplaces. It approaches this subject by looking back at NIL/TU,O Child and Family Services Society v. B.C. Government and Service Employees’ Union, a case in which employees at a First Nations child and family services provider attempted to unionize. NIL/TU,O set in motion a legal battle over the jurisdiction of Indigenous labour relations that ultimately reached the Supreme Court of Canada in 2010. The SCC’s determined that the labours of the Indigenous workers at NIȽ TU,O Child and Family Services are a matter of provincial jurisdiction because they fall outside of the “core of Indianness,“ a contested legal  concept used to designate federal legislative power over First Nations peoples. Using Indigenous feminisms and a feminist political economy approach, we argue that this decision rests on gendered appraisals – and, indeed, obfuscations – of social reproduction labour.  Bill C-92 necessitates revisiting the case history in NIL/TU,O because of the ways in which it seems to conflict with the new Act.  We suggest that the uncertainty surrounding jurisdiction over Indigenous labour has the dual potential of, on the one hand, being used strategically for exploitative or dis-possessive purposes, or, on the other hand, taken up as a opening for increased self-determination by Indigenous peoples.
根据第C-92号法案,该法案确立了将儿童和家庭服务委托给土著社区的框架,该条处理了在土著社会服务工作场所对就业和劳动关系的有争议的规定。它通过回顾NIL/TU,O儿童和家庭服务协会诉不列颠哥伦比亚省政府和服务雇员工会的案例来探讨这个问题,在这个案例中,第一民族儿童和家庭服务提供者的雇员试图成立工会。NIL/TU,O发起了一场关于土著劳工关系管辖权的法律斗争,最终于2010年到达加拿大最高法院。SCC决定,NIȽ TU,O儿童和家庭服务中心的土著工人的劳动属于省级管辖范围,因为他们不属于“印第安核心”,这是一个有争议的法律概念,用于指定联邦对第一民族的立法权。利用本土女权主义和女权主义政治经济学方法,我们认为,这一决定取决于对社会再生产劳动的性别评价——实际上是混淆。法案C-92需要重新审视NIL/TU,O的案例历史,因为它似乎与新法案相冲突。我们认为,围绕土著劳工管辖权的不确定性具有双重潜力,一方面,被战略性地用于剥削或剥夺的目的,或者,另一方面,被视为土著人民增加自决的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Why Race Still Matters by Alana Lentin 《为什么种族仍然重要》,Alana Lentin著
IF 0.5 Pub Date : 2022-03-31 DOI: 10.5663/aps.v10i1.29391
Leah Hrycun
n/a
没有
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Aboriginal Policy Studies
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