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Personality traits, biographical variables and attitudes to money among Austrian students 奥地利学生的个性特征、生平变量与金钱态度
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2020.1.4
Reinhard Furtner
Previous research in many parts of the world has linked personality traits and biographical variables to certain money-related-attitude factors, while the situation in Austria has hardly been investigated so far. The purpose of this study was to identify possible relations between personality traits, biographical variables (independent variables), and money attitude factors (dependent variables)
世界上许多地方以前的研究都把人格特征和传记变量与某些与金钱有关的态度因素联系起来,而奥地利的情况迄今为止几乎没有调查过。本研究的目的是找出人格特质、传记变量(自变量)和金钱态度因素(因变量)之间可能的关系。
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引用次数: 0
The impasse of Khilonjia identity in Assam 阿萨姆邦的Khilonjia身份僵局
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2020.1.10
Debajyoti Biswas
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引用次数: 0
What do business associations do? 商业协会做什么?
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2020.1.3
G. Molnár
This article provides a review of the literature on business associations (BAs) in line with the following questions: (1) What are the economic roles of BAs, (2) How are BAs institutionalized, and (3) What drives BAs to engage in socially beneficial or harmful activities? Challenging the popular distinction between beneficial, market-supporting and harmful, rent-seeking (lobbying) goals of BAs, we demonstrate that there are three major economic roles of BAs, all of which can involve activities linked to the private order and the public order, and all of which can be socially beneficial or harmful. We also challenge the proposition that institutional strength is needed for BAs to fulfil beneficial economic roles, highlighting that BAs have three main institutional functions, and the level of institutionalization of each of the functions can be different in relation to their beneficial economic roles. We suggest that whether BAs tend toward engage in in socially beneficial or harmful activities depends on their private-order and publicorder institutional limitations.
本文根据以下问题对商业协会的文献进行了回顾:(1)商业协会的经济作用是什么,(2)商业协会是如何制度化的,(3)是什么驱使商业协会从事对社会有益或有害的活动?我们挑战了BAs有益的、支持市场的和有害的、寻租(游说)目标之间的普遍区别,证明了BAs有三个主要的经济角色,所有这些角色都可能涉及与私人秩序和公共秩序相关的活动,所有这些都可能对社会有益或有害。我们还挑战了银行要发挥有益的经济作用需要制度实力的命题,强调银行有三种主要的制度功能,每种功能的制度化水平可能因其有益的经济作用而不同。我们认为,大学生是否倾向于从事对社会有益或有害的活动取决于他们的私人秩序和公共秩序制度限制。
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引用次数: 1
A comparison of Pride Parade’s media representation in Hungary and Ireland Pride Parade在匈牙利和爱尔兰的媒体形象比较
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2019.2.4
Réka Tamássy
In this study I aim to define and compare lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBTQ) media representation in Hungary and Ireland. The analysis was carried out on television reports about the Pride Parade. News reports were analyzed between 2009 and 2016 on two Hungarian (M1 and RTL Klub) and one Irish (Raidio Teilifis Eireann) television channel. The bases of the comparison were the differences in political discourse and the level of acceptance of LGBTQ people. To analyze this media portrayal, two methods were used: code-based content analysis, and critical discourse analysis. With the two methods, the media frames in which Pride was represented could be defined. RTE turned out to be the most accepting of the media under analysis, while RTL Klub emphasized the support of multinational companies, celebrities, and ambassadors for Pride. From 2014, the latter channel’s frame shifted towards sensitization. M1’s framing was the least accepting; by 2013 the distant representation had become hostile and explicitly alienating.
在这项研究中,我旨在定义和比较匈牙利和爱尔兰的女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋和酷儿(LGBTQ)媒体表现。这项分析是在有关同性恋大游行的电视报道中进行的。2009年至2016年,两个匈牙利(M1和RTL俱乐部)和一个爱尔兰(Teilifis Eireann广播电台)电视频道的新闻报道进行了分析。比较的基础是政治话语的差异和对LGBTQ人群的接受程度。为了分析这种媒体形象,使用了两种方法:基于代码的内容分析和批评话语分析。通过这两种方法,可以定义Pride所代表的媒体框架。分析结果显示,RTE是接受度最高的媒体,而RTL俱乐部则强调跨国企业、名人、Pride大使的支持。从2014年开始,后一个渠道的框架转向了敏化。M1的框架是最不让人接受的;到2013年,这种遥远的代表已经变得充满敌意和明显的疏远。
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引用次数: 1
Transforming Brexit Britain 改变脱欧后的英国
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2019.2.6
A. Ryder
The article gives an overview of the key cultural and structural factors behind nationalist populism and the decision to leave the European Union as a result of the referendum staged in Britain in 2016 (Brexit). The article seeks to identify socio-economic and cultural changes that might counter nationalist populism in Britain through a renewed Social Europe, civil society and cosmopolitanism. The paper also considers how a renewed democracy might create the platform for transformative change.
这篇文章概述了民族主义民粹主义背后的关键文化和结构因素,以及2016年英国公投(脱欧)后脱欧的决定。这篇文章试图通过更新的社会欧洲、公民社会和世界主义来确定可能对抗英国民族主义民粹主义的社会经济和文化变革。该论文还考虑了一个新的民主国家如何为变革创造平台。
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引用次数: 0
Social investment in the Baltic states: Benefits against poverty and distribution of social risks over the life course 波罗的海国家的社会投资:消除贫困的好处和整个生命过程中社会风险的分配
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2019.2.2
Daiva Skučienė, Romas Lazutka
Prevention against social risks through investment in human capital serves as the main focus of social investment. The social investment perspective suggests that social protection benefits should ensure adequate income maintenance over the life course. The goal of the current study is twofold: to analyse the role of social benefits that protect against poverty and look at the distribution of social risks over the life course with a focus on of social investment in the Baltic States drawing on microdata of EU-SILC 2015. In addition, the study uses Eurostat data to explore spending on social protection and investments in human capital, classified as “Old” and “New” risks, during 2005-2014. The findings of the study suggest that low spending on social welfare in the Baltic States cannot ensure adequate income guarantees for the population at risk as well as lower dependency on welfare state benefits.
通过人力资本投资预防社会风险是社会投资的主要重点。从社会投资的角度来看,社会保护福利应确保在整个人生过程中有足够的收入维持。本研究的目标有两个:分析防止贫困的社会福利的作用,并研究社会风险在整个生命过程中的分布,重点是利用欧盟-国际劳工组织2015年的微观数据对波罗的海国家的社会投资进行研究。此外,该研究使用欧盟统计局的数据来探讨2005-2014年期间社会保护支出和人力资本投资,分为“旧”和“新”风险。研究结果表明,波罗的海国家在社会福利方面的低支出无法确保为面临风险的人口提供足够的收入保障,也无法降低对福利国家福利的依赖。
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引用次数: 0
New challenges for urban ethnic community research: Digitalization and collaboration 城市民族社区研究面临的新挑战:数字化与协作
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2019.2.8
Zsolt Szijártó
The focus of this study is one of the frequently emerging topics of social science research: the investigation of metropolitan ethnic communities. The socio-political-media-cultural changes of recent decades (globalization, mediatization, digitization) have completely transformed the phenomenon of metropolitan migration; new questions and problems have been raised for social scientists, politicians, and various social groups, which have encouraged them to apply new approaches. The study showcases the new perspectives and methodological possibilities of research into metropolitan ethnic communities, one of which is digitization and the other is collaborativity. The novelty of posing this question is methodological. The study describes how knowledge generated by ethnic communities can be gathered with their help, then organized and reused in urban planning processes.  It involves at the same time urban researchers, social scientists studying ethnic groups, and urban planners. The empirical background of this study is anthropological fieldwork undertaken in the Hungarian diaspora in Berlin.
本研究的重点是社会科学研究中经常出现的主题之一:大都市民族社区的调查。近几十年的社会政治媒体文化变革(全球化、媒介化、数字化)彻底改变了大都市移民现象;社会科学家、政治家和各种社会团体提出了新的问题和问题,鼓励他们应用新的方法。这项研究展示了大都市民族社区研究的新视角和方法论可能性,其中一个是数字化,另一个是协作性。提出这个问题的新颖之处在于方法论。该研究描述了如何在少数民族社区的帮助下收集、组织和重复使用少数民族社区产生的知识。它同时涉及城市研究人员、研究种族群体的社会科学家和城市规划者。本研究的实证背景是在柏林的匈牙利侨民中进行的人类学田野调查。
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引用次数: 0
Class conflict, fiscal policy, and wage-led demand: A model of Kalecki’s Political Business Cycle 阶级冲突、财政政策和工资主导的需求:卡莱茨基的政治商业周期模型
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.14267/CJSSP.2019.2.3
Giorgos Gouzoulis, Collin Constantine
This paper provides a demand-driven growth model of Kalecki’s (1943) political business cycle. It incorporates the three fundamental assumptions that govern Kalecki’s model: wage-led demand, the reserve army of labour effect, and the capitalists’ disproportionate power over fiscal policy. In our model, endogenous cycles are the outcome of the capitalists’ changing preferences over fiscal policy. The decreasing opposition to fiscal expansion by capitalists triggers the boom phase of the cycle, lest demand deficiency leads to a slowdown in accumulation. The downturn of the cycle is induced by the capitalists’ rising opposition to government spending, lest the workers’ growing political power at the peak of the cycle undermine their influence. This is unlike Goodwin and neoclassical PBC models, where a profit squeeze and the timing of elections or political ideologies determine cycles.
本文提出了卡莱茨基(1943)政治经济周期的需求驱动增长模型。它包含了支配卡莱茨基模型的三个基本假设:工资主导的需求、劳动力后备军效应以及资本家对财政政策不成比例的权力。在我们的模型中,内生周期是资本家对财政政策偏好变化的结果。资本家对财政扩张的反对减弱,触发了周期的繁荣阶段,以免需求不足导致积累放缓。经济周期的低迷是由资本家越来越反对政府开支引起的,以免工人在经济周期的顶峰时期不断增长的政治权力削弱他们的影响力。这与古德温和新古典的PBC模型不同,在这些模型中,利润挤压和选举或政治意识形态的时间决定了周期。
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引用次数: 3
The paradigm of the creative class in regional and urban development revisited. An overview 创意阶层在区域和城市发展中的范式重新审视。概述
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2019.2.9
J. Faludi
Since the era of industrial capitalism when location started playing an important role in attracting industry and trade and boosting the economy, the role of knowledge and a high level of skills has grown in post-industrial regional economic theory. What makes the heated debate around creativity and the contribution of Richard Florida’s work particularly valuable is that it fosters an interdisciplinary discussion about the role of creativity, culture, talent, and diversity in urban and regional development. Despite the vividness and edginess of these debates at times, it seems that the related criticisms, based on a body of evidence, did not originally penetrate policymaker discourse, and only one-and-a-half decades later were embraced when problems stemming from socioeconomic crises and the flaws of creative policymaking reared their head more explicitly. Florida’s revelations, which were elevated into the popular arena of city-level policies and governance, did not contain much that was new. This paper tracks how the concept of the “creative class” has been tested, argued about, rejected and applied since then on a wide set of practices and experiences in the urban and regional framework.
自工业资本主义时代以来,当区位开始在吸引工业和贸易以及提振经济方面发挥重要作用时,知识和高水平技能在后工业区域经济理论中的作用就越来越大。围绕创造力和Richard Florida工作贡献的激烈辩论之所以特别有价值,是因为它促进了关于创造力、文化、人才和多样性在城市和地区发展中的作用的跨学科讨论。尽管这些辩论有时生动而尖锐,但基于大量证据的相关批评似乎最初并没有渗透到决策者的话语中,仅仅十五年后,当社会经济危机和创造性决策的缺陷引起的问题更加明确地出现时,这些批评才被接受。佛罗里达州的爆料被提升到了受欢迎的城市级政策和治理领域,并没有包含太多新的内容。本文追踪了自那时以来,“创意阶层”的概念是如何在城市和地区框架内的一系列实践和经验中被测试、争论、拒绝和应用的。
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引用次数: 3
Contours of an Israeli-Palestinian peace settlement 以色列-巴勒斯坦和平解决方案的轮廓
IF 0.4 Q4 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2019-12-31 DOI: 10.14267/cjssp.2019.2.5
A. Oberschall
Israelis and Palestinians have off-loaded the cost of their conflict to outsiders. The massive subsidies for Palestinians should be gradually withdrawn and Israel should pay rent for the settlements and lands it occupies. This rent will fund the Palestinian economy and act as compensation in lieu of the right of return. The Palestinian state will be demilitarized and neutral, and become viable through economic ties to Israel and international aid. Two states will  coexist along the 1967 Green Line, and East Jerusalem will be made part of “Jerusalem: one city, two capitals.” Peace-making will be backed by the major international stakeholders and the agreement will  be legitimized by voters in both countries. No one is under any illusions about the obstacles to an Israeli-Palestinian  peace agreement. Yet ideas that seem far fetched in time become actionable: for decades no one expected that majority rule in South Africa would be peacefully achieved, and few anticipated that Franco-German cooperation and alliance after two bloody World Wars would give birth to the European Union.
以色列人和巴勒斯坦人已经将冲突的代价转嫁给了局外人。对巴勒斯坦人的巨额补贴应该逐步取消,以色列应该为其占领的定居点和土地支付租金。这笔租金将为巴勒斯坦经济提供资金,并作为补偿代替返回权。巴勒斯坦国将实现非军事化和中立,并通过与以色列的经济联系和国际援助变得可行。两个国家将沿着1967年绿线共存,东耶路撒冷将成为“耶路撒冷:一座城市,两个首都”的一部分。和平建设将得到主要国际利益攸关方的支持,该协议将得到两国选民的合法化。没有人对以巴和平协议的障碍抱有任何幻想。然而,随着时间的推移,看似牵强的想法变得可行:几十年来,没有人预料到南非的多数统治会和平实现,也很少有人预料到法德在两次血腥的世界大战后的合作与联盟会催生欧盟。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Corvinus Journal of Sociology and Social Policy
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